A Postmaster in the county of Doddridge, in this State, wrote recently to Gov. Wise, asking information as to what disposition he should make of such  incendiary newspapers as the New York Tribune, and others of that stamp from Ohio, received in that county.  The Governor referred the matter to John Randolph Tucker, Etc., the Attorney-General for this State, and probably the ablest constitutional lawyer in the Commonwealth, for his opinion.  Mr. Tucker examined the subject very carefully, and, as will be seen by his opinion, which I herewith transmit, disposed satisfactorily of the apparent conflict of jurisdiction between the State and Federal authorities involved in this question: -

     SIR, - The question is submitted to me for an opinion as to the effect of the law of Virginia upon the distribution of mail matter when it is of an incendiary character.  A newspaper printed in the State of Ohio, propagating abolition doctrines, is sent to a person through a post office in Virginia.  What is the duty of the Post master in the premises?
     The law of Virginia (code of Va., chap. 198, sec. 24) provides that "If a Postmaster or Deputy Postmaster know that any such book or writing (referring to such as advise or incite negroes to rebel or make insurrection, or inculcate resistance to the right of property of masters in their slaves)

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has been received at his office in the mail, he shall give notice  thereof to some Justice, who shall inquire into the circumstances, and have such book or writing burned in his presence; if it appear to him that the person to whom it was directed subscribed therefor, knowing its character, or agreed to receive it for circulation to aid the purposes of abolitionists, the Justice shall commit such person to jail.  If any Postmaster or Deputy Postmaster violate this section, he shall be fined not exceeding two hundred dollars."
     This law is obligatory upon every Postmaster and Deputy Postmaster in the Commonwealth; and it is his duty, upon being aware that such book or writing is received at his office, to notify a Justice of the fact, that he may take the proceedings prescribed in the section quoted.
     This State law is entirely constitutional, and does not, properly considered, conflict with the Federal authority in the establishment of post offices and post roads.  This Federal power to transmit and carry mail matter does not carry with it the power to publish or to circulate.  This last is a great State power, reserved and absolutely necessary to be maintained as a security to its citizens and to their rights.  If the States had surrendered this power, it world, in these important particulars, have been at the mercy of the Federal authorities.
     With the transmission of the mail matter to the point of its reception, the Federal power ceases.  At that point, the power of the State becomes exclusive.  Whether her citizens shall receive the mail matter, is a question exclusively for her determination.  Whatever her regulation upon the subject, is for her decision alone, and no one can gainsay it.  Her sovereign right to make it closes the door to cavil and objection. 
     It is true the Postmaster is an officer of the Federal Government, but it is equally true he is a citizen of the State.  By taking the Federal office, he cannot avoid his duty as a citizen; and the obligation to perform the duty of his office cannot absolve him from obedience to the laws of his  Commonwealth, nor will they be found to conflict.  The State, in the case supposed, holds the hand of her citizen from receiving what is sent to him, and takes it herself.  No citizen has the right to receive an invitation to treason against the commands of his State, and her law forbidding it and command-

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ing it to be burned, refers to the right of the citizen to receive, not to the right of the Federal power to transmit and carry mail matter intended for him, which he does not receive, only because the law of the State forbids it.
     I have no hesitation in saying that any law of Congress, impairing directly or indirectly this reserved right of the impairing directly or indirectly this reserved right of the State, is unconstitutional, and that the penalty of the State law would be imposed upon a Postmaster offending against it, though he should plead his duty to obey such unconstitutional act of Congress.
     If there be a conflict, therefore, between the postal regulations of Congress and this law of Virginia, it is because the former have transcended their true constitutional limits, and have trenched upon the reserved rights of the State.  In such a case the citizen, though a Postmaster, must take care to obey the legitimate authority, and will not be exempt from the penalty of the State law by reason of any obligation to perform the duties of a Federal office, which are made to invade the reserved jurisdiction of the State in matters involving her safety and her peace.
     It is eminently important that the provisions of the law in question should be rigidly adhered to by all the Postmasters in the State, and that the Justices to whose notice the matter may be brought should firmly execute the law, whenever a proper case presents itself for their decision.

     With high respect, your obedient servant,

     For the Governor.

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LETTER FROM THE POSTMASTER-GENERAL.

     SIR, - I am in receipt of your letter of the 2d inst., in which, after referring to the opinion of the Attorney-General of Virginia sustaining the constitutionality of the statute of that State, denouncing, under heavy penalties, the circulation

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of books, newspapers, pamphlets, &c., tending to incite the slave population to insurrection, you ask to be instructed as to your duty in reference to such documents, should they be received through the mails for distribution at the post office of which you have charge.
     The statute alluded to is in the following words: -

     Sec. 23.  If a free person write, print, or cause to be written or printed, any book or other writing-with intent to advise or incite negroes in this State to rebel or make insurrection, or inculcating resistance to the right of property of masters in their slaves, or if he shall, with intent to aid the purposes of any such book or writing, knowingly circulate the same, he shall be confined in the Penitentiary, not less than one nor more than five years.
     Sec. 24. If any Postmaster or Deputy Postmaster know that any such book or other writing has been received at his office in the mail, he shall give notice thereof to some Justice, who shall inquire into the circumstances, and have such book or writing burned in his presence; if it appear to him that the person to whom it was directed subscribed therefor, knowing its character, or agreed to receive it for circulation to aid the purposes of Abolitionists, the Justice shall commit such person to jail.  If any Postmaster or Deputy Postmaster violate this section, he shall be fined, not exceeding two hundred dollars.

     The point raised by your inquiry is, whether this statute is in conflict with the act of Congress regulating the administration of this Department, which declares that "if any Postmaster shall unlawfully detain in his office any letter, package, pamphlet or newspaper, with the intent to prevent the arrival and delivery of the same to the person or persons to whom such letter, package, pamphlet or newspaper may be
addressed or directed, in the usual course of the transportation of the mail along the route, he shall, on conviction thereof, be fined in a sum not exceeding five hundred dollars, and imprisoned for a term not exceeding six months, and shall moreover be forever thereafter incapable of holding the office of Postmaster in the United States."
     The question thus presented was fully decided by Attorney-General Gushing in the case of the Yazoo City post office.  (Opinions of Attorney-Generals, vol. 8, 489.)  He there held that a statute of Mississippi, in all respects analogous to that of Virginia as cited, was not inconsistent with the act of Congress quoted, prescribing the duties of Postmasters in regard to the delivery of mail matter, and that the latter, as good citizens, were bound to yield obedience to such State laws.

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You are referred to the luminous discussion of the case for the arguments urged by that distinguished civilian in support of the conclusion at which he arrived.  The judgment thus pronounced has been cheerfully acquiesced in by this Department, and is now recognized as one of the guides of its administration.  The authority of Virginia to enact such a law rests upon that right of self-preservation which belongs to every government and people, and which has never been surrendered, nor indeed can it be.  One of the most solemn constitutional obligations imposed on the Federal Government is that of protecting the States against "insurrection" and "domestic violence" - of course, none of its instrumentalities can be lawfully employed in inciting, even in the remotest degree, to this very crime, which involves in its train all others, and with the suppression of which it is specially charged.  You must, under the responsibilities resting upon you as an officer and as a citizen, determine whether the books, pamphlets, newspapers, &c., received by you for distribution, are of the incendiary character described in the statute; and if you believe they are, then you are not only not obliged to deliver them to those to whom they are addressed, but you are empowered and required, by your duty to the State of which you are a citizen, to dispose of them in strict conformity to the provisions of the law referred to.  The people of Virginia may not only forbid the introduction and dissemination of such documents within their borders, but, if brought there in the mails, they may, by appropriate legal proceedings, have them destroyed.  They have the same right to extinguish firebrands thus impiously hurled into the midst of their homes and altars, that a man has to pluck the burning fuse from a bombshell which is about to explode at his feet.

     MR. CHARLES A. ORTON, Postmaster at Falls Church, Va.

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     MR. HORACE GREELEY - SIR, - I hereby inform you that I shall not, in future, deliver from this office the copies of the Tribune which come here, because I believe them to be of that incendiary character which are forbidden circulation alike by the laws of the land, and a proper regard for the safety of society.  You will, therefore, discontinue them.

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     LIFE IN VIRGINIA. - A private letter from a Postmaster in Virginia, whose locality we dare not indicate, for fear of exposing him to mob violence, says: -

     "We are in the midst of a Reign of Terror here.  There is no certainty that letters duly mailed will not be opened on their way.  All men of Northern birch now here are under surveillance by the so-called Vigilance Committee; and any one suspected of thinking slavery less than divine is placed under care.  Those who have been taking the New York Tribune are objects of especial ban.  A company of ten came into the office last Monday, and gave notice that I must not give out any more Tribunes to the subscribers here.  The law of Virginia punishes by fine and imprisonment a Postmaster who gives out what arc denounced as incendiary journals.  The law of the United States punishes by fine and imprisonment, and further incapacitates from ever holding the office again, any Postmaster who shall withhold or refuse to deliver any paper sent to a regular subscriber at his office.  So here I am in a pretty fix."

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     John C. Underwood, Esq., writing to Horace Greeley under date of Occoquan, Prince William Co., Va., Dec. 21st, 1859," says - "There are some ten or twelve copies of the Tribune taken at this office, and the Postmaster refuses to deliver them to the subscribers!  The Attorney-General of this State has pronounced them incendiary!"

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     HARPER'S MAGAZINE AND WEEKLY PROSCRIBED. - The North Carolinian, of Fayetteville, N. C., says:  "We notice these periodicals upon our streets as numerous as ever, after it is ascertained that G. W. Curtis, one of the editors, is an infamous Abolitionist, and that one of the Harpers has given a large sum of money to the Brown sympathizers.  Should these papers be allowed to circulate so profusely in our midst?  We notice that his Honor, Judge Saunders, put a stop to the sale of these papers in Raleigh.  We would like to know why they are not stopped here.  Are we to see these Abolition sheets upon our street without a word of rebuke?"

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     MORE MOB SPIRIT. - On Friday evening, of last week, the editor of the peninsular News, a most excellent anti-slavery paper, published at Milford, Delaware, received an intimation that a mob of violent men were making arrangements to attack his office, and destroy the press and type.  The matter having leaked out, several substantial citizens of Milford repaired to the office, and volunteered to assist in its defence.  The mob collected around the office in considerable numbers, but concluded that the movement was not popular enough in that town, and retired.  The attempt has created much indignation among the best portion of the citizens of Milford, who know that the News is telling the truth about slavery, and that mobs and all the efforts of Slavery-ridden Democrats will not stop the spread of such truths as it publishes.

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     Norris F. Stearns, of Greenfield, Mass., a straight-out Democrat, was recently driven from Georgetown, S. C., where he went to sell maps, because he was from the North; and a subscriber to the Greenfield Gazette, in Georgia, has been obliged to discontinue his subscription on account of the anti-Northern feeling there.  Nothing sectional in these and similar incidents, of course!  The South is composed of national men!

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EXPULSIONS OF CITIZENS OF KENTUCKY.

     The Cincinnati Commercial of Dec. 31st, says that thirty-six persons arrived in that city from Kentucky, on the 30th, having been warned to leave the State for the crime of believing slavery to be a sin.  They are from Berea and vicinity in Madison county, neighbors, co-workers and friends of Rev. John G. Fee.
     Among the exiles are Rev. J. A. R. Rogers, principal of a flourishing school at Berea, and his family; J. D. Reed and family; John S. Hanson and family.  Mr. Hanson is a native of Kentucky, and a hard-working, thrifty man.  He had recently erected a steam saw-mill, and owns five hundred acres of land in Madison county, Ky.  The Rev. J. F. Boughton; E. T. Hayes and S. Life, carpenters; A. H. Toney, a native of Tennessee; John Smith, a native of Ohio, a farmer, who has lived in Kentucky some years.  Mr. Smith is described by Mr. Fee as a gray-haired father, a man of prayer, indeed of eminent piety and usefulness.  More than half of the exiles are natives of Southern States, and several are native Kentuckians.  The only offence charged against any of them is that of entertaining abolition sentiments.
     The movement for expelling these men arose from the excitement of the John Brown foray.  At a pro-slavery meeting held at Richmond, at which, according to the Kentucky papers, the "oldest, most respectable, and law-abiding citizens were in attendance," it was resolved on the ground of " self-preservation," to appoint a committee of sixty-five, to remove from among them J. G. Fee, J. A. R. Rogers, and so many of their associates as in their best judgment the peace and safety of society may require.  The committee were instructed to perform this duty"  deliberately and humanely as may be, but most effectually." At the meeting, a letter of J. A. R.
Rogers was read, inviting any gentleman of the county who, from rumor or otherwise, has formed an unfavorable opinion of the community of Berea, to visit it, and learn its true character.  He says: -

     "We do not profess to be faultless, but hope that the compliments for industry, probity and good citizenship, that have been paid us by those of

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the first, rank in the county for wealth and influence, who have made our acquaintance, may be more and more deserved.
     It is universally known that most of us, in common with Washington and a host of others, whom we all delight to honor, believe, believe that slavery is a moral and political evil; that it is the duty and privilege of those holding slaves to free them at the earliest consistent moment, and in such a way as to promote the general good; and that complexion is not the true test for the regard or privileges that should be extended to a man.  We believe, too, that moral and political means only should be used to remove slavery.  Insurrection finds no favor here.  Brother Fee never has, and if his words be known, I doubt not does not now give the least countenance to the use of force in hastening the end of slavery.
     Hoping that our confidence may be fully and intelligently placed in Him who once was despised, but is now exalted to be a prince and saviour, I remain yours respectfully."

     The committee were ordered to carry out the designs of the meeting within ten days, and Mr. Rogers thus describes the warning which he received: -

     "He was in his cottage, when a summons for him to appear was heard.  On going to the door, he discovered an imposing cavalcade, sixty-five well-mounted men being drawn up in warlike array.  He was informed that he had ten days in which to leave the State.  This was on the 23d of December.  He told them that he had not consciously violated any law of the Commonwealth, and that, if he had unconsciously done so, he would be most happy to be tried according to law.  He was informed that they did not know that he had violated any law, but that his principles were incompatible with the public peace, and that he must go.  The charge against him was abolitionism - the penalty, expulsion from the State.
     No harsh or personally disrespectful language was used.  He was even told with much courtesy of word and manner, that he was esteemed as a gentleman, but his presence was offensive on account of his principles.  They laid it down as an axiom, that such sentiments as he entertained were not to be tolerated by a slaveholding people - that abolition doctrines and slaveholding were not to be permitted together -  that one or the other must go under, and that they were resolved he and his friends must go.  They warned him peaceably, but any amount of force necessary to carry out the objects of the Richmond meeting would be unhesitatingly employed.  They appeared now in peace, but if ho did not heed the warning, they would re-appear for war."

     The committee represented the wealth and respectability of Madison county, and was sustained for the most part by public sentiment.  There were, however, quite a number of slaveholders residing in the vicinity, who were opposed to the proceedings of the higher law pro-slavery zealots.
     The Commercial in continuation says: -

     "A paper was circulated through the county for signatures, (over seven hundred of which were obtained,) endorsing the action taken by the Rich-

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mond meeting, and expressive of the sense of the community, that the abolitionists must be driven out.  Those who had charge of this paper do not seem to have had any objections to procuring signatures under false pretences.  A slaveholder was called on, and asked whether he approved of the John Brown foray.  Of course he said he did not.  He was then told to sign that paper.  HE did so, and when he found out the nature of the document, and the real object of obtaining his signature, he was indignant, and wished to withdraw his name, but was deterred by threats from doing so.  No signatures to this paper were obtained in the immediate vicinity of Berea, except in this way, a fact which indicates that the neighbors of the Free Soilers did not think them dangerous citizens.
     There were some friends of the proscribed persons willing to risk everything and stand by them, but knowing that fighting would be unavailing, they concluded to be without the State within the time assigned for their removal.  And they are consequently exiles in our midst, and afford a lesser of the nature of the intolerant despotism of the Slave Power, which should not be lost upon those who are solicitous as to the status of the American States."

     Before leaving, they made an appeal to Gov. Magoffin for protection, and a committee of them presented the Governor the following petition: -

To His Excellency the Governor of the State of Kentucky:

     We, the undersigned, loyal citizens and residents of the State of Kentucky and county of Madison, do respectfully call your attention to the following facts: -
     1. We have come from various parts of this and adjoining States to this county, with the intention of making it our home, have supported ourselves and families by honest industry, and endeavored to promote the interest of religion and education.
     2. It is a principle with us to "submit to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake; unto governors as unto them that are sent by Him for the punishment of evil-doers, and the praise of them that do well," and in accordance with this principle, we have been obedient in all respects to the laws of this State.
     3. Within a few weeks, evil and false reports have been put into circulation, imputing to us motives, words and conduct calculated to inflame the public mind, which imputations are utterly false and groundless.  These imputations we have publicly denied, and offered every facility of the fullest investigation, which we have earnestly but vainly sought.
     4. On Friday, the 23d inst., a company of sixty-two men, claiming to have been appointed by a meeting of the citizens of our county, without any shadow of legal authority, and in violation of the Constitution and laws of the State and United States, called at our respective residences and places of business, and notified us to leave the county and State, and be without this county and State without ten days, and handed us the accompanying document, in which you will see that, unless the said order be promptly complied with, there is expressed a fixed determination to remove us by force.
     In view of these facts, which we can substantiate by the fullest evidence, we respectfully pray that you, in the exercise of the power vested in you

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by the Constitution, and made your duty to use, do protect us in our rights as loyal citizens of the Commonwealth of the State of Kentucky.

     BEREA, Madison Co., Ky., Dec. 24th, 1859.

     Gov. Magoffin, says the Commercial, received the bearers of the petition (Reed and Hayes) courteously, and advised them for the sake of preserving the peace of the State, to leave it!  He said that the public mind was deeply moved by the events in Virginia, and that until the excitement subsided, their presence in the State would be dangerous, and he could not engage to protect them from their fellow-citizens who had resolved that they must go.
     He promised them security while taking their departure, and that their property should be protected.  They say that, for the most part, they were treated politely by those who have driven them from their homes, and they have hopes that presently the people of Kentucky will take a sober thought, and allow them to return to their several places of abode and accustomed avocations.
     It is certainly not a light matter to drive out of a State men who build steam saw-mills, improve farms, keep schools, and labor faithfully as ministers of the Gospel, and who give no provocation to any in any way - who offend against no law - who make no war upon society - and who merely hold that slavery is a sin, and teach that it should come to an end in God's own good time.  The steam-mill of Mr. Hanson was doing well until he was constrained to abandon it.  The school of Mr. Rogers was in a flourishing condition having nearly a hundred pupils during the last term, a great portion of them the children of slaveholders.  Kentucky cannot afford to drive beyond her borders the men who build mills and academies.
     The exiles seem in good sprits.  They do not indulge even in unkind words about those who have made them homeless.  They seem to be divided in opinion as to their course in future.  They all hope to go back to Old Kentucky, and live, labor, and die on her soil.  Some fear they cannot go back, and

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think of looking out for employment in the free States; and they have vague ideas of appealing for protection in their rights and immunities as citizens to the Federal Government.

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LETTER FROM REV. JOHN G. FEE.

     The following is an extract from a letter of Mr. Fee to one of the Secretaries of the American Missionary Association, dated Germantown, Bracken County, Ky., Jan. 25th: -

     "I am enduring a great trial.  The floods come over me.  I am again to be driven out, by a more overwhelming force than was in Madison county.  Last Monday, it was supposed there came from eight hundred to a thousand people at the county seat.  With almost unanimous rush, the mass gathered from the two counties, (I am near the Mason county line,) and resolved to drive me out.  Some ten or twelve days are given
us to leave.  A committee of one hundred men are appointed to come, and warn us to go.  I have sought counsel of the Lord, and of friends.  There can be no human protection.  I am to be driven out from one of the best communities in the State.
     A few days since, I went to Germantown, to talk with the leading influential citizens.  I desired to meet them face to face to talk over the positions I assume, and the evils of mob violence.  Brother Humlong, a man of true excellence, went with me.
     We called, and talked freely with many, A physician, of commanding position in society, speaking of the people of Bethesda, friends of the Church, said, "I wish to Heaven all Kentucky was as that neighborhood."  The people," said he, "are industrious, quiet, upright citizens," and then repeated his wish!  Now from this scene" of thrift I must be driven, from relatives, from the dear brethren and sisters in the Church, and friends around.  Also from the plan or prospect of building up churches in Kentucky, and, still harder, from the prospect of carrying to the people of Kentucky the only

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Gospel that can save.  I can understand, now, why the Savior wept over Jerusalem, as he saw that people about to push the cup of Salvation from them.  Oh, how I wish I could be with you, to tell the anguish of my heart for others, and to plan for the future!  The giving up of property, home, all earthly considerations, are not so painful as the idea of giving up these churches, and the privilege of laboring directly with and for the people of Kentucky.  How shall I go away, and give up this work?  I cannot give it up.  I must only change my place of labor for a time.  For years I have had unceasing care and toil to get things so established here, that I could have a prospect of their standing.  Other brethren have toiled for a like object.  We hoped then to have rest of spirit, and to rejoice in that reaped growth, which we then expected to see when we should have lived down much of the opposition, and seen confidence secured.  The rest has not yet come.  The viper that now stings, has been nurtured into strength in the bosom of the denominations around us.  Church and State have been warming into life that which is now poisoning their vitals, and ruthlessly destroying all law and order.  The abomination of desolation is working.  Can, oh, can this nation be roused to the work of exterminating this monster, Slavery?  It can be done by means peaceful and legitimate, if Christians and philanthropists will only, at once, do their duty, in Church and State.
     Brother Hanson, Griffin, Mallett, Holman, and Robinson, are ordered to leave here.  Brother Davis (Rev. J. S. Davis, of Cabin Creek, Lewis Co.,) is also driven out.  A tremendous meeting for that purpose preceded the one held here."

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ANOTHER EXPULSION FROM KENTUCKY.

     Some of the persons lately expelled from Berea, Madison County, Kentucky, having manifested an intention of taking up their abode in Bracken and Lewis Counties, strong manifestations of displeasure have been exhibited by a portion of the inhabitants of those localities.  The excitement has been

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growing more intense for a week or two past, and at last found its vent in meetings, the proceedings of which we annex.
     On Saturday, the 21st, a public meeting was held at Orangeburg, Mason County, where the following resolutions were passed: -

     Whereas, Our fellow citizens of the county of Madison have recently expelled therefrom the Rev. John G. Fee - a radical Abolitionist and zealous agent and emissary of the Anti-Slavery Societies of the North - and many confederates in the dissemination of his principles, and the accomplishment of the illegal and dangerous purposes of his mission; be it, therefore,
     1.  Resolved, That we approve of the action of the citizens of Madison county, rendered, as we believe, necessary and justifiable by a proper regard for the protection of their property, and the safety and security of their families.
     2.  That no Abolitionist has a right to establish himself in the slave-holding community, and disseminate opinions and principles destructive of its tranquility and safety.
     3.  That forbearance ought nor will not by us be extended to those persons who come hither with intent to, and who do actually interfere with our rights of property or domestic institutions.  Our own peace, and the good of the slaves, alike demand their expulsion.
     4.  That Kentucky has never assailed, openly or covertly, the rights or institutions of the North, nor will she suffer, silently or unrepelled, any aggression upon those guaranteed to her, either by her own or that of the Constitution of the United States.
     5.  That we desire and demand to be "let alone,  leaving our officious and philanthropic friends at the North and elsewhere to work out their personal and social "salvation with fear and trembling."
     6.  That the Rev. James S. Davis (a co-worker with the Rev. John G. Fee, and one of those expelled from Madison) is, as we understand, now resident on Cabin Creek, in Lewis County, Ky., and has, as we are informed, recently received for circulation a large number of "Helper's Compendium of the Impending Crisis of the South," a book, in the estimation of this meeting, dangerous in its spirit and tendencies.  Be it, therefore, further resolved, That his presence and residence among us  are highly objectionable, and that he be and is hereby advised and requested to remove from Kentucky, and that Charles Dimmitt, John R. Bean, James Francis, Samuel Hord, James Hise, Garrett, Bradley, and Leonard Bean are hereby appointed a committee to inform Mr. Davis of the purpose and object of this meeting, and that he comply with said request within seven days next after the same is made him, or suffer the consequences of non-compliance therewith.  Duty, safety, and the interest of the community compelling us, in the event of non-compliance, to resort to means alike painful to us and hazardous to him.
     7.  In case Mr. Davis does not leave, that the committee hereinbefore appointed call another public meeting to consider and determine what action shall be had in the premises.
     8.  That these proceedings be signed by the President and Secretary, and published in the Maysville papers.

     On Monday, the 23d inst., a meeting was held at Brooks-

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ville, Bracken County, the proceedings of which we give below:
     A meeting of the citizens of Bracken and Mason Counties, Kentucky, called for the purpose of considering the propriety of allowing John G. Fee & Co., and others of like character, to settle among us, was held at Brooksville, Bracken County, Ky., January 23d, 1860.
     On motion of John H. Boude, Col. W. Orr was elected President and Gen. Samuel Worthington and Rudolph Black, Vice Presidents.  Arthur Fox, James W. Armstrong, and J. A. Kackley were appointed Secretaries.
     On motion of Judge Joseph Doniphan, a Committee of twelve were appointed to draft resolutions expressive of the sense of this meeting.  The following persons were appointed as said Committee:  Dr. J. Taylor Bradford, Col. A. Bledsoe, W. P. Delty, Dr. John Coburn, Judge Joseph Doniphan, Isaac Reynolds, Henry Anderson, John E. French, A. J. Coburn, Robert Coleman, R. P. Dimmitt, and Col. A. Soward.
     The Committee, through their Chairman, Judge Joseph Doniphan, presented the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted: -

     Whereas, John Gregs Fee and John G. Hanson, lately expelled from Madison County, Kentucky, are now in Bracken County, preparing to make it their home.  And whereas, that both Fee and Hanson are enemies to the State, dangerous to the security of our lives and property, we, the citizens of Kentucky, deem it our duty to protect our lives and property from enemies at home as well as abroad, do now solemnly declare the said John G. Fee and John G. Hanson must, by the 4th day of February net, leave this county and State.
     1.  That we earnestly entreat them to do so without delay, but in the event of their failure to do so by that time, they shall do so, even should it require physical force to accomplish the end.
     2.  That J. B. Mallett, a school teacher in District No. 27, and Wyatt Robinson and G. R. Holeman, must leave this county and State at the same time; and in the event of their failing or refusing, they shall be expelled by force; and that for the purpose of carrying out these resolves, a Committee of fifty of our citizens be appointed to notify the said Hanson, Fee, Mallett, Robinson and Holeman of the action of this meeting, and said Committee be also empowered to give notice to any other persons of like character to leave the State, and report the same to the meeting to be held in Germantown on the 6th day of February next.
     3.  That Dr. J. Taylor Bradford, Chairman; Rudolph Black, W. H. Reynolds, Henderson Anderson, Jonathan Hedgecock, C. A. Soward, W. Orr, Sr., John W. Terhune, Washington Ward, Jesse Holton, John Taylor, J. W. Armstrong, James Booth, W. Winter, Marcus Ware, E. W. Chinn, R. S. Thomas, John M. Walton, R. P. Dimmitt, Wm. Dougherty, J. A. Kackley, John M. Pearl, Robt. Coleman, David Brooks, Thruman Pollock, Joseph

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Doniphan, A. D. Moore, Riley Rout, D. R. Cinville, J. H. Murry, Sen., of Bracken; A. Killgore, Gen. Samuel Worthington, J. E. French, Benjamin Kirk, Chas. Gordon, Isaac Reynolds, Col. A. Bledsoe, James Y. Reynolds, Evan Lloyd, Dr. John A. Coburn, Jacob Slack, B. W. Woods, Sr., Gen. Samuel Foreman, A. J. Coburn, C. A. Lyon, Samuel Frazee, A. Fox, R. C. Lewis, John D. Lloyd, Thornton Norris, Thomas Worthington, J. W. Reynolds, J. G. Bacon, and A. Hargot, of Mason, shall compose that Committee.  That said Committee in the event of said Fee, Hanson, Mallett, Robinson, and Holeman, failing to remove, that then the Committee report the result to a meeting to be held in Germantown, Ky., on the 6th day of February next.
     4.  That we deprecate the use of a church, known as the Free Church by Abolition preachers; and we now solemnly declare that we will resist, by all possible means, the occupying said church, by such incendiary persons.
     5.  That the Secretaries be requested to prepare copies of the proceedings of this meeting, and furnish, one each, to The Mountain Eagle, and The Maysville Express.
     The meeting then adjourned.             WILLIAM ORR, President.
     ARTHUR FOX, JAMES W. ARMSTRONG, J. A. KACKLEY, Secretaries.

     In accordance with the resolutions adopted at the Bracken county meeting, a Committee representing the organized mob proceeded on Thursday, the 25th inst., to the work assigned them, and notified Fee, Hanson, Mallett, Holeman, Robinson, Griggson, and Griffin that they must be without the State on or by the 4th of February next.
     They assumed an astonishing amount of pomposity.  Such was the power assumed by them, that they passed through the toll-gate, and informed the keeper that " this company paid no toll."
     They first met in Germantown, and proceeded in a body to the residence of Mr. John Humlong, and called for J. B. Mallett.
     He came out within a few steps of the company, when the Chairman, Dr. Bradford, called out in a stern voice, as follows:  "Walk this way, Mr. Mallett; don't have any fears, we don't intend to hurt you."  Mr. Mallett replied, "No, he expected not; he was in the company of gentlemen, he supposed."  Dr. Bradford read the resolutions, and asked,  "Do you intend to leave?"  Mr. Mallett replied that he had said he intended to do so.
     Mr. Mallett asked the privilege of making a few remarks, but was told that the mob had no time to listen.  Mr. Humlong asked, and was also denied this privilege.  However, he

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made the inquiry, what was this for?  They replied, for teaching incendiary and insurrectional sentiments.  Mr. H. said he would say, to the contrary, the teaching had always been that of peace.
     They then proceeded to G. G. Hanson's, and in the same pompous manner notified his son to leave.
     Mr. J. G. Hanson endeavored to get a hearing, but to no purpose.  In this mob were some of his relations.
     They next called at Mr. Vincent Hamilton's, father-in-law of John G. Fee.  Mr. Fee told them he had intended to leave, yet in their notice he recognized no right to require him to leave.  He asked the mob to pause a moment, but the Chairman ordered them to proceed.  He was previously told that he was smart enough to keep out of the hands of the law, and this was the only course to get him out.  As one of the mob passed, Mr. Fee extended his hand and said:
     "Do you approve of this action?"
     "Yes, I do," was the reply.
     "Well," said Mr. Fee, "we took vows together in the same Church.  I expected different things of you."
     In that mob were school-mates, parents of school-mates, and life-long acquaintances.
     From this they proceeded to the residence of Mr. John D. Gregg, where Mr. Holeman was stopping, in feeble health, and notified him, without a show of authority from any previous meeting, and ordered him, peremptorily, to be without the State by the 4th of February next.
     J. G. Fee is a minister, and well known as being an earnest man,  J. G. Hanson is a citizen of Berea, from whence he had been driven, and was visiting at his father's.  He had never been charged with a crime, unless it was his honesty!  C. E. Griffin is also a Berean, and is noted for his quiet peaceable character.  Mr. Griffin is a quiet, unpretending laborer, and has always been noted for his amiable disposition.  He is a poor man, and this blow is felt severely by him and his family.  He is driven from the land of his nativity, the scenes of his childhood, and all his friends.   G. R. Holeman has formerly been employed as a school-teacher, but has not been engaged in teaching this winter, on account of poor health.  He is a native of Ohio.  J. B. Mallett has taught

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Locust Academy school for nearly three years.  The school has the reputation of being one of the best in the country.  Notwithstanding the school closed most abruptly, he received a certificate of respect, signed by the patrons of the institution.  An enraged mob could not accuse, or sustain the accusation, that he was even aggressive in his teachings upon the subject of Slavery.  Scholars who had attended the school six months, say  they never heard the subject mentioned in the school.  Yet he has ever acknowledge himself in the social circle to be an anti-slavery man.  He is a native of New York State.
     The people have for years sustained the reputation of being among the most honest and reliable men in the State.  A prominent citizen and slaveholder said, Would to God all Kentucky was like that neighborhood!"
     The exiles left Germantown on Saturday morning.  Eighteen, including women and children, made up the company of the expelled, and some of these persons arrived in this city last night.  Legal advice was taken, prior to their leaving home, as to the best course to be pursued.  It was found that they could only remain by resisting the mob, and this was not deemed advisable.  It was therefore decided to withdraw quietly.
     A Felicity, on Saturday night, a part of the exiles were present at a large meeting held in the M. E. Church.
     The names of those who arrived here last night are as follows:  C. E. Griffin and lady; the Rev. John G. Fee, J. G. Hanson, G. R. Holeman, J. B. Mallett, and Oliver Griggson. - Cincinnati Daily Enquirer, Jan. 31st.

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     A TAR AND FEATHERING CASE. - A Scotchman named Sandy Tate, having expressed himself rather too freely upon the slave question and Harper's Ferry affair, in the village of Salisbury, North Carolina, was recently seized by a mob, and tarred and feathered, after which he was placed upon a fence rail, and carried to a neighboring duck and, where, in the presence of an immense throng of people, he has ducked until he recanted.  Upon being released, the poor fellow took to his heels, and has never been seen since.

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A PREACHER ARRESTED IN NORTH CAROLINA.

     On Friday, the 23d inst., Daniel Worth, a Wesleyan Methodist preacher, a native of this State, but who has been residing until within two years past in Indiana, where he was formerly a member of the Legislature of that State, was arrested by the Sheriff of this county on a charge of selling and circulating "Helper's Impending Crisis," and also of uttering language in the pulpit calculated to make slaves and free negroes dissatisfied with their condition, thereby offending against the laws of the State.  He was brought before the magistrates of the town, and a partial hearing had, when the case was adjourned until the following afternoon at one o^clock, for the purpose of procuring the attendance of witnesses for the prosecution.  The prisoner was taken to jail, bail having been refused by the magistrates.
     On Saturday, at the appointed hour, the Court met.  The examination was held in the old Court-House, which was crowded.
     The prisoner had no counsel, but managed his own case.  Messrs. Scott, Dick and McLean, of the Greensboro' bar, were engaged in the prosecution.
     Over a dozen witnesses were examined, and it was conclusively proved that Worth had on many and various occasions uttered such sentiments in the pulpit against slavery as the State of North Carolina declared to be unlawful to be uttered.  It was also proved by a witness that he (the witness) had purchased from Worth a copy of "Helper's Impending Crisis."
     Worth acknowledged during the examination that he had been engaged in circulating Helper's Book, and also a work on the "War in Kansas," but that he did not consider it any harm to circulate them; that at first he did not intend to admit having circulated the former, but that he wanted to make them, as a lawyer would, bring evidence to substantiate the charge.
     During the examination, various extracts were read from "Helper's Impending Crisis," some showing the mochis ope-

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randi by which slavery was to be got rid of in the South, and others pretending to give facts, all of which were commented on by the various counsel for the State.
     It was also proved that Worth had, in the pulpit, on the Sabbath day, applied the most opprobrious epithets to the legislators of the State of North Carolina, saying that the laws ought not to be obeyed; that "they were made by a set of drunkards, gamblers and whoremongers."
     The prosecution was opened by Wm. Scott, Esq., who, in his remarks, eloquently described the inhuman tendency of the doctrines ___elated and taught in this work of Helper's, which this traitor to the State of his birth had been engaged in circulating.  He read many extracts from the book, and showed how grossly perverted were the facts pretended to be therein set forth - that they were base lies and calumnies on the South.
     Robert P. Dick, Esq., made some highly effective and stirring remarks; he was glad that this case of Worth's had come up here in old Guilford county - a county that had the reputation of being an Abolition county; that a "warrant had already been issued from Raleigh for this Daniel Worth, but that this was the best place for him to be tried, that the result of this examination might now go forth as a vindication from the foul aspersion cast upon it.  He spoke of Helper as a traitor to the State that had once claimed him as a North Carolinian, adding that this man who sought, in his "Impending Crisis," to array the South against slavery, and bring about bloodshed and anarchy, and to desolate and lay waste the beautiful South, to dissolve the glorious Union, which had been given us by the wisdom of our forefathers, was obnoxious to the law under other criminal charges.  He prayed and trusted that the Union would never be dissolved.
     Robert McLean, Esq., took up the question at issue.  The very doctrines that the prisoner had been disseminating in his remarks from the pulpit, and which were contained in "Helper's Impending Crisis," which book he had been proved to have circulated, were at utter variance with the laws of the State of North Carolina, and it was upon his charge that he was now undergoing his examination.  He read several extracts from Helper's work, commenting on them in a clear, forcible and telling manner.  His remarks on the ways and

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means of abolishing slavery, as set forth in the "Impending Crisis," were very sarcastically commented on, and were much applauded by the large audience present.
     He read from the "Impending Crisis," the names of Cheever, Chapin and Bellows of the clergy of the north, as being engaged in the advocacy of those principles which were to dismember this Republic, and the name of the Rev. Daniel Worth, as a Southern co-laborer.
     It was extremely difficult to restrain the applause during the delivery of the remarks of all the legal gentlemen who spoke - the Court frequently interfering, and insisting upon order being observed.
     Previous to the remarks of Robert McLean, Esq., the prisoner delivered his defence.  He attempted to argue the evil of slavery, and to try and convince the Court that he was right in preaching against it.  He was twice requested by the Court to stick to the point at issue; that they were not here to listen to a discussion on slavery, but to hear what he had to say in reply to the charges brought against him of violating the laws of North Carolina.
     The prosecution requested the Court to let him go on.
     The prisoner then continued his remarks at considerable length on Abolition, until the Court told him that it had listened long enough to that strain, and desired him to speak as to the charges brought against him.  The prisoner then spoke as to his course having been consistent with his calling as a preacher and as a man; that when he heard there was a warrant out for his arrest, he had started for this place to surrender himself; that in his preaching and practice, he had only been doing what others in the State had long ago been doing unmolested; that he was a peace man and a Union man; that he sought not to dissever the Union; that he did not endorse all the sentiments contained in Helper's work; that he had formerly been a magistrate in this county; that he had been living in Indiana many years, and came back to North Carolina about two years since, to benefit the health of an invalid wife; that that wife had died, and he had married again, and had been engaged in preaching in several counties since; he was not conscious of having violated the laws of the State, cither in his calling as a preacher, or as a circulator of "Helper's Impending Crisis."

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     The Court ordered him to find bail in $5,000 for his appearance at the next term of Court, and the same amount to keep the peace until that time.  Bail for the first was offered, but up to the present time of writing, the other bail has not been obtained.  It is said that should the prisoner be released on the above bail, he will be taken before his Honor, Judge Dick, who will refuse to take bail for him.
     At the close of the examination, remarks were made by Ralph Gorrell, Esq., and Robert P. Dick, Esq., to the effect that the public mind was much excited by this examination, and that threats had been made as to a disposition of the prisoner; but that they would recommend the people to let the law take its course, and not to do any thing to militate against its authority, now that the prisoner was in its hands.
     The Rev. Daniel Worth is a large, portly man, with a fine head, an intellectual and expressive countenance, and a large, commanding eye.  He is fluent in speech, and the general style and manner of his speaking are calculated to win attention.  He did not appear to be at all embarrassed or frightened at his position; on the contrary, he expressed his ideas and opinions with boldness and fearlessness.  He complained to the Court of the unfitness of the jail for a prison, it being extremely cold weather, and no fire in the building; he had passed one night there, and was fully competent to express an opinion on the subject.
     Mr. Worth was a man raised in this county, is sixty-five years old, and emigrated to Indiana and Ohio, and no doubt to Kansas.  He was in the Legislature of the first-named State, acting as sub-chairman in the Convention that nominated Fremont for President.
     I was glad to see that mob law was not exercised on him; but there is no doubt that the punishment prescribed for this offence by the laws of North Carolina will be fully meted out to him, which he and all others deserve who engage in such hellish work.
     This man has been an eyesore to this community for eighteen months.  Nothing but good feelings for the respectable family who bear his name has prevented him from incurring the same fate months ago.  A clean sweep may now be expected by all who advocate such vile doctrines as those disseminated.  Any man who is found with a volume of the

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"Impending Crisis," or the sequel to it, will be held strictly accountable" how he came by it.  I am fully satisfied that if the course is persisted in which has already been attempted by our Northern Abolitionists, the North will suffer much in her trade with the Southern States, to say nothing of the political consequences attending it.  It is as well to state that the punishment for the first offence of this kind under the statute laws of North Carolina is thirty-nine lashes; for the second, it is death, as meted out to John Brown and his fellow associates at Harper's Ferry. - Correspondence of the New York Herald.

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LETTER FROM A LADY TO AN OFFICER OF THE AMERICAN MISSIONARY ASSOCIATION.

     At present, we are circumstanced something like the children of Israel, when they started for the Land of Promise, pursued by Pharaoh and his host, with the Red Sea before them, and mountains on either hand.  Still we hope to see the salvation of the Lord, relying on the arm of Jehovah for protection.
     I suppose, ere this, you have seen some account of the Rev. D. Worth's arrest and commitment to prison, in Greensboro' Guilford County, N. C, charged with circulating incendiary books, &c., principally the " Impending Crisis," by Helper, which seems to be attracting more attention, at present, than all other books put together.
     Brother Worth was arrested on the 23d of last month, had a preliminary trial before three magistrates on the 24th, which resulted in his commitment to prison to await further decision at the Spring Term of the Superior Court.  There was great excitement during his trial; three lawyers appeared in behalf of the State; the prisoner pleaded his own cause in an able manner - his enemies themselves being judges. Since then, there have been five other arrests of citizens of

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this county for circulating "Helper," most of them under heavy bonds, but all admitted to bail except the first.  The nature of the bonds required of him was considered unreasonable.  The first was a bond of $5,000 for his appearance at the Spring Term, which was complied with; the other was $5,000 also, requiring him not to preach at all.  This is not complied with, yet.  Not content with the above, he was arrested again, in prison, and brought out yesterday before Judge Dick, and bound in the sum of $5,000 to appear at the Spring Term, in Randolph county, in March.  His enemies seem determined to push the law to the furthest extremity, but the old veteran has been happy beyond description, and filled with joy unspeakable.
     His keepers observe the strictest vigilance, not allowing even his wife to speak a word to him without witnesses being present; nor do they suffer him to write a word to any person, only what passes under their inspection.  They made an attempt yesterday, during his trial, to deprive him of the means of writing at all; but finally concluded to let him have two or three sheets of paper at a time, by his giving an account to the Sheriff what disposition he made of it.  One object seems to be to cut off all correspondence with friends, and indeed all the friends of liberty the law to say slavery is wrong, and they have pronounced the woe; the decree has gone forth against all such offenders.  I trust and believe there is a remnant who will trust and fear God more than man, even in this land of intolerance and usurpation; and I hope that all who love the Lord Jesus Christ in sincerity will remember us at the Throne of Grace, that we may be able to withstand all the firey darts of the wicked; also, that our aged minister may be delivered from wicked and unreasonable men.

     REV. DANIEL WORTH. - We have just heard from Mr. Worth, through his nephew, Rev. A. Worth.  He is still in jail.  His bail bonds would have been filed, but there were several Sheriffs hanging around the jail door from other counties, to arrest him as soon as he should come out of Greensboro' jail.  His wife and friends are not permitted to visit him.  His cell is wholly unsuitable for any person to live in.

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His only bedding is a dirty pallet.  The jail is strongly guarded.  Some of the Quakers who were imprisoned have given bail, and are now out of jail.  Several of them were leading and influential men. - Randolph Co. (Ind.) Journal.

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     WHIPPING A PREACHER. - The Christian Luminary, Cincinnati January 12th, publishes an account, in three columns, of the whipping of Solomon M'Kinney.  Mr. M'Kinney left Bloomfield, Iowa, last April, for Texas.  He is about sixty years old, and has been a preacher thirty years.  He is a Kentuckian, a Democrat, and understands slavery to be authorized by the Bible.  While living in Texas he boarded with Thomas Smith, a slaveholder, of Dallas Co., Texas, who was also a member of the church.  Having been requested by T. Smith to preach on the relative duties of master and slave, Bro. M'Kinney did so, and reflected severely on the inhuman treatment servants sometimes receive.  This resulted in the calling of a meeting, which, after having determined to "mobilize " all preachers of Mr. M'Kinney's type, appointed a committee to whip Mr. M'Kinney and a companion of his, both having previously been lodged in jail.  Mrs.
M'Kinney wanted to enter the jail with her husband, but was forced back by the mob, and compelled to await the result outside of the town.  After dark, seven men came and opened the jail, and took the prisoners out; then, after divesting them of all their clothing, except shirt and pantaloons, they bound their wrists firmly with cords, and one held the cords while a second took a cowhide, and administered ten lashes; then another and another, till they had administered seventy lashes.  The other, William Blunt, was next taken in hand, and served in the same way, receiving eighty lashes.  The shirts of both were cut into ribbons by the raw hide.  They were then unbound, and left to seek their company.   Bruised, mangled, and bleeding, these wretched men staggered to the place where Mrs. M'Kinney was waiting for them.  Their backs were one mass of clotted blood and gore, and bruised and mangled flesh.

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     Mr. Blunt, it appears, is a licensed minister of the Campbellite persuasion, and for twenty-four years has been a citizen of Green County, Wisconsin.  The old Democrat has sent a long memorial to the Wisconsin Legislature on the subject of his experience among his Southern brethren, and asking redress for the wrongs and outrages received at the hands of the
authorities of Texas.  The Madison State Journal publishes the document, which created quite a flutter on the Democratic side of the Senate when read; and no wonder, for in Wisconsin the excoriated Reverend had distinguished himself by the blatant character of his advocacy of slavery.  The Journal says: -
     "He was particularly 'gifted' in the Biblical argument in favor of slavery; and, at Republican meetings, was wont to confront the speakers with long and flatulent speeches based upon Mosaic regulations.  For more than thirty years, as he tells us in his memorial, the truth of which he attests under oath, he has voted the Democratic ticket.
     "Last year he went down to Texas in quest of health, expecting a cordial welcome and a comfortable stay among the Democratic brethren, whose cause he had so faithfully advocated.
     "The sequel is not calculated to quicken the ardor of Northern Democrats.  The Rev. William Blunt was asked by an old friend and brother to fill some of his appointments; and, not knowing that his friend had been suspected of secretly cherishing Abolition sentiments, he acceded to the request.  The result was, that he too fell under the suspicion of being an Abolitionist in disguise - he, the ardent, uncompromising Blunt, a Democrat of thirty years; standing - and therefore, as he relates with due particularly, he was set upon, arrested, his money taken from him, thrown into jail, taken out and treated to eighty lashes, and with other indignities and spurnings a posteriori not to be named,' told to leave that portion of this fee and gel-lorious Republic forthwith without delay, which suggestion he proceeded to act upon with alacrity.
     "In view of all the facts, he demands that the State of Wisconsin take such action as will enable him to obtain redress for the outrages perpetrated upon him.

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DESPOTISM AND ESPIONAGE IN THE SOUTH.

     We are continually receiving information, through private sources, from different parts of the South, which we shall from time to time publish, showing the fearful state of things now prevailing in all the Southern States, growing out of the popular excitement against the North and against Liberty.  A Reign of Terror is prevailing.  The despotism of Russia does not parallel the despotism of South Carolina.  A stranger with a passport can freely travel in any part of the Czar's dominions; but no passport will guarantee safety to a Northern traveller between Richmond and New Orleans.  It is no longer necessary that a man should speak against slavery to warrant his expulsion from a slave State.  It is enough if he has simply been in the North, or sends his children to a Northern school, or buys his goods in New York or Boston.  In almost every city, town and village south of the border slaveholding States, vigilance committees have been appointed, to
put to inquisition every Northern man who makes his appearance in the place, whether as foe or friend.  Even harmless young women, who have gone from Northern boarding-schools to be teachers of Southern children, have been waited upon by respectable and even clerical gentlemen, with the polite hint that the sooner they leave the State, the better for their safety.  Our correspondents inform us that it is impossible to convey by description an adequate idea of the public sentiment in the extreme Southern States.  The bitterness against the North is unparalleled.  The common topic of talk is disunion, and the common threat of vengeance is to hang the Abolitionists.  An Abolitionist, with the masses of the Southern people, is any man who does not live in a slaveholding State.  If this definition were true, and the sentiment of the North were so unanimous in favor of freedom, the institution of shivery could not exist for half a year in the face of such an enlightened public opinion.  We trust that the time may soon come when this shall be the strong and generous sentiment of all the free States.  Such a sentiment would be a moral power for the overthrow of slavery, without violence or blood.  The conduct of the South is exciting everywhere throughout the North a more intelligent, earnest and con-

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scientious anti-slavery feeling.  The frenzy of the Southern leaders, and of the Southern masses who follow and urge on their leaders, is only working the destruction of the system which they are seeking to defend.  The providence of God was never more visible in human affairs than in the present state of the nation.  We believe that the present excitement, while it will have the incidental evils common to all excitements, will in the end produce great good in the cause of the freedom of the enslaved.
     We prefix to the array of facts which our correspondents have furnished us, the following brief but significant article from the Constitution of the United States, on the rights of citizens: -

     "The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States."

     The following incidents and statements will afford a commentary: -

     The Northern newspapers have recently republished a brief paragraph from the Charleston Mercury announcing, in a very nonchalant style, that a workman engaged in the State House, in Columbia, S. C., was recently seized by a mob, on account, as was alleged, of holding anti-slavery opinions, and that he received twenty-nine lashes, and was tarred and feathered, and escorted out of the State!
     It took a very few lines to tell this story, according to the style of the Southern press; for it is a trait of Southern chivalry, first to practise cruelty, and then to suppress the facts.
     We have seen this unfortunate man, and heard his story, and looked at his wounds.  His name is James Power.  He is an intelligent young man, about twenty-three years of age, a native of Wexford, Ireland, and a stone-cutter by trade.  He went from Philadelphia to the South, and obtained employment in Columbia, where he had worked for nine months.  The only opinion he ever expressed against slavery was that it caused a white laborer in the South to be looked upon as an inferior and degraded man.  But this was enough!  The remark was reported to the Vigilance Committee, (composed of twelve members,) who immediately ordered the police to arrest him.  He was seized two miles away from town, in

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attempting to escape.  He was brought back, and put in a cell, where he remained for three days, during which time he was denied the use of pen and ink, and all communication with his friends outside.
     At length he was taken before the Mayor.  Four persons appeared and bore testimony to the remark which he had made.  The evidence was conclusive.  He was returned to prison, and kept locked up for six days.  During this time, he was allowed only two scanty meals a day, and the food was carried to him by a negro.  He was then taken out of jail in the custody of two marshals, who said to him: "You are so fond of niggers that we are going to give you a nigger escort."
     He was led through the main street, amid a great crowd, hooting and yelling, the marshals compelling two negroes to drag him through the puddles and muddy places of the street, and of the State House yard!  As he was taken past the State House, three members of the Legislature, including the Speaker, stood looking on and laughing!  The crowd gradually increased, until it numbered several thousand persons, headed by a troop of horse.
     After a march of three miles out of the city, to a place called "the Junction," the procession was stopped, and preparations were made for punishment.  The populace cried, "Brand him!"  "Burn him!"  "Spike him to death!" and made threats against his life by pointing pistols at his head and flourishing sticks in his face.
     The Vigilance Committee ordered him to strip himself naked, and forced a negro to assist in taking off the clothes.   A cowhide was then put into the negro's hands, who was ordered to lay on thirty-nine lashes, (not twenty-nine, as reported,) and to draw blood with every stroke.  Our informant describes the pain of this infliction as exceeding in severity anything which he ever suffered before.  His back and lower limbs are still covered with the sears of the wounds!
     A bucket of tar was then brought, and two negroes were ordered to rub it upon his bleeding skin, and to cover him from head to waist.  His hair and eye-brows were clotted with the tar.  After this part of the ceremony was concluded, he was covered with feathers.  His pantaloons were then drawn up to his waist, but he was not allowed to put on his shirt or coat.  He was conducted, in this exposed condition

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amid the shouts of the populace, to the railroad train, and was put on board the negroes' car.  The engineer blew a continuous blast on  his whistle to signalize the performance.
     A citizen of Charleston on the train, who saw the poor fellow's unhappy condition, stepped into a neighboring hotel, before the starting of the cars, and brought a cup of coffee and some biscuits to relieve the sufferer's faintness.  It was a timely gift, and gratefully received.  But the Southern chivalry gathered around the Southern gentleman, and threatened him with summary vengeance if he repeated his generosity.  The exasperated crowd detained the train, and called their bleeding victim.  More tar was brought, but more feathers could not be found; and after fresh tar was applied, cotton was stuck upon it instead!
     When the train started for Charleston, the mob bade him good-bye, and told him that when he reached this city, he would receive 130 lashes!  At every station between Columbia and Charleston, the engineer blew a prolonged whistle, and gathered a mob to add fresh insults to the wounded man.  At length, on arriving, he was met by the police, conveyed to prison, and detained in his cell for an entire week.  Here he received, for the first time, soap and water to wash off the tar, and oil to soften his sores.  A mob several times threatened to break into the prison to carry him out into the street, and make a public spectacle of him a second time.  But he was kept closely confined.  A physician called to see him, to examine his wounds, who told him that his case was a mild one, comparing it with that of a man who was then lying in the City Hospital from the effects of 500 lashes, which had almost put an end to his life!
     On Saturday morning last, at seven o'clock, the poor workman was taken from prison, and conducted quietly on board the steamer for New York.  He arrived in this city on Monday last, where he is still staying, recovering from the effects of his ill-treatment, and looking for work, which we hope he may find.
     We have only one comment to make on his case.  This man informed us that, in common with the  great mass of Irishmen in this country, he had always voted with the Democratic party.  He had long known in Philadelphia that the Demo-

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cratic party upheld slavory, but he never learned, until he went to South Carolina, that slavery crushed the white laborer, and that the Democratic party, in upholding slavery, is therefore the enemy of Irishmen, who are a nation of laborers.  In the Southern States, wo__ is looked upon as dishonorable, and workmen as degraded.  This is what an Irish stone-cutter learned while cutting stone in South Carolina.  We hope the lesson of his experience may reach the ears of his countrymen.

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AN IRISHMAN IMPRISONED AND BANISHED.

     In the Augusta (Ga.) Evening Dispatch of the 29th ult. is the following editorial paragraph: -

     "ARRESTED.  A man named James Crangale, hailing from Columbia, S. C., was arrested by the police, last night, for giving vent to Abolition sentiments, while in a state of intoxication, and is now in durance."

     A second edition of this story is published in the Charleston (S. C.) Mercury of Dec. 31st, two days later, and is as follows: -

     "VIGILANCE.  Passengers from Augusta report that an Abolitionist was tarred and feathered in that city on Friday.  His name is represented to be James Crangale, recently from Columbia."

     Mr. Crangale arrived in this city, from Charleston, on Saturday last, in the steamer Nashville.  His story we have from his own lips, and we think it may be repeated to the edification of Mr. O'Conor's countrymen who believe slavery to be an excellent institution, and who vote the Democratic ticket, and for the information of those Union-saving gentlemen who have debts to collect on account, or under judgments, at the South.
     Mr. James Crangale is by birth an Irishman, educated to the law, who emigrated to this country about two and a half years since.  Being under the necessity of earning a livelihood, he made an engagement, soon after his arrival in this city, to

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go as clerk into the establishment of Messrs. Gray & Turley, Dry Goods Merchants of Savannah and Augusta.  After a brief stay in the former place, in the employment of Messrs. Gray & Turley, he was sent by them to the establishment at Augusta, when they refused to retain him longer in their Service.  He returned to Savannah, where he soon obtained the place of Deputy Clerk to the Court of Ordinary of Chatham County, Ga.  Since that time, he has lived quietly, unobtrusively and inoffensively, busy with the duties of his office, and in qualifying himself to be admitted to the bar.  With the subject of slavery he never meddled, and never in any way, expressed an opinion in regard to it.
     Feeling, however, that he had been unjustly dealt with by Messrs. Gray & Turley, who had induced him to go to the South, and had then broken the engagement between them, without regard to the consequences that might ensue to him, a stranger and friendless in a strange land, he sued them for his salary under the contract.  The suit was brought in a Justice's Court, and a decision given in his favor.  Appeal was made by Messrs. Gray & Turley to the Superior Court, where the decision of the Court below was confirmed, and judgment granted against the defendants.  This end, however, was, was not gained without some difficulty.  Three lawyers successively threw up his case, after delaying it for several months, and he at length carried his suit through, and brought it to a successful issue, by acting as his own counsel.  But even here was not an end to the legal obstacles in the way of justice.  With the judgments in his hand, he went to one after another of the officers of the law in Savannah, but could find none who would execute the duties of their office against a well-known, influential and wealthy house, in behalf of a poor and friendless Irishman.  He appealed to the Solicitor-General, Julian Hartridge, to lay the conduct of these delinquent officials before the Grand Jury, but it was only to meet with a refusal from that gentleman, on the ground that an indictment against them would also involve one against the attorneys for the defendants.
     Hopeless of redress in Savannah, Crangale went to Augusta, trusting that in that place, where Messrs, Gray & Turley are holders of property, he should be able to find officers who would serve the judgment of the Court against

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them. On his arrival, he went to the United States Hotel, kept by Messrs. Dobey & Mosher, and took a room.  In the course of the evening, he was waited upon by a man, calling himself John Neilly, who invited him out upon the sidewalk in front of the hotel, and there said to him that, understanding him to be an Abolitionist, he, Neilly, on behalf of the Vigilance Committee, directed him to leave town immediately.  Mr. Crangale at once refused to act on this order.  He was there, he said, for the purpose simply of collecting money due him on a judgment of the Superior Court, and for nothing else; and that if they could prove him to be an Abolitionist, they were welcome to hang him.  He was permitted, then, to return to the bar-room of the hotel, where he presently related the summons that had been served upon him, and the conversation that ensued.  Thereupon, James Hughes, the bar-keeper, came forward and stated that he knew that Crangale was an Abolitionist; that he had this information from Andrew Gray, who said that Crangale was a damned Abolitionist and rascal, and ought to be put out of the way."  Mr. Crangale again denied the allegation.  He understood now, however, the source and meaning of the accusation, for Andrew Gray is a brother of the senior partner in the house of Gray & Turley.
     About two o'clock chat night, when asleep in bed, his room was broken into by three constables, named Everett, King and Ramsay, accompanied by about twenty of the Vigilance Committee, who arrested him.  They dragged him out of bed, and, after taking from him his overcoat and valise, hurried him off to jail.  The next day he was waited upon by another constable, one Ford, who demanded his keys, which he refused to give up.  Ford assured him that if no Abolition documents were found in his possession, he would be discharged; but if the charge against him should be proved, he would be hung up at the prison gates by the  Vigilance Committee.  To persist in refusing to give up his keys, Ford assured him, would be considered as equivalent to a confession of guilt, and he should call the committee to execute speedy judgment.  Under these threats, he had no alternative but to comply with the demand for the keys, and surrendered them.  In the evening of that day, Mr. Olin, a Justice of the Peace, culled upon him, and informed him that Mr. Foster Blodget, Jr., the

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Mayor of Augusta, had filed an affidavit against him, which was sufficient to swear away ten lives, if he had so many.  This formidable document, which Mr. Olin showed him, asserted that he, the Mayor, had been informed and believed that the errand of Crangale at the South was to stir up an insurrection among the slaves, and that he was doing so; that he had asserted that the slaves would be justified in rising against their masters; that the people of the North would be justified in putting arms into the hands of the slaves; that the people of Massachusetts were justified in aiding and arming the "niggers" at Harper's Ferry; and that he, the Mayor, was prepared to prove these assertions.  Mr. Crangale met these charges with a flat denial.  He assured Mr. Olin that the whole story was a falsehood, a fiction from beginning to end; that he had never held and had never uttered any such sentiments.  Mr. Olin thereupon informed him that his trial would take place the next day, and advised him to send for and engage as his counsel Col. Cumming, a well-known lawyer, and one of the most respectable and influential citizens of Augusta.  The advice was taken, and Col. Cumming applied to.  He called that evening, and, after listening to Mr. Crangale's statement, to his honor be it said, consented to defend the case.
     All this time, it should be remembered, the prisoner was held under no legal process, but, though confined in the City Prison, and visited by the officers of the law, was simply in the custody of the Vigilance Committee.  The next morning, he was ordered into Court, and on his way thither was arrested at the suit of the State, on a charge of endeavoring to incite an insurrection among the slaves, and was arraigned before Justices Olin and Piquet.  The statute of the State which provides the penalty of death for the crime with which the prisoner was charged was read, when Col. Cumming moved that the case be carried to the Superior Court, which would sit the latter part of January, and that the prisoner be remanded to take his trial at that time.  He gave as his reasons for this motion, that the present trial was held, in fact, by the Vigilance Committee, who alone constituted the audience, and who would hang the accused then and there, if the slightest shadow of suspicion could attach to him.  Mr. Crangale himself, however, arose and opposed this motion.  Strong in his

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own innocence, he wished the trial to proceed, and did not fear the result.  The witnesses were then called and examined.  They were Charles M'Calla, John Neilly, Allen Davy, Thomas T. Fogarty, and James Hughes, the bar-keeper at the United States Hotel.  Their evidence, however, was only hearsay.  Not one of them knew any thing, of his own knowledge, of the prisoner; not one of them had ever heard him utter a single Abolition opinion, or any opinion whatever, upon the subject of slavery, and none of them knew any thing about him, good, bad or indifferent.  The only evidence of any moment was that of Hughes, who testified, on a cross-examination, that Andrew Gray had pointed out the prisoner to him as an Abolitionist; and that of Neilly, who acknowledged that he had agreed and proposed that the prisoner should be hanged, without the formality of a trial, at the time of his arrest, upon the lamp-post opposite the United States Hotel.  This admission passed even without rebuke from the Court.  But the Court was more vigilant when Hughes admitted that Gray had pointed out the prisoner to him as an Abolitionist, and ruled out the evidence, on the ground that the trade of Augusta with the North would be injured should it become known that such was their method of dealing with creditors.  After the witnesses had been examined.  Col. Cumming addressed the Court, in a speech evidently so fearless as to have exercised a strong influence over the minds of the Court and audience, and marked by a degree of sound common sense hitherto unheard of under such circumstances.  He denounced these Vigilance Committees as self-made tribunals, constituting themselves at once witnesses and judges, and as actuated by no higher motive than a determination to denounce all Northern men of property as Abolitionists, for the purpose of ruining them and dividing the spoils among themselves.  The statute of Georgia, providing the penalty of death for inciting the slaves to insurrection, he said, on the other hand, though severe, was none too much so.  It behooved the South to keep both its eyes and ears open to protect their property against incendiaries.  But the innocent, he declared, should not be accused and subjected to persecution.  Under the effect of this speech, and as no tittle of evidence could be produced against Mr. Crangale, the Court had but one course to pursue, and the prisoner was acquitted.  He

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was nevertheless condemned to pay the costs of prosecution, the fees of the Vigilance Committee who had arrested him without legal process, and the cost of the imprisonment which he had been compelled to suffer, and was remanded to jail till payment was made.  On arriving at the hotel, his coat and valise, which the committee had taken from him, were produced, but the pocket-book, containing nearly a hundred dollars, and which he had left in the coat-pocket, was not to be found.  Again he was taken to the Court, where he stated the circumstances to Justice Olin.  But that gentleman refused to believe him.  "I have," he said, to the prisoner," acquitted you simply for want of evidence; but I still believe you had better confess it.  You are," he continued, "a fool, a God d__d fool.  Have not your friends told you so?  Do you not know it yourself?"  He then ordered him to open his valise, declaring that if any thing was found in it to convict him, there were enough of the "boys" present to string him up.  The prisoner at first refused to obey this order.  The valise and the keys, he said, had been out of his possession for two days; he did not know what might have been put in the valise, and he did not choose to take the chance of being hanged on such a contingency.  On the threats being repeated, however, he consented to open the valise, which fortunately had not been tampered with, and where nothing was found but his clothing and some papers relative to the debt which he had come to Augusta to collect.  Word was then sent to Col. Sneed, the President of the Vigilance Committee, of the inability of the prisoner to discharge the bill of costs, and to demand its payment of him, as the representative of the party making the arrest.  Col. Sneed refused.  The Mayor was then sought for to make the same demand of him as prosecutor, but he could not be found.  It seemed perfectly clear to the Justice that the bill had to be paid by somebody, and, as those from whom it was rightfully due could not be compelled to, he chose to act on the principle that possession is nine points of the law, and hold him responsible whom he had in his power.  A new committal was made out, and Mr. Crangale returned to jail till he could pay the costs of his own false imprisonment.  After suffering a further confinement of thirty-three hours, and it being evident

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that there was no relenting on the part of his persecutors, he wrote to Col. Cumming to thank him for his generous services, and to ask for another interview on his behalf.  Soon after, Mr. Alfred Cumming, a son of Col. Cumming, appeared at the jail, paid the fees demanded, and the prisoner was released.  Mr. Olin had advised him to be off the moment he was out of jail, as there were "boys enough about," he said, "to string him up."  As he had every reason to believe in the soundness of this counsel, he left immediately, and arrived, as he have already stated, in this city of Saturday.
     We subjoin a copy of the bill for the non-payment of which Mr. Crangale was detained in the Augusta jail thirty-three hours; and had not this sum been generously advanced by Col. Cumming, he would, no doubt, have been still in confinement, unless, indeed, the old cry of "a la lanterne" had been fulfilled in his case, in this modern Reign of Terror.

     It will be observed that Mr. Crangale still owes Richmond County, Georgia, twenty cents, if he ever owed it any thing, as Mr. Uriah Slack made an error to that amount in adding up the items.  It is all he has gained to carry to the credit of his account against Messrs. Gray & Turley - New York Tribune.

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     The Charleston Mercury publishes a letter signed "A Merchant," in which the paper's New York correspondents are requested to give the names of the leading Abolition houses in New York and elsewhere.  For one, the writer pledges himself not to purchase one dollar's worth of goods from such parties at shall be designated.

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AN EXILE FROM ALABAMA.

     Every day, fresh instances of banishment are occurring in all parts of the South.  Northern men are coming away in armies - driven out of sixteen States, and made exiles in their own country.  A purser on one of the Southern steamers which arrived a few days ago in this city said, "We are having crowds of passengers, for we are bringing home all the Abolitionists."  The men who are driven away are not generally Abolitionist until they become so after their expulsion.  A peaceable workman in South Carolina, who never has had a thought about slavery until a mob tars and feathers him, and sends him to New York, becomes very naturally a strong Abolitionist by the time he reaches Sandy Hook.  In this way, South Carolina is now doing more to make genuine anti-slavery men than all the North together.
     Since our last issue, we have been called upon at our office by a fresh exile, who was recently driven away, in a very elegant and polite style, from a very aristocratic circle of society in Alabama.  The manner of the expulsion was so dainty and chivalrous, that we cannot forbear to relate the circumstances.
     Dr. Meigs Case, an intelligent and educated gentleman, formerly of Otsego county, in this State, went to Salem, Alabama, in September last, to take charge of the Alabama Female College.  This institution, which had formerly been prosperous, had for some years past been running down, under the inefficient management of Southern teachers.  Dr. Case, on arriving at Salem, found himself welcomed by the most intelligent part of the community, who said to him,  "We have to look to the North for teachers, for we never yet have found a Southern man who was not too lazy to teach a school!  "Dr. C. found that the old "field-school," or the "ten-hour" system, was in vogue in that town, as in many other parts of the State.  According to this system, the scholars and teachers go to school at daylight, and stay all day in or around the school-buildings.  Each scholar recites, not in a class with others, but by himself.  After his lesson is over, he roams about the grounds and indulges himself in a pleasing variety of idle amusements.  This constitutes, in Alabama, "a day's schooling,"

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     Dr. C., after receiving assurances of aid from the chief citizens of the place, agreed to undertake the management of the institution.  He immediately began making arrangements for the thorough reorganization of the establishment.  His design was to begin the first term with the beginning of the New Year.  To this end, he wrote to the North, and engaged the services of assistant teachers, ordered from Northern publishers the necessary school-books, and sent for other members of his family.  But while the teachers, the books, and the family were just on (he point of starting for the South, he was waited on by a "Committee on the safety of the Union,''  who politely informed him that public opinion, during the last few months, had undergone such remarkable changes, that it was now no longer expedient to permit the residence of a Northern man in a Southern community.  The time had come, they said, when Southern men must be watchful of their institutions, and must rid themselves promptly of all persons whose influence was likely to be cast, in however faint a degree, against the system of slavery.  Dr. C. had never made any expression of views on either side of the question; but the fact that he was a Northern man was a sufficient pretext for his banishment.  The gentlemen who had given him the most cordial welcome to the place were now the most active in procuring his summary dismissal.  They stated, with true chivalric politeness, that they regretted to compel him to leave, but apologized by adding that the state of the times demanded prompt expulsion.  They concluded their interview by urging him to quit the place at once, intimating that they could not be responsible for his safety if he remained longer than twenty-four hours.  A leading physician in the town, who had professed great friendship for Dr. Case, said to him, in parting, "If you had been introduced to our 'citizens by the Governor of the State, and were as stanch a Democrat as any in Alabama, you still could not be sustained amid the excitement that now pervades all classes of the community."
     At this time, a bill was before the lower house of the Legislature, entailing a fine of $500 on any school commissioner who should give a certificate of qualification to any Northern man who had not resided ten years within the State, and who was, moreover, not an owner of slave property!
     Dr. Case, perceiving that to attempt to carry out his pro-

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jected enterprise would not only be useless but hazardous, determined to take the most prudent course, which was to leave the State within the required time.  He is now in this city, where he is in negotiation with several institution of learning from which he has had application since his return.
     If Southern men shall succeed in banishing all Northern teachers, the next generation of the chivalry will scarcely know how to read and write. - New York Independent.

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TRIBULATIONS OF CONNECTICUT BOOK-AGENTS.

     Two young men of this State - James J. Miller, of Hartford, seventeen years old, (large of his age, and looking older,) and Emmons J. Coe, of Meriden - have just returned from North Carolina with a rather uncomfortable experience of the manner in which some of the people of that region observe the guarantees of the Constitution.
     They went to Salisbury, Rowan county, about four weeks ago, as travelling agents for L. Stubbins, publisher, of this place, to sell two large and handsomely illustrated volumes, "The History of the North American Indians," and "The History of Christ and His Apostles."  They took a room at the Mount Vernon House, and, after thoroughly canvassing Salisbury and the vicinity, they went to Gold Hill on Monday, Nov. 22, and returned on the evening of the 23d.
     On their way back, in the evening, they met two men returning from court, who asked, "Do you know Old Brown, the insurrectionist?"  ''No."  "Well, you look out, or you will be in jail pretty soon."  They heard nothing more until Wednesday morning, when, as they were looking at a fire which broke out in the Methodist church, Coe heard the Mayor say to a man standing by: "Yes, that's the very man; he stops at the Mount Vernon House."  "Are you speaking of me?" said Coe.  "Yes."  He handed them his card, and, with Miller, returned to the hotel, whither they

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were followed by the man to whom the Mayor spoke.  In a short time, an officer with five patrolmen, carrying heavy canes, came to their door.  Miller opened it, and politely asked them in.  He also offered them his trunk, his keys, papers, books, letters, &c., and invited them to satisfy themselves as to his character and business.  They chose to take the young men directly to the police court.
     Arriving there, accompanied by a great crowd, a scene ensued supremely ludicrous to any bystander who could have dared to laugh.  Three magistrates presided.  The trunks were brought in, the leaves of the books turned over and over, and laid aside for more careful study.  The crowd questioned a good deal, and then swore a great deal, and then questioned and swore more.  They opened carefully and shook out every shirt and pair of trowsers, but no treason
appeared.
     The presiding magistrate said that there was nothing against them but suspicion, yet he thought it better to bind them over for trial before the Superior Court, requiring $500 bail!  They asked Miller and Coe if they were ready to give bail?  "Certainly not," said Miller; "take us to jail."
     So they went to jail, with a solemn procession of six officers around them, and ten couples in front, and six more in the rear.  They sent for a lawyer, R. Bd. Moore, who proved himself a frank, generous, sensible friend throughout.  They had crowds of visitors daily asking to see the "d —d Yankees," or the *'d—d Abolitionists."
     On Tuesday, the 29th, they were brought into the Superior Court, and the prosecuting attorney told the Court that "these young men were ignorant of the laws, and, so far as ascertained, had committed no intentional offence,'' &c.  The judge lectured them, for what nobody knew, and told them that on paying their jail fees, $4.12 each, they should be discharged.  They paid the bill, but returned to the jail for protection from the mob of "lewd fellows of the baser sort," who manifested great anxiety to use tar and feathers.
     In the evening, the sheriff escorted them to the hotel, where they kept close.  Crowds gathered at the depot, hoping to get a chance at them as they took the cars.  On Wednesday evening, November 30, gatherings in the street indicated a disposition to mob them, and they armed themselves, with a

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determination to resist, and the landlord told them, "If they tar and feather you, they shall tar and feather me also."  On Thursday at noon, they quietly took a buggy for Lexington, a station some miles distant, where they waited, appearing not to know each other, for the night train.  Excepting some close questioning at Portsmouth, they met no further difficulty, and took the steamer for New York.
     Among the ridiculous and wholly baseless stories against them, it was said that they had called slaves into gin shops, talked two hours with them privately, sold them books, and told them that if they would only run away somewhere "across the river," the invading army that came to rescue Brown would take them off, and also promised to correspond with, &c. &c. They heard threats in abundance daily, but escaped without serious loss, aside from the breaking up of their business and the expenses of their defence.
     We trust that the outrages of which this is but one sample out of hundreds will receive a decided rebuke on Wednesday evening from our "Union-savers." - Hartford Press, Dec. 12.

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A NEW-YORKER EXPELLED FROM KNOXVILLE.

     On Monday, a man from New York, by the name of Cregar, was taken up by a committee, who waited on him, and brought him before a meeting of our citizens in the courthouse, upon the charge of being an Abolitionist.  He was called upon to state his own case, and he did so by saying that he had been forced to leave Asheville upon a short notice; that he was an anti-slavery man; had rode in a wagon with a slave near Asheville, and had told the negro what wages were at the North, &c.  According to his own version, he is an Abolitionist; but he said that he had not tampered with any slaves - did not believe it right to run negroes out of the South, and he was opposed to getting up insurrections.  His business was to sell fruit trees and shrubbery for an extensive establishment at Rochester.  The excitement was very great, the crowd was large, and at one

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time, the consequences threatened to be serious. Rev. James Park opened the meeting with a sensible address, in which he counselled moderation, and expressed the hope that the citizens would preserve their dignity, and calmly listen to reason, and not to the suggestions of passion.  We considered his remarks well-timed, and his sentiments proper, and we stated to the meeting that we endorsed the sentiments of Mr. Park, and urged upon the citizens to act in keeping with their magnanimity of character, and not to inflict personal violence upon the man, unless they had other and stronger testimony against him.  At this stage of the game, the sentiment of the crowd was that Cregar ought to be required to leave the State in a reasonable length of time, but that he ought not to be treated with violence.  But Gen. Ramsay, the lately defeated candidate for Congress, came down upon the stand, and delivered one of the most uncalled-for, ill-timed, not to say infamous, speeches we ever listened to under the circumstances.  He was for crucifying the man, as an example to others.  He was grossly insulting to all who counselled moderation; he made the political party issue, and placed all who were not for violence in the attitude of hostility to the South, and launched out against the Union and in favor of dissolution.
      Col. O. P. Temple followed Gen. Ramsay, and gave him a most severe, but merited, castigation for the speech he had delivered, denouncing his sentiments as worthy alone of scorn and contempt, and was loudly cheered by the audience.
     Speeches were also made by James R. Cooke, Esq., and Will L. Scott, Esq., who took the proper view of the subject, and counselled moderation, deprecating the great evil of mob law prevailing to a dangerous extent in the South, and hoped that reason, moderation and justice would be acted out on this occasion.
      After these speeches were delivered, the committee of three, who were out, brought in a report requiring Cregar to leave in twenty-four hours.  This was, as we understood it, so amended as to allow him three days to wind up his business, and this, we are inclined to think, met with the approval of the meeting.  But an unfortunate debate sprang up between Messrs. Park and Charlton, and the consequences threatened, for a time, to be fearful, as the friends of these

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gentlemen drew weapons.  But, by the interference of friends, peace was restored, the crowd dispersed, and the New-Yorker has left for his congenial North, where he ought to remain. - Knoxville (Tenn.) Whig.

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TAR AND COTTON.

     A case of applying these two commodities to the epidermis of an individual was practised in this city, Thursday night, under the following circumstances: Sewall H. Fisk, a dealer in boots and shoes, on Market square, of several years' standing, has been the object of suspicion for some time, in consequence of his known abolition proclivities, which he has taken, as we are informed, some trouble to make known to our slave population.  His latest acts are, enticing negroes into his cellar at night, and reading them all sorts of abolition documents, and last Sunday night was devoted especially to the history of the trial of John Brown, and a general exhortation upon the institution of slavery and the advantages of freedom.  These facts, as we hear, were sworn to before a Justice of the Peace by his nephew and his clerk; and coming to the ears of some parties who have constituted themselves a quasi-vigilance committee, Mr. Fisk's store, over or in which he sleeps, was visited, and he was called out and gagged before he could make either noise or resistance.  He was then placed in a carriage, and driven a short distance from the city, and the application, as above, made to his nude person; he was then left to find his way back as best he could.  His first appearance in the limits was near the hospital, where he came in sight of a watchman, who was so alarmed at the sight, that he gave a spasmodic jerk at his rattle, and took to his heels, not willing to face so dreadful an apparition.  A reinforcement, however, was brave enough to approach him, when he was conducted home, the most pitiable object it is possible to imagine.  Not a spot of his skin was visible, and his hair was trimmed close to his head. - Savannah (Ga.) Republican, Dec. 3d.