|
STILL'S
UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD RECORDS,
REVISED EDITION.
(Previously Published in 1879 with title: The Underground Railroad)
WITH A LIFE OF THE AUTHOR.
NARRATING
THE HARDSHIPS, HAIRBREADTH ESCAPES AND DEATH STRUGGLES
OF THE
SLAVES
IN THEIR EFFORTS FOR FREEDOM.
TOGETHER WITH
SKETCHES OF SOME OF THE EMINENT FRIENDS OF FREEDOM, AND
MOST LIBERAL AIDERS AND ADVISERS OF THE ROAD
BY
WILLIAM STILL,
For many years connected with the Anti-Slavery Office in
Philadelphia, and Chairman of the Acting
Vigilant Committee of the Philadelphia Branch of the Underground
Rail Road.
Illustrated with 70 Fine Engravings
by Bensell, Schell and Others,
and Portraits from Photographs from Life.
Thou shalt not deliver unto his
master the servant that has escaped from his master unto thee. -
Deut. xxiii 16.
SOLD ONLY BY SUBSCRIPTION.
PHILADELPHIA:
WILLIAM STILL, PUBLISHER
244 SOUTH TWELFTH STREET.
1886
pp. 134 - 146
[Pg. 134 - continued]
-------------------------
WILLIAM N. TAYLOR
 |
ONE
HUNDRED DOLLARS
REWARD. - Ran away
from Richmond City on Tuesday, the 2d of June, a negro
man named WM. N. TAYLOR, belonging to Mrs. Margaret
Tyler of Hanover county.
Said negro was hired to
Fitzhugh Mayo, Tobacconist; is quite black, of
genteel and easy manners, about five feet ten or eleven
inches high, has one front tooth broken, and is about 35
years old.
He is supposed either to
have made his escape North, or attempted to do so.
The above reward will be paid for his delivery to
Messrs. Hill and Rawlings, in Richmond, or secured
in jail, so that I get him again.
JAS. G. TYLER, Trustee for Margaret Tyler.
June 8th &c2t-
Richmond Enquirer, June 9,
57. |
William unquestionably possessed a fair share of
common sense, and just enough distaste to Slavery to
arouse him most resolutely to seek his freedom.
The advertisement of
James G. Tyler was not altogether accurate with
regard to his description of William; but
notwithstanding, in handing William down to
posterity, the description of Tyler has been
adopted in stead of the one engrossed in the records by
the Committee. But as a simple matter of fair
play, it seems fitting, that the description given by
William, while on the Underground Rail Road, of his
master, &c., should come in just here.
William acknowledged that he was the property of
Walter H. Tyler, brother of Ex-President
Tyler, who was described as follows: "He (master)
was about sixty-five years of age; was a barbarous man,
very in
[Pg. 135]
temperate, horse racer, chicken-cock fighter and
gambler. He had owned as high as forty head of
slaves, but he had gambled them all away. He was a
doctor, circulated high amongst southerners, though he
never lived agreeably with his wife, would curse her and
call her all kinds of names that he should not call a
lady. From a boy of nine up to the time I was
fifteen or sixteen, I don't reckon he whipped me less
than a hundred times. He shot at me once with a
double-barrelled gun.
"What made me leave was because I worked for him all my
life-time and he never gave me but two dollars and
fifteen cents in all his life. I was hired out
this year for two hundred dollars, but when I would go
to him to make complaints of hard treatment from the man
I was hired to, he would say: "G--d d__n it,
don't come to me, all I want is my money."
Mr. Tyler was a thin raw-boned man, with a long
nose, the picture of the president. His wife was a
tolerably well-disposed woman in some instances -
she was a tall, thin-visaged woman, and stood high in
the community. Through her I fell into the hands
of Tyler. At present she owns about fifty
slaves. His own slaves, spoken of as having been
gambled away, came by his father - he has been married
the second time."
Twice William had been sold and bought in, on
account of his master's creditors, and for many months
had been expecting to be sold again, to meet processing
claims in the hands of the sheriff against Tyler.
He, by the way, "now lives in Hanover county, about
eighteen iles from Richmond, and for fear of the
sheriff, makes himself very scarce in that city."
At fourteen years of age, William was sold for
eight hundred dollars; he would have brought in 1857,
probably twelve hundred and fifty dollars; he was a
member of the Baptist Church in good and regular
standing.
-------------------------
LOUISA BROWN.
LOUISA
is a good-looking, well-grown, intelligent mulatto girl
of sixteen his escape. Jacob left three
brothers in chains.
ALFRED
is twenty-three years of age, in stature quite small,
full black, and bears the marks of ill usage.
Through a member of the Methodist Church, his master,
Fletcher Jackson, "thought nothing of taking the
shovel to Alfred's head; or of knocking him, and
stamping his head with the heels of his boots."
Repeatedly, of late, he had been shockingly beaten.
To escape those terrible visitations, therefore, he made
up his mind to seek a refuge in Canada.
-------------------------
JACOB WATERS AND ALFRED
GOULDEN.
JACOB
is
twenty-one years of age, dark chestnut color, medium
size, and of prepossessing manners. Fled from near
Frederick, Md., from the clutches of a farmer by the
name of William Dorsey, who was described as a
severe
[Pg. 136]
master, and had sold two of Jacob's sisters,
South, only three years prior to his escape.
Jacob left three brothers in chains.
ALFRED is twenty-three years of age, in stature
quite small, full black, and bears the marks of ill
usage. Though a member of the Methodist Church,
his master, Fletcher Jackson "thought nothing of
taking the shovel to Alfred's head; or of
knocking him, and stamping his head with the heels of
his boots." Repeatedly, of late, he had been
shockingly beaten. To escape those terrible
visitations, therefore, he made up his mind to seek a
refuge in Canada.
-------------------------
ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE
JEFFERSON PIPKINS, ALIAS DAVID JONES,
LOUISA PIPKINS, ELIZABETH BRITT, HARRIET BROWN, ALIAS
JANE WOOTON, GRACY MURRY, ALIAS SOPHIA SIMS, EDWARD
WILLIAMS, ALIAS HENRY JOHNSON, CHAS. LEE, ALIAS THOMAS
BUSHIER.
Six very
clever-looking passengers, all in one party from
Baltimore, Md., the first Sunday in April, 1853.
Baltimore used to be in the days of Slavery one of the
most difficult places in the South for even free colored
people to get away from, much more for slaves. The
rule forbade any colored person go get away from, much
more for slaves. The rule forbade any colored
person leaving there by rail road or steamboat, without
such applicant had been weighed, measured, and then
given a bond signed by unquestionable signatures, well
known. Baltimore was rigid in the extreme, and was
a never-failing source of annoyance, trouble and expense
to colored people generally, and not unfrequently to
slave-holders too, when they were traveling North with
"colored servants." Just as they were ready to
start, the "Rules" would forbid colored servants until
the law was complied with. Parties hurrying on
would on account of this obstruction "have to wait until
their hurry was over." As this was all done in the
interest of Slavery, the matter was not very loudly
condemned. But, notwithstanding all this weighing,
measuring and requiring of bonds, many travelers by the
Underground Rail Road took passage for Baltimore.
The enterprising individual, whose name stands at the
head of this narrative, came directly form this
stronghold of Slavery. The widow Pipkins
held the title deed for Jefferson. She was
unfortunate in losing him, as she was living in ease and
luxury off of Jefferson's sweat and labor.
Louisa, Harriet and Grace owed service to
Geo. Stewart of Baltimore; Edward was
owned by Chasa. Moondo and Chas. Lee by
the above Stewart.
Those who would have taken this party for stupid, or
for know-nothings, would have found themselves very much
mistaken. Indeed they were far from being dull or
sleepy on the subject of Slavery at any rate. They
had considered pretty thoroughly how wrongfully they,
with all others in similar circumstances, had been year
in and year out subjected to unrequited toil so
[Pg. 137]
resolved to leave masters and mistresses to shift for
themselves, while they would try their fortunes in
Canada.
Four of the party ranged in age from twenty to
twenty-eight years of age, and the other two from
thirty-seven to forty. The Committee on whom they
called, rendered them due aid and advice, and forwarded
them to the Committee in New York.
The following letter from Jefferson, appealing for
assistance on behalf of his children in Slavery, was
peculiarly touching, as were all similar letters.
But the mournful thought that these appeals, sighs,
tears and prayers would continue in most cases to be
made till death, that nothing could be done directly for
the deliverance of such sufferers was often as painful
as the escape from the auction block was gratifying.
LETTER
FROM JEFFERSON PIPKINS.
Sept. 28, 1856.
TO WM. STILL. SIR: - I take the liberty of
writing to you a few lines concerning my children, for I
am very anxious to get them and I wish you to please try
what you can do for me. Their names are Charles
and Patrick and are living with Mrs.
Joseph G. BAker in Gatesville North Carolina and
Susan lives in Portsmouth Virginia and is stopping
with Dr. Collins sister a Mrs. Nash you can
find her out by enquiring for Dr. Collins at the
ferry boat at Portsouth, and Rose a coloured
woman at the Crawford House can tell where she is.
And I trust you will try what you think will be the best
way. And you will do me a great favour.
Yours Respectfully,
JEFFERSON PIPKINS.
P. S. I am living at Yorkville near Toronto Canada
West. My wife sends her best respects to
Mrs.
Still.
-------------------------
SEVERAL ARRIVALS FROM
DIFFERENT PLACES.
In order to
economize time and space, with a view to giving an
account of as many of the travelers as possible, it
seems expedient, where a number of arrivals come in
close proximity to each other, to report them briefly,
under one head.
HENRY
ANDERSON, alias WILLIAM ANDERSON.
In outward appearance Henry was uninteresting.
As he asserted, and as his appearance indicated, he had
experienced a large share of "rugged" usage. Being
far in the South, and in the hands of a brutal "Captain
of a small boat," chances of freedom or of
moderate treatment, ahd rarely ever presented themselves
in any aspect. On the 3d of the preceding March he
was sold to a negro trader - the thought of having to
live under a trader was so terrible, he was moved to
escape, leaving his wife, to whom he had only been
married three months. Henry was twenty-five
years of age, quite black and a little below the medium
size.
He fled from Beaufort, North Carolina. The system
of slavery in all
[Pg. 138]
the region of country whence Henry came,
exhibited generally great brutality and cruelty.
CHARLES
CONGO AND WIFE, MARGARET. Charles and his wife
were fortunate in managing to flee together. Their
attachment to each other was evidently true. They
were both owned by a farmer, who went by the name of
David Stewart, and resided in Maryland.
As Charles’ owner did not require their services
at home, as he had more of that kind of stock than he
had use for—he hired them out to another farmer—Charles
for $105 per annum; how much for the wife they could not
tell. She, however, was not blessed with good
health, though she was not favored any more on that
account. Charles’ affection for his wife,
on seeing how hard she
had to labor when not well, aroused him to seek their
freedom by flight. He resolved to spare no pains,
to give himself no rest until they were both free.
Accordingly the Underground Rail Road was sought and
found. Charles was twenty-eight, with a
good head and striking face, as well as otherwise well
made; chestnut color and intelligent, though unable to
read. Left two sisters in bondage.
Margaret was about the same age as her husband, a
nice-looking brown-skinned woman; worth Charles
was valued at $1200.
The atmosphere throughout the neighborhood where
Charles and Margaret had lived and breathed,
and had their existence, was heavily oppressed with
slavery. No education for the freeman of color,
much less for the slave. The order of the day was
literally, as far as colored men were concerned: “ No
rights which white men were bound to respect.”
CHASKEY
BROWN, Wm. Henry Washington, James Alfred Frisley,
and Charles Henry Salter. Chaskey is about
twenty-four years of age, quite black, medium size,
sound body and intelligent appearance, nevertheless he
resembled a "farm hand" in every particular. His
master was known by the name of Major James H. Gales,
and he was the owner of a farm with eighteen men, women
and children, slaves to toil for him. The Major in
disposition was very abusive and profane, though old and
grey-headed. His wife was pretty much the same
kind of a woman as he was a man; one who delighted in
making the slaves tremble at her bidding. Chaskey
was a member of the “Still Pond church,” of Kent county,
Md. Often Chaskey was made to feel the lash
on his back, notwithstanding his good standing in the
church. He had a wife and one child. In escaping,
he was obliged to leave them both. Chaskey
was valued at $1200.
WILLIAM
HENRY was about 20 years of age, and belonged to
Doctor B. Crain, of Baltimore, who hired him out to
a farmer. Not relishing the idea of having to work
all his life in bondage, destitute of all privileges, he
resolved to seek a refuge in Canada. He left his
mother, four sisters and two brothers.
JAMES is
twenty-four years of age, well made, quite black and
pretty
[Pg. 139]
shrewd. He too was unable to see how it was that
he should be worked, and flogged, and sold, at the
pleasure of his master and "getting nothing;" he "had
rather work for himself." His master was a
"speckled-faced - pretty large stomach man, but was
not very abuseful." He only owned one other.
CHARLES
HENRY is about thirty years of age, of good
proportion, nice looking and intelligent; but to rough
usage he was no stranger. To select his own master
was a privilege not allowed; privileges of all kinds
were rare with him. So be resolved to flee. Left
his mother, three sisters and five brothers in slavery.
He was a member of “ Albany Chapel,” at Massey’s
Cross Roads, and a slave of Dr. B. Crain.
Charles left his wife Anna, living near the
head of Sassafras, Md. The separation was painful,
as was everything belonging to the system of Slavery.
These were all gladly received by the Vigilance
Committee, and the hand of friendship warmly extended to
them; and the bst of counsel and encouragement was
offered; material aid, food and clothing were also
furnished as they had need, and they were sent on their
way rejoicing to Canada.
STEPHEN
TAYLOR, Charles Brown, Charles Henry Hollis,
and Luther Dorsey. Stephen was a fine young
man, of twenty years of age; he fled to keep from being
sold. He "supposed his master wanted money."
His master was a "tall, spare-faced man, with long
whiskers, very wicked and very quick-tempered," and was
known by the name of James Smithen, of Sandy
Hook, Harford county, Md. His wife was also a very
"close woman." They had four children growing up
to occupy their places as oppressors. Stephen
was not satisfied to serve either old or young
masters any longer, and made up his mind to leave the
first opportunity. Before this watchful and
resolute purpose the way opened, and he soon found it
comparatively easy to find his way from Maryland to
Pennsylvania, and likewise into the hands of the
Vigilance Committee, to whom he made known fully the
character of the place and people whence he had fled,
the dangers he was exposed to from slave-hunters, and
the strong hope he cherished of reaching free land soon.
Being a young man of promise, Stephen was advised
earnestly to apply his mind to seek an education, and to
use every possible endeavor to raise himself in the
scale of manhood, morally, religiously and
intellectually; and he seemed to drink in the
admonitions thus
given with a relish. After recruiting, and all
necessary arrangements had been made for his comfort and
passage to Canada, he was duly forwarded. “One
more slave-holder is minus another slave worth at least
$1200, which is something to rejoice over,” said
Committee. Stephen's parents were dead; one
brother was the only near relative he left in chains.
CHARLES
BROWN was about twenty-five years of age, quite
black, and bore the marks of having been used hard,
though his stout and hearty appearance would have
rendered him very desirable to a trader. He fled
from William Wheeling, of Sandy Hook, Md.
He spoke of his master as
[Pg. 140]
a "pretty bad man," who was "always quarreling," and "
would drink, swear and lie." Left simply because
he "never got anything for his labor." On taking
his departure for Canada, he was called upon to bid
adieu to his mother and three brothers, all under the
yoke. His master he describes thus—
"His face was long, cheek-bones high, middling tall,
and about twenty-six years of age." With this
specimen of humanity, Charles was very much
dissatisfied, and he made up his mind not to stand the
burdens of Slavery a day longer than he could safely
make his way to the North. And in making an effort
to reach Canada, he was quite willing to suffer many
things. So the first chance Charles got, he
started, and Providence smiled upon his resolution; he
found himself a joyful passenger on the Underground Rail
Road, being entertained free, and receiving attentions
from the Company all along the line through to her
British Majesty's boundlessly free territory in the
Canadas.
True, the thought of his mother and brothers, left in
the prison house, largely marred his joy, as it did also
the Committee's, still the Committee felt that
Charles had gained his Freedom honorably, and at the
same time, had left his master a poorer, if not a wiser
man, by at least $1200.
CHARLES HENRY was a good-looking young man, only
twenty years of age, and appeared to possess double as
much natural sense as he would require to take care of
himself. John Webster of Sandy Hook,
claimed Charles' time, body and mind, and this
was what made Charles unhappy. Uneducated
as he was, he was too sensible to believe that
Webster had any God-given right to his manhood.
Consequently, he left because his master "did not treat
him right." Webster was a tall man, with
large black whiskers, about fourty years of age, and
owned Charles' two sisters. Charles
was sorry for the fate of his sisters, but he could not
help them if he remained. Staying to wear the
yoke, he felt would rather make it worse instead of
better for all concerned.
LUTHER DORSEY is about nineteen years of
age, rather smart, black, well made and well calculated
for a Canadian. He was prompted to escape purely
from the desire to be "free." He fled from
a "very insulting man," by the name of Edward
Schriner, from the neighborhood of Sairsville Mills,
Frederick Co., Md. This Schriner was
described as a "low chunky man, with grum look, big
mouth, etc.," and was a member of the German Reformed
Church. "Don't swear, though might as well; he was
so bad other ways."
LUTHER was a member of the Methodist church at
Jones Hill. Left his father in chains; his mother
had wisely escaped to Canada years back, when he was but
a boy. Where she was then, he could not tell, but
hoped to meet her in Canada.
[Pg. 141]
ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND.
JEREMIAH W. SMITH AND WIFE JULIA.
Richmond was a
city noted for its activity and enterprise in slave
trade. Several slave pens and prisons were
constantly kept up to accommodate the trade. And
slave auctions were as common in Richmond as dress goods
auctions in Philadelphia; notwithstanding this fact,
strange as it may seem, the Underground Rail Road
brought away large numbers of passengers from Richmond,
Petersburg and Norfolk, and not a few of them lived
comparatively within a hair's breadth of the auction
block. Many of those from these localities were
amongst the most intelligent and respectable slaves in
the South, and except at times when disheartened by some
grave disaster which had befallen the road, as, for
instance, when some friendly captain or conductor was
discovered in aiding fugitives, many of the thinking
bondmen were daily manśuvering
and watching for opportunities to escape or aid their
friends so to do. This state of things of course
made the naturally hot blood of Virginians fairly boil.
They had preached long and loudly about the contented
and happy condition of the slaves,—that the chief end of
the black man was to worship and serve the white man,
with joy and delight, with more willingness and
obedience indeed than he would be expected to serve his
Maker. So the slave-holders were utterly at a loss
to account for the unnatural desire on the part of the
slaves to escape to the North where they affirmed they
would be far less happy in freedom than in the hands of
those so " kind and indulgent towards them."
Despite all this, daily the disposition increased, with
the more intelligent slaves, to distrust the statements
of their masters especially when they spoke against the
North. For instance if the master was heard to
curse Boston the slave was then satisfied that Boston
was just the place he would like to go to; or if the
master told the slave that the blacks in Canada were
freezing and starving, to death by hundreds, his hope of
trying to reach Canada was made ten fold stronger; he
was willing to risk all the starving and freezing that
the country could afford; his eagerness to find a
conductor then would become almost painful.
The situations of Jeremiah and Julia Smith,
however, were not considered very hard, indeed they had
fared rather better than most slaves in Virginia,
nevertheless it will be seen that they desired to better
their condition, to keep off" of the auction-block at
least. Jeremiah could claim to have
no mixture in his blood, as his color was of such a pure
black; but with the way of the world, in respect to
shrewdness and intelligence, he had evidently been
actively conversant. He was about twenty-six years
of age, and in stature only medium, with poor health.
The name of James Kinnard, whom he was
obliged to call master and serve, was disgusting to him.
Kinnard, he said, was a "close and severe
[Pg. 142]
man." At the same time he was not considered by
the community "a hard man." From the age of
fifteen years Jeremiah had been hired out, for
which his owner had received from $50 to $130 per annum.
In consequence of his master's custom of thus letting
out Jeremiah, the master had avoided doctors'
bills, &c. For the last two years prior to his
escape, how ever, Jeremiah's health had been very
treacherous, in consequence of which the master had been
compelled to receive only $50 a year, sick or well.
About one month before Jeremiah left, he was to
have been taken on his master's' farm, with the hope
that he could be made more profitable there than he was
in being hired out.
His owner had thought once of selling him, perhaps
fearing that Jeremiah might unluckily die on his
hands. So he put him in prison and advertised; but
as he had the asthma pretty badly at that time, he was
not saleable, the traders even declined to buy him.
While these troubles were presenting themselves to
Jeremiah, Julia, his wife, was still more
seriously involved, which added to Jeremiah's
perplexities, of course.
Julia was of a dark brown color, of medium size,
and thirty years of age. Fourteen years she had
been the slave of A. Judson Crane, and
under him she had performed the duties of nurse,
chamber-maid, etc., "faithfully and satisfactorily," as
the certificate furnished her by this owner witnessed.
She actually possessing a certificate, which he,
Crane, gave her to enable her to find a new master,
as she was then about to be sold. Her master had
experienced a failure in business. This was the
reason why she was to be sold.
Mrs. Crane, her mistress, had always
promised Julia that she should be free at her death.
But, unexpectedly, as Mrs. Crane was on
her journey home from Cape May, where she had been for
her health the summer before Julia escaped, she
died suddenly in Philadelphia. Julia,
however, had been sold twice before her mistress' death;
once to the trader, Reed, and afterwards to
John Freeland, and again was on the eve of
being sold. Freeland, her last owner,
thought she was unhappy because she was denied the
privilege of going home of nights to her husband,
instead of being on hand at the beck and call of her
master and mistress day and night. So the very day
Julia and her husband escaped, arrangements had
been made to put her up at auction a third time.
But both Julia and her husband had seen enough of
Slavery to leave no room to hope that they could ever
find peace or rest so long as they remained. So
there and then, they resolved to strike for Canada, via
the Underground Rail Road. By a little good
management, berths were procured for them on one of the
Richmond steamers (berths not known to the officers of
the boat), and they were safely landed in the hands of
the Vigilance Committee, and a most agreeable interview
was had.
The Committee extended to them the usual hospitalities,
in the way of
[Pg. 143]
board, accommodations, and free tickets Canadaward, and
wished them a safe and speedy passage. The
passengers departed, exceedingly light-hearted, Feb. 1,
1854.
-------------------------
EIGHT ARRIVALS:
JAMES MASSEY,
PERRY HENRY TRUSTY,
GEORGE RHOADS,
JAMES RHODES,
GEORGE WASHINGTON,
SARAH ELIZABETH RHOADS, AND CHILD,
MARY ELIZABETH STEVENSON
Doubtless there
was a sensation in "the camp," when this gang was found
missing.
JAMES was a likely-looking young man of twenty
years of age, dark, tall, and sensible; and worth, if we
may judge, about $1,600. He was owned by a farmer
named James Pittman, a "crabid kind of a
man," grey headed, with a broken leg; drank very hard,
at which times he would swear that he would "sell them
all to Georgia;" this threat was always unpleasant to
the ears of James, but it seemed to be a
satisfaction to the master. Fearing that it would
be put into execution, James thought he had
better let no time be lost in getting on towards Canada,
though he was entitled to his Freedom at the age of
twenty-five. Left his father, four brothers and
two sisters. Also left his wife, to whom he had
been married the previous Christmas.
His master's further stock of slaves consisted of two
women, a young man and a child. The name of his
old mistress was Amelia. She was " right
nice," James admitted. One of
James' brothers had been sold to Georgia by
Pittman, although he was also entitled to his
Freedom at the age of twenty-five.
His near relatives left in bondage lived near Level
Square, Queen Ann's county, Maryland. His wife's
name was Henrietta. "She was free."
Interesting letter from James Massey to
his wife. It was forwarded to the corresponding
secretary, to be sent to her, but no opportunity was
afforded so to do, safely.
ST. CATHARINES,
C. W., April 24, 1857.
DEAR WIFE - —I
take this opertunity to inform you that I have Arive in
St Catharines this Eving, After Jorney of too weeks, and
now find mysilf on free ground and wish that you was
here with me But you are not here, when we parted I did
not know that, I should come away so soon as I did.
But for that of causin you pain I left as I did, I hope
that you will try to come. But if you cannot,
write to me as soon as you can and tell me all that you
can But dont be Desscuredged I was sory to leave you,
and I could not help it for you know that I promest see
you to sister, But I was persuaded By Another man go
part with it grived mutch, you must not think that I did
not care for you. I cannot tell how I come, for I
was some times on the earth and some times under the
earth Do not Bee afraid to come But start and keep
trying, if you are afrid fitch your tow sister with you
for compeny and I will take care of you and treat you
like a lady so
[Pg. 144]
long as you live. The talk of cold in this place
is all a humbug, it is wormer here than it was there
when I left, your father and mother has allways treated
me like their own child I have no fault to find in them.
I send my Respects to them Both and I hope that they
will remember me in Prayer, if you make a start come to
Philidelpa tell father and mother that, I am safe and
hope that they will not morn after me I shall ever
Remember them. No more at present But yours in
Body and mind, and if we no meet on Earth I hope that we
shall meet in heven.
Your husbern. Good
night.
JAMES MASEY.
PERRY
was about thirty-one years of age, round-made, of dark
complexion, and looked quite gratified with his
expedition, and the prospect of becoming a British
subject instead of a Maryland slave. He was not
free, however, from the sad thought of having left his
wife and three children in the "prison house," nor
of the fact that his own dear mother was brutally
stabbed to the heart with a butcher knife by her young
master, while he (Perry) was a babe; nor of a
more recent tragedy by which a fellow-servant, only a
short while before he fled, was also murdered by a stab
in the groin from another young master. "Powerful
bad" treatment, and "no pay," was the only reward poor
Perry had ever received for his life services.
Perry could only remember his having received
from his master, in all, eleven cents. Left a
brother and sister in Slavery. Perry was
worth $1200 perhaps.
PERRY was compelled to leave his wife and three
children - namely, Hannah (wife), Perry,
Henry, William Thomas and Alexander, who were
owned by John McGuire, of Caroline county,
Maryland. Perry was a fellow-servant of
James Massey, and was held by the same owner who
held James. It is but just, to say, that it
was not in the Pittman family that his mother and
his fellow-servant had been so barbarously murdered.
These occurrences took place before they came into the
hands of Pittman.
The provocation for which his fellow-servant was
killed, was said to be very trifling. In a moment
of rage, his young master, John Piper, plunged
the blade of a small knife into Perry's groin,
which resulted in his death twenty-six hours afterwards.
For one day only the young master kept himself
concealed, then he came forward and said he "did it in
self-defense," and there the matter ended. The
half will never be told of the barbarism of Slavery.
PERRY'S letter subjoined, explains where he
went, and how his mind was occupied with thoughts of his
wife, children and friends.
ST. CATHARINES, C. W. June 21, 1857.
DEAR SIR. - I take this opportunity to inform you that
I am well at present, and hope that these few lines may
find you injoying the same Blessing, I have Been for
some time now, But have not written to you Before, But
you must Excuse me. I want you to give my Respects
to all my inquiring friends and to my wife, I should
have let you know. But I was afraid and all three
of my little children too, P. H. Trusty if he was
mine Wm. T. Trusty and to Alexander I have
been A man agge But was assurd nuthin, H. Trusty,
a hard grand citt. I should lic know how times is,
Henry Turner if you get this keep it
[Pg. 145]
and read it to yourself and not let any one else But
yourself, tell ann Henry, Samuel Henry, Jacob Bryant,
Wm. Claton, Mr. James at Almira Receved at
Mr. Jones house the Best I could I have Been healthy
since I arrived here. My Best Respect to all and
my thanks for past favours. No more at present But
Remain youre obedented Servent &c.
HENRY TRUSTY.
Please send me an answer as
son as you get this, and oblige yours,
MR. TRUSTY.
GEORGE
RHOADS is a young man of twenty-five years of age,
chestnut color, face round, and hating Slavery heartily.
He had come from under the control of John P. Dellum
a farmer, and a crabbed master, who "would swear very
much when crossed, and would drink moderately every
day," except sometimes he would "take a spree,"
and would then get pretty high. Withal he was a
member of the Presbyterian church at Perryville,
Maryland; he was a single man and followed farming.
Within the last two or three years, he had sold a man
and woman; hence, George thought it was time to
take warning. Accordingly he felt it to be his
duty to try for Canada, via Underground Rail Road.
As his master had always declared that if one run off,
he would sell the rest to Georgia, George very
wisely concluded that as an effort would have to be
made, they had better leave their master with as "few as
possible to be troubled with selling."
Consequently, a consultation was had between the
brothers, which resulted in the exit of a party of
eight. The market price for George would be
about $1400. A horrid example professed Christians
set before the world, while holding slaves and upholding
Slavery.
JAMES RHOADS,
brother of George, was twenty-three years of age,
medium size, dark color, intelligent and manly, and
would doubtless hae brought, in the Richmond market,
$1700. Fortunately he brought his wife and child
with him. James was also held by the same
task-master who held George. Often had he
been visited with severe stripes, and had borne his full
share of suffering from his master.
GEORGE
WASHINGTON, one of the same party, was only about
fifteen years of age; he was tall enough, however, to
pass for a young man of twenty. George was
of an excellent, fast, dark color. Of course,
mentally he was undeveloped, nevertheless, possessed of
enough mother-wit to make good his escape. In the
slave market he might have been valued at $800.
George was claimed as the lawful property of
Benjamin Sylves - a Presbyterian, who owned besides,
two men, three girls, and a boy. He was "tolerable
good" sometimes, and sometimes "bad." Some of the
slaved supposed themselves to be on the eve of being
emancipated about the time George left; but of
this there was no certainty. George,
however, was not among this hopeful number,
consequently, he thought that he would start in time,
and would be ready to about for Freedom quite as soon as
any other of his fellow-bondmen. George
left a father and three sisters.
SARAH ELIZABETH RHOADS wife of James Rhoads, was
seventeen years of age, a tall, dark,
[Pg. 146]
young woman, who had had no chances for mental
improvement, except such as were usual on a farm,
stocked with slaves, where learning to read the Bible
was against the "rules." Sarah was a young
slave mother with a babe (of course a slave) only eight
months old. She was regarded as having been
exceedingly fortunate in having rescued herself and
child from the horrid fate of slaves.
MARY ELIZABETH
STEPHENSON is a promising-looking young
woman, of twenty years of age, chestnut color, and well
made. Hard treatment had been her lot. Left
her mother, two sisters and four brothers in bondage.
Worth $1100.
Although these travelers were of the "field hand"
class, who had never been permitted to see much off of
the farm, and had been deprived of hearing intelligent
people talk yet the spirit of Freedom, so natural to
man, was quite uppermost with all of them. The
members of the Committee who saw them, were abundantly
satisfied that these candidates for Canada would prove
that they were able to "take care of themselves."
Their wants were attended to in the usual manner, and
they were sent on their way rejoicing, the Committee
feeling quite a eep interest in them. It looked
like business to see so many passing over the Road.
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