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History & Genealogy


(Previously Published in 1879 with title: The Underground Railroad)
For many years connected with the Anti-Slavery Office in Philadelphia, and Chairman of the Acting
Vigilant Committee of the Philadelphia Branch of the Underground Rail Road.

Illustrated with 70 Fine Engravings by Bensell, Schell and Others,
and Portraits from Photographs from Life.

Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant that has escaped from his master unto thee. - Deut. xxiii 16.



[Pg. 314 - continued]


      JAMES was a tiller of the soil under the yoke of Joshua Hitch, who lived on a farm about seventeen miles from Baltimore.  James spoke rather favorably of him; indeed, it was through a direct act of kindness on the part of his master that he procured the opportunity to make good his escape.  It appeared from his story, that his master's affairs had become particularly embarrassed, and the Sheriff was making frequent visits to his house.  This sign was interpreted to mean that James, if not others, would have to be sold before long.  The

master was much puzzled to decide which way to turn.  He owned but three other adult slaves besides James, and they were
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females.  One of them was his chief housekeeper, and with them all his social relations were of such a nature as to lead James and others to think and say that they "were all his wives."  Or to use James's own language "he had three slave women; two were sisters, and he lived with them all as his wives;  two of them he was very fond of," and desired to keep them from being sold if possible.  The third, he concluded he could not save, she would have to be sold.  In this dilemma, he was good enough to allow James a few days' holiday, for the purpose of finding him a good master.  Expressing his satisfaction and gratification, James, armed with full authority from his master to select a choice specimen, started for Baltimore.
     On reaching Baltimore, however, James carefully steered clear of all slave-holders, and shrewdly turned his attention to the matter of getting an Underground Rail Road ticket for Canada.  After making as much inquiry as he felt was safe, he came to the conclusion to walk of nights for a long distance.  He examined his feet and legs, found that they were in good order, and his faith and hope strong enough to remove a mountain.  Besides several days still remained in which he was permitted to look for a new master, and these he decided could be profitably spent in making his way towards Canada.  So off he started, at no doubt a very diligent pace, for at the end of the first night's journey, he had made much headway, but at the expense of his feet.
     His faith was stronger than ever.  So he rested next day in the woods, concealed, of course, and the next evening started with fresh courage and renewed perseverance.  Finally, he reached Columbia, Pennsylvania, and there he had the happiness to learn, that the mountain which at first had tried his faith so severely, was removed, and friendly hands were reached out and a more speedy and comfortable mode of travel advised.  He was directed to the Vigilance Committee in Philadelphia, from whom he received friendly aid, and all necessary information respecting Canada and how to get there.
     James was thirty-one years of age, rather a fine-looking man, of a chestnut color, and quite intelligent.  He had been a married man, but for two years before his escape, he had been a widower - that is, his wife had been sold away from him in North Carolina, and in that space of time he had received only three letters from her; he had given up all hope of ever seeing her again.  He had two little boys living in Baltimore, whom he was obliged to leave.  Their names were Edward and William. What became of them afterwards was never known at the Philadelphia station.
     James's master was a man of about fifty years of age - who had never been lawfully married, yet had a number of children on his place who were of great concern to him in the midst of other pressing embarrassments.  Of course, the Committee never learned how matters were settled after James left, but, in all probability, his wives, Nancy and Mary (sisters), and Lizzie, with all the children, had to be sold.

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PETER HEINES, Eatontown, North Carolina;  MATTHEW BODAMS, Plymouth, North Carolina;

     Their arrival was announced by Thomas Garrett as follows:
                                                                             WILMINGTON, 7th mo., 19th, 1856
     RESPECTED FRIEND, WILLIAM STILL: - I now have the pleasure of consigning to they care four able-bodied human beings from North Carolina, and five from Virginia, one of which is a girl twelve or thirteen years of age, the rest all men.  After thee ahs seen and conversed with them, thee can determine what is best to be done with them.  I am assured they are such as can take good care of themselves.  Elijah Pennypacker, some time since informed me he could find employment in his neighborhood for two or three good hands.  I should think that those from Carolina would be about as safe in that neighborhood as any place this side of Canada.  Wishing our friends a safe trip, I remain they sincere friend,                                       THOS  GARRETT.
     After conferring with Harry Craige, we have concluded to send five or six of them tonight in the cars, and the balance, if those go safe, to-morrow night, or in the steam-boat on Second day morning, directed to the Anti-Slavery office.

     There was much rejoicing over these select passengers, and very much interesting information was elicited from them.
     PETER was only twenty-one years of age, composed of equal parts of Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-African blood - rather a model looking article," with a fair share of intelligence.  As a slave, he had fared pretty well- he had neither been abused nor stinted of food or clothing, as many others had been.  His duties had been to attend upon his master (and reputed father), Elias Heines, Esq., a lawyer by profession in North Carolina.
     No charges whatever appear to have been made against Mr. Heines, according to the record book; but Peter seemed filled with great delight at the prospects ahead, as well as with the success that had attended his efforts thus far in striking for freedom.
     JAMES was twenty-seven years of age.  His experience had been quite different from that of Peter's.  The heel of a woman, by the name of Mrs.. Ann McCourt, had been on James's neck, and she had caused him to suffer severely.  As James recounted his grievances, while under the rule, he by no means gave her a very flattering character, but, on the contrary, he plainly stated, that she was a "desperate woman" - that he had "never known any good of her," and that he was moved to escape to get rid of her.  In other words,, she had threatened to sell him; this well nigh produced a frenzy in James's mind, for too well did he remember, that he had already

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been sold three times, and in different stages of his bondage had been treated quite cruelly.  In the change of masters he was positive in saying, that he had not found a good one, and, besides, he entertained the belief that such personages were very rare.
     Those of the Committee who listened to James were not a little amazed at his fluency, intelligence and earnestness, and acknowledged that he dealt unusually telling blows against the Patriarchal Institution.
     MATTHEW was twenty-three years of age, very stout - no fool - a man of decided resolution, and of the very best black complexion produced in the South.  Matthew had a very serious bill of complaints against Samuel Simmons, who professed to own him (Matthew), both body and mind, while in this world at least.  Among these complaints was the charge of ill-treatment.  Nevertheless Matthew's joy and pleasure were matchless over his Underground Rail Road triumph, and the prospect of being so soon out of the land and reach of Slavery, and in a land where he could enjoy his freedom as others enjoyed theirs.  Indeed the entire band evinced similar feelings.  Matthew left a brother in Martin county.
     Further sketches of this interesting company were not entered on the book at the time, perhaps on account of the great press of Underground Rail Road business which engaged the attention of the acting Committee.  However, they were all duly cared for, and counselled to go to Canada, where their rights would be protected by a strong and powerful government, and they could enjoy all the rights of citizenship in common with "all the world and the rest of mankind."  And especially were they advised to get education; to act as men, and remember those still in bonds as bound with them, and that they must not forget to write back, after their arrival in Canada, to inform their friends in Philadelphia of their prospects, and what they thought of the "goodly land."  Thus, with the usual Underground Rail Road passports, they were again started Canada-ward.  Without difficulty of any kind they duly reached Canada, and a portion of them wrote back as follows:

                                                                         "TORONTO, C. W., Aug. 17th, 1856.

     MR. STILL: - Dear Sir - These few lines may find you as they leave us, we are well at present and arrived safe in Toronto.  Give our respects to Mrs. S.___and daughter.  Toronto is a very extensive place.  We have plenty of pork, beef and mutton.  There are five market houses and many churches.  Female wages is 62½ cents per day, men's wages is $1 and york shilling.  We are now boarding at Mr. George Blunt's, on Centre street, two doors from Elm, back of Lawyer's Hall, and when you write to us, direct your letter to the care of Mr. George Blunt, &c.  (Signed), James Monroe, Peter Heines, Henry James Morris, and Matthew Bodams."

     This intelligence was very gratifying, and most assuredly added to the pleasurable contemplation of having the privilege of holding out a helping hand to the fleeing bondman.  From James Morris, one of this company, however, letters of a painful nature were received, touching his wife in

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bonds, setting forth her "awful" situation and appealing to the Committee to use their best endeavors to rescue her, with her child, from Slavery.  One of these letters, so full of touching sentiments of affection and appeal on behalf of his wife, in as follows:

                                                 TORONTO, Canada West, upper, 18th day of the 9th mo., 1856.
     MR. WILLIAM STILL; - Dear Sir - I hope these lines may find you and your family as they leave me give my respects to little Caroline and her mother.
     Dear Sir, I have received two letters from my wife since I saw you, and the second was awful.  I am sorry to say she says she has been treated awful since I left, and she told the lady she thought she was left free and she told her she was as much slave as ever she was that the state was not to be settled until her death and it would be a meracle if she and her child got it then and that her master left a great many relations and she diden no what they would do.  Mr. Still dear sir I am very sorry to hear my wife and child are slaves if you please dear sir inform me what to do for my dear wife and child.  She said she has been threatened to be put in jail three times since I left also she tells me that she is washing for the captain of a vesel that use to run to Petersburg but now he runs to Baltimore and he ahs promas to take her to Delaware or New York for 50 dollars and she had not the money, she sent to me and I sent her all I had which was 5 dollars dear sir can you inform me what to do with a case of this kind the captains name is Thomas.
My wife is name lucy an morris my child is name lot, if you please dear sir answer me as soon as you can posable.   
                                                                             HENRY JAMES MORRIS, Toronto C. W.
     Henry James Morris in care of Wm. George Blunt, Centre st., 2 doors fro Elam.

     This sad letter made a mournful impression, as it was not easy to see how her deliverance was to be effected.  One feature, however, about this epistle afforded much satisfaction, namely, to know, that James did not forget his poor wife and child, who were in the prison-house.  Many months after this first letter came to hand, Mrs. Dr. Willis, one of the first ladies in Toronto, wrote on his behalf as follows:
                                                   TORONTO, 15TH June, Monday morning, 1857

     To Mr. STILL, DEAR SIR: - I write you this letter for a respectable young man (his name is James Morris), he passed through your hands July of last year (1856), and has just had a letter from his wife, whom he left behind in Virginia, that she and her child are likely to be sold.  He is very anxious about this and wishful that she could get away by some vessel or otherwise.  His wife's name is Lucy Morris; the child's name is Lot Morris; the lady's name she lives with is a Mrs. Hine (I hope I spell her name right, Hine), at the corner of Duke street and Washington street, in Norfolk city, Virginia.  She is hired out to this rich old widow lady.  James Morris wishes me to write you - he has saved forty dollars, and will send it to you whenever it is required, to bring her on to Toronto, Canada West.  It is in the bank ready upon call.  Will you please, sir, direct your letter in reply to this, to a Mrs. Ringgold, Centre street, two doors from Elam street, Toronto, Canada West, as I will be out of town.  I write this instead of MR. Thomas Henning, who is just about leaving for England.  Hoping you will reply soon, I remain, sir,
                                                   Respectfully your,                                         AGNES WILLIS.

     Whether James ever succeeded in recovering his wife and child, is not known to the writer.  Many similarly situated were wont to appeal again and again, until growing entirely hopeless, they would conclude to marry.

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     Here it may be remarked, with reference to marrying, that of the great number of fugitives in Canada, the male sex was largely in preponderance over the female, and many of them were single young men.  This class found themselves very acceptable to Irish girls, and frequently legal alliances were the result.  And it is more than likely, that there are white women in Canada to-day, who are married to some poor slave woman's fugitive husband.
     Verily, the romantic and tragic phases of the Underground Rail Road are without number, if not past finding out.
     Scarcely had the above-mentioned nine left the Philadelphia depot, ere the following way-worn travelers came to hand:

     PERRY SHEPHARD, and ISAAC REED, Eastern Shore, Maryland; GEORGE SPERRYMAN, alias THOMAS JOHNSONS, Richland;  VALENTINE SPIRES, near Petersburg; DANIEL GREEN, alias GEORGE TAYLOR, Leesburg, Virginia; JAMES JOHNSON, alias WILLIAM GILBERT and wife HARRIET, Prince George's county, Maryland; HENRY COOPER, and WILLIAM ISRAEL SMITH, Middletown, Delaware; ANNA DORSEY, Maryland.
     Although starting from widely separated localities without the slightest communication with each other in the South, each separate passenger earnestly being on freedom, had endured suffering, hunger, and perils, by land and water, sustained by the hope of ultimate freedom.

      PERRY SHEPHARD and ISAAC REED reported themselves as having fled from the Eastern Shore of Maryland; that they had there been held to service or Slavery by Sarah Ann Burgess, and Benjamin Franklin Houston from whom they fled.  No incidents of slave life or travel were recorded, save that Perry left his wife Milky Ann, and two children, Nancy and Rebecca (free).  Also Isaac left his wife, Hester Ann Louisa, and the following named children:  Philip Henry, Harriet Ann and Jane Elizabeth.

     GEORGE SPERRYMAN'S lot was cast amongst the oppressed in the city of Richmond, Va.  Of the common ills of slave life, George could speak from experience; but little of his story, however, was recorded at the time.  He had reached the Committee through the regular channel - was adjudged worthy of aid and encouragement, and they gave it to him freely.  Nickless Templeman was the loser in this instance; how he bore the misfortune the Committee was not apprised.  Without question, the property was delighted with getting rid of the owner.

     VALENTINE SPIRES came a fellow-passenger with George, having "took out"  the previous Christmas, from a place called Dunwoody, near Petersburg.  He was held to service in that place by Dr. Jesse Squires.  Under his oppressive rules and demands, Valentine had been convinced that there could be no peace, consequently he turned his attention to one idea - freedom and the Underground Rail Road, and with this faith, worked his way through the Committee, and was received, and aided of course.

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     DAVID GREEN, fled from Warrington, near Leesburg.  Elliott Curlett so alarmed David by threatening to sell him, that the idea of liberty immediately took possession, in David's mind.  David had suffered many hardships at the hands of his master, but when the auction-block was held up to him, that was the worst cut of all.  He became a thinker right away.  Although he had a wife and one child in Slavery, he decided to flee for his freedom at all hazards, and accordingly he carried out his firm resolution.

     JAMES JOHNSON.  This "article" was doing unrequited labor as the slave of Thomas Wallace, in Prince George county, Maryland.  He was a stout and rugged-looking man, of thirty-five years of age.  On escaping, he was fortunate enough to bring his wife, Harriet with him.  She was ten years younger than himself, and had been owned by William T. Wood, by whom she said that she had "been well treated."  But of late, this Wood had taken to liquor, and she felt in danger of being sold.  She knew that rum ruined the best of slave-holders, so she was admonished to get out of danger as soon as possible.

     CHARLES HENRY COOPER and WILLIAM ISRAEL SMITH.  These passengers were representatives of the peculiar Institution of Middletown, Delaware.  Charles was owned by Catharine Mendine and William by John P. Cather.  According to their confession, Charles and William it seemed had been thinking a good deal over the idea of "working for nothing," of being daily driven to support others, while they were rendered miserable thereby.  So they made up their minds to try the Underground Rail Road, "hit or miss."  This resolution was made and carried into effect (on the part of Charles at least), at the cost of leaving a mother, three brothers, and three sisters in Slavery, without hope of ever seeing them again.  The ages of Charles and William were respectively twenty-two and twenty-one.  Both stout and well-made young men, with intellects well qualified to make the wilderness of Canada bud and blossom as the rose, and thitherward they were dispatched.

     ANNA DORSEY became tired of Slavery in Maryland, where she reported that she had been held to service by a slave-holder, known by the name of Eli Molesworth.  The record is silent as to how she was treated.  As a slave, she had been brought up a seamstress, and was quite intelligent.  Age twenty-two, mulatto.



     About the latter part of March, 1856, Owen Taylor and his wife, Mary Ann and their little son, Edward, together with a brother and his wife and two children, and a third brother, Benjamin, arrived from near Clear

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Springs, nine miles from Hagerstown, Maryland.  They all left their home, or rather escaped from the prison-house, on Easter Sunday, and came via Harrisburg, where they were assisted and directed to the Vigilance Committee in Philadelphia.  A more interesting party had not reached the Committee for a long time.
     The three brothers were intelligent, and heroic, and, in the resolve to obtain freedom, not only for themselves, but for their wives and children desperately in earnest.  They had counted well the cost of this struggle for liberty, and had fully made up their minds that if interfered with by slave-catchers, somebody would have to bite the dust.  That they had pledged themselves never to surrender alive, was obvious.  Their travel-worn appearance, their attachment for each other, the joy that the tokens of friendship afforded them, the description they gave of incidents on the road, made an impression not soon to be effaced.
     In the presence of a group like this Sumner's great and eloquent speech on the Barbarism of Slavery, seemed almost cold and dead, - the mute appeals of these little ones in their mother's arms - the unlettered language of these young mothers, striving to save their offspring from the doom of Slavery - the resolute and manly bearing of these brothers expressed in words full of love of liberty, and of the determination to resist Slavery to the death, in defence of their wives and children - this was Sumner's speech enacted before our eyes.
     OWEN was about thirty-one year of age, but had experienced a deal of trouble.  He had been married twice, and both wives were believed to be living.  The first one, with their little child, had been sold in the Baltimore market, about three years before, the mother was sent to Louisiana, the child to South Carolina.  Father, mother, and child, parted with no hope of ever seeing each other again in this world.  After Owen's wife was sent South, he sent her his likeness and a dress; the latter was received, and she was greatly delighted with it, but he never heard of her having received his likeness.  He likewise wrote to her, but he was not sure that she received his letters.  Finally, he came to the conclusion that as she was forever dead to him, he would do well to marry again.  Accordingly he took to himself another partner, the one who now accompanied him on the Underground Rail Road.
     Omitting other interesting incidents, a reference to his handiwork will suffice to show the ability of OwenOwen was a born mechanic, and his master practically tested his skill in various ways; sometimes in the blacksmith shop - at other times as a wheelwright - again at making brushes and brooms, and at leisure times he would try his hand in all these crafts.  This Jack-of-all-trades was, of course, very valuable to his master.  Indeed his place was hard to fill.
     Henry Fiery, a farmer, "about sixty-four years of age, a stout, crusty old

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fellow," was the owner of Owen and his two brothers.  Besides slaves, the old man was in possession of a wife, whose name was Martha, and seven children, who were pretty well grown up.  One of the sons owned Owen's wife and two children.  Owen declared, that they had been worked hard, while few privileges had been allowed them.  Clothing of the poorest texture was only sparingly furnished. Nothing like Sunday raiment was ever given them; for these comforts they are compelled to do over-work of nights.  For a long time the idea of escape had been uppermost in the minds of this party.  The first of January, past, was the time "solemnly" fixed upon to "took out," but for some reason or other (not found on the record book), their strategical minds did not see the way altogether clear, and they deferred starting until Easter Sunday.
     On that memorable evening, the men boldly harnessed two of Mr. Fiery's steeds and placing their wives and children in the carriage, started off via Hagerstown, in a direct line of Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, at a rate that allowed no grass to grow under the horses' feet.  In this manner they made good time, reached Chambersburg safely, and ventured up to a hotel where they put up their horses.  Here they bade their faithful beasts good-bye and "took out" for Harrisburg by another mode of travel, the cars.  On their arrival they naturally fell into the hands of the Committee, who hurried them off to Philadelphia, apprising the Committee there of their approach by a dispatch sent ahead.  Probably they had scarcely reached Philadelphia ere the Fierys were in hot haste after them, as far as Harrisburg, if not farther.
     It hardly need be hinted, that the community in which the Fierys lived was deeply agitated for days after, as indeed it was along the entire route to Chambersburg, in consequence of this bold and successful movement.  The horses were easily captured at the hotel, where they were left, but, of course, they were mute as to what had become of their drivers.  The furious Fierys probably got wind of the fact, that they had made their way to Harrisburg.  At any rate they made very diligent search at this point.  While here prosecuting his hunting operations, Fiery managed to open communication with at least one member of the Harrisburg Committee, to whom his grievances were made known, but derived little satisfaction.
     After the experience of a few weeks, the pursuers came to the conclusion, that there was no likelihood of recovering them through these agencies, or through the Fugitive Slave Law.  In their despair, therefore, they resorted to another "dodge."  All at once they became "sort-o'-friendly"  - indeed more than half disposed to emancipate.  The member of the Committee in Harrisburg had, it is probable, frequently left room for their great delusion, if he did not even go so far a to feed their hopes with plausible suggestions, that some assistance might be afforded by which an amicable settlement might be made between masters and slaves.

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     The following extract, from the Committee's letter, relative to this matter, is open to this inference, and may serve to throw some light on the subject:

                                                                                                   HARRISBURG, April 28, '56

     FRIEND STILL: - Your last came to hand in due season, and I am happy to hear of the safe arrival of those gents. *    *     *     *     *     *     *
     I have before me the Power of Attorney of Mr. John S. Fiery, son of Mr. Henry Fiery, of Washington county, Md., the owner of those three men, two women and three children, who arrived in your town on the 24th or 25th of March.  He graciously condescends to liberate the oldest in a year, and the remainder in proportional time, if they will come back; or to sell them their time for $1300.  He is sick of the job, and is ready to make any conditions.  Now, if you personally can get word to them and get them to send him a letter, in my charge, informing him of their whereabouts and prospects, I think it will be the bet answer I can make him.  He will return here in a week or two, to know what can be done.  He offer $500 to see them.
     Or if you can send me word where they are, I will endeavor to write to them for his special satisfaction; or if you cannot do either, send me your latest information, for I intend to make him spend a few more dollars, and if possible get a little sicker of this bad job.  Do try and send him a few bitter pills for his weak nerves and disturbed mind.
                                           Yours in great haste,                               JOS. C. BUSTILL

     A subsequent from Mr. Bastill contains, besides other interesting Underground Rail Road matter, an item relative to the feeling of disappointment experienced by Mr. Fiery on learning that his property was in Canada.
                                                                                                          HARRISBURG, May 26, '56

     FRIEND STILL: - I embrace the opportunity presented by the visit of our friend, John F. Williams, to drop you a few lines in relation to our future operations.
     The Lightning Train was put on the Road on last Monday, and as the traveling season has commenced and this is the Southern route for Niagara Falls, I have concluded not to send by way of Auburn, except in cases of great danger; but hereafter we will use the Lightning Train, which leaves here at 1½ and arrives in your city at 5 o'clock in the morning, and I will telegraph about 5½ o'clock in the afternoon, so it may reach you before you close.  These four are the only ones that have come since my last.  The woman has been here some time waiting for her child and her beau, which she expects here about the first of June.  If possible, please keep a knowledge of her whereabouts, to enable me to inform him if he comes.     *     *     *     *     *     *     *
     I have nothing more to send you, except that John Fiery has visited us again and much to his chagrin received the information of their being in Canada.
Yours as ever,                                        JOS. C. BUSTILL.

     Whilst the Fierys were working like beavers to re-enslave these brave fugitives, the latter were daily drinking in more and more of the spirit of freedom and were busy with schemes for the deliverance of other near kin left behind under the galling yoke.
     Several very interesting letters were received from Otho Taylor, relative to a raid he designed making expressly to effect the escape of his family.  The two subjoined must suffice, (others, much longer, cannot now be produced, they have probably loaned and not returned.)

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                                                                                                          APRIL 15th, 1857.

     SIR - We arrived here safely.  Mr. Syrus and his lady is well situated.  They have a place for the year round 15 dollars per month.  We are all well and hope that you are all the same.  Now I wish to know whether you would please send me some money to go after those people.  Send it here if you please.      Yours truly,  OTHO TAYLOR.

                                                                                                          ST. CATHERINES, Jan. 26, 1857.
     MR. WM. STILL:  - Dear Sir - I write at this time in behalf of Otho Taylor.  He is very anxious to go and get his family at Clear Spring, Washington county, Md.  He would like to know if the Society there would furnish him the means to go after them from Philadelphia, that you will be running no risk in doing this.  IF the Society can do this, he would not be absent from P. more than three days.
     He is so anxious to get his family from slavery that he is willing to do almost anything to get them to Canada.  You may possibly recollect him - he was at your place last August.  I think he can be trusted.  If you can do something for him, he has the means for take him to your place.
     Please let me know immediately if you can do this.                         Respectfully yours,
                                                                                                                          M. H. A. WILSON.

     Such appeals came very frequently from Canada, causing much sadness, as but little encouragement could be held out to such projects.  In the first place, the danger attendant upon such expeditions was so fearful, and in the second place, our funds were so inadequate for this kind of work, that, in most cases, such appeals had to be refused.  Of course, there were those whose continual coming, like the poor widow in the Gospel, could not be denied.



     THREE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD, - Ran away from the subscriber, residing near Bladensburg, Prince George's county, Maryland, on Saturday night, the 22d of March, 1856, my negro man, Tom Matthews, aged about 25 years, about 5 feet 9 inches high, dark copper color, full suit of bushy hair, broad face, with high cheek bones, broad and square shoulders, stands and walks very erect, though quite a sluggard in action, except in a dance, at which he is hard to beat.  He wore away a black coat and brown pantaloons.  I will give the above reward if taken and brought home, or secured in jail, so that I get him.
                                                                       E. A. JONES, near Bladensburg, Md.

     As Mr. Jones may be unaware which way his man Tom traveled, this item may inform him that his name was entered on the Underground Rail Road book April 4th 1856, at which date he appeared to be in good health and full of hope for a safe sojourn in Canada.  He was destitute, of course, just as anybody else would have been, if robbers had stripped him of every dollar of his earnings; but he felt pretty sure, that he could take care of himself in her Majesty's dominion.

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     The Committee, encouraged by his efforts, reached him a helping hand and sent him on to swell the goodly number in the promised land - Canada.
     On the same day that Tom arrived, the Committee had the pleasure of taking JAMES JONES by the hand.  He was owned by Dr. William Stewart, of King George's Court House, Maryland.  He was not, however, in the service of his master at the time of his escape but was hired out in Alexandria.  For some reason, not noticed in the book, James became dissatisfied, changed his name to Henry Rider, got an Underground Rail Road pass and left the Dr. and his other associations in Maryland.  He was one of the well-cared for "articles," and was of very near kin to the white people, at least a half-brother (mulatto, of course).  He was thirty-two years of age, medium size, hard-featured and raw-boned, but "no marks about him."
     James looked as if he had had pretty good health, still the Committee thought that he would have much better in Canada.  After haring a full description of that country and of the great number of fugitives there from Maryland and other parts of the South, "Jim" felt that that was just the place he wanted to find, and was soon off with a free ticket, a letter of introduction, etc.



     Thomas Garrett announced this in the following letter:
                                                                          WILMINGTON, 3d mo., 23d, 1856.
     DEAR FRIEND, WILLIAM STILL: - Captain Fountain has arrived all safe, with the human cargo thee was inquiring for, a few days since.  I had men waiting till 12 o'clock till the Captain arrived at his berth, ready to receive them; last night they then learned that he had landed them at the Rocks, near the old Swedes church, in the care of or efficient Pilot, who is in the employ of my friend, John Hillis, and he has them now in charge.  As soon as my breakfast is over, I will see Hillis and determine what is best to be done in their case.  My own opinion is, we had better send them to Hook and there put them in the cars to-night and send a pilot to take them to thy house.  As Marcus Hook is in Pennsylvania, the agent of the cars runs no risk of the fine of five hundred dollars our State imposes for assisting one of God's poor out of the Slate by steamboat or ears.
                                                                     As ever thy friend,   THOS. GARRETT.


     Rebecca Jones, and her three daughters, Sarah Frances, Mary, and Rebecca; Isaiah Robison, Arthur Spence, Caroline Taylor, and her two daughters, Nancy, and Mary; Daniel Robinson; Thomas Page; Benjamin Dickinson; David Cole and wife.
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     From the tenor of Thomas Garrett's letter, the Committee was prepared for a joyful reception, knowing that Captain F. was not in the habit of doing things by the halves - that he was not in the habit of bringing numbskulls; indeed he brought none but the bravest and most intelligent.  Yet notwithstanding our knowledge of his practice in this respect, when he arrived we were surprised beyond measure.  The women outnumbered the men.  The two young mothers, with their interesting, hearty and fin-looking children representing in blood the two races about equally - presented a very impressive spectacle.
     The men had the appearance of being active, smart, and well disposed, much above the generality of slaves; but, compared with those of the opposite sex, their claims for sympathy were very faint indeed.  No one could possibly avoid the conclusion, that these mothers, with their handsome daughters, were valued on the Ledger of their owners at enormously high prices; that lustful traders and sensualists had already gloated over the thought of buying them in a few short years.  Probably not one of those "beautiful girls would have brought less than fifteen hundred or two thousand dollars at the age of fifteen.  It was therefore a great satisfaction to think, that their mothers, who knew full well to what a fate such slave girls were destined, had labored so heroically to snatch them out of his danger ere the critical hour arrived.

     REBECCA JONES was about twenty-eight years of age; mulatto, good-looking, considerably above medium size, very intelligent, and a true-born heroine.
     The following reward, offered by the notorious negro-trader, Hall, proved that Rebecca and her children were not to be allowed to go free, if slave-hunters could be induced by a heavy pecuniary consideration to recapture them:

     $300 REWARD is offered for the apprehension of negro woman, REBECCA JONES and her three children, and man ISAIAH, belonging to W. W. Davidson, who have disappeared since the 20th inst.  The above reward will be paid for he apprehension and delivery of the said Negroes to my Jail, by the attorney in fact of the owner, or the sum of $250 for the man alone, or $150 for the woman and three children alone.                                           WM. W. HALL, for the Attorney.
     feb. 1

     Years before her escape, her mistress died in England; and as Rebecca had always understood, long before this event, that all the slaves were to be freed at the death of her mistress, she was not prepared to believe any other report.  It turned out, however, as in thousands of other instances, that no will could be found, and, of course, the administrators retained the slave property, regardless of any verbal expressions respecting freeing, etc.  Rebecca closely watched the course of the administrators, and in the meanwhile firmly resolved, that neither she nor her children should ever serve another master.  Rather than submit, she declared that she would

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take the lives of her children and then her own.  Notwithstanding her bold and decided stand, the report went out that she was to be sold, and that all the slaves were still to be held in bondage.  Rebecca's sympathizers and friends advised her, as they thought for the best, to get a friend or gentleman to purchase her for herself.  To this she replied:   "Not three cents would I give, nor do I want any of my friends to buy me, not if they could get me for three cents.  It would be of no use," she contended, "as she was fully bent on dying, rather than remain a slave."  The slave-holders evidently understood her, and were in no hurry about bringing her case to an issue - they rather gave her time to become calm.  But Rebecca was inflexible.
     Six years before her arrival, her husband had escaped, in company with the noted fugitive, "Shadrach."  For a time after he fled, she frequently received letters from him, but for a long while he had ceased to write, and of late she had heard nothing from him.
     In escaping stowed away in the boat, she suffered terribly, but faithfully endured to the end, and was only too happy when the agony was over.  After resting and getting thoroughly refreshed in Philadelphia, she, with others, was forwarded to Boston, for her heart was there.  Several letters were received from her, respecting her prospects, etc., from which it appears that she had gained some knowledge of her husband, although not of a satisfactory nature.  At any rate she decided that she could not receive him back again.  The following letter has referenced to her prospects, going to California, her husband, etc.:

                                                         PARKER HOUSE, School street, Boston, Oct. 18th, '56.
     MY DEAR SIR: - I can hardly express the pleasure I feel at the receipt of your kind letter; but allow me to thank you for the same.
     And now I will tell you my reasons for going to California.  Mrs. Tarrol, a cousin of my husband, has sent for me.  She says I can do much better there than in Boston.  And as I have my children's welfare to look to, I have concluded to go.  Of course I shall be just as likely to hear from home there as here  Please tell Mr. Bagnale I shall expect one letter from him before I leave here.
     I should like to hear from my brothers and sisters once more, and let me hear every particular.  You never can know how anxious I am to hear from them; do please impress this upon their minds.
     I have written two letters to Dr. Lundy and never received an answer.  I heard Mrs. Lundy was dead, and thought that might possibly be the reason he had not replied to me.  Please tell the Doctor I should take it as a great favor if he would write me a few lines.
     I suppose you think I am going to live with my husband again.  Let me assure you 'tis no such thing.  My mind is as firm as ever.  And believe me, in going away from Boston, I am going away from him, for I have heard he is living somewhere near.  He has been making inquiries about me, but that can make no difference in my feelings to him.  I hope that yourself, wife and family are all quite well.  Please remember me to them all.  Do me a favor to give my love to all inquiring friends.  I should be most happy to have any letters of introduction you may think me worthy of, and I trust I shall ever remain.
                                                                   Yours faithfully,             REBECCA JONES.
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     P. S. - I do not know if I shall go this Fall, or in the Spring.  It will depend upon the letter I receive from California, but whichever it may be, I shall be happy to year from you very soon.

     ISAIAH, who was a fellow servant with Rebecca, and was included in the reward offered by Hall for Rebecca, etc. was a young man about twenty-three years of age, a mulatto, intelligent and of prepossessing manners.  A purely ardent thirst for liberty prompted him to flee; although he declared that he had been treated very badly, and had even suffered severely form being shamefully "beaten."  He had, however, been permitted to hire his time by the year, for which one hundred and twenty-dollars were regularly demanded by his owner.  Young as he was, he was a married man, with a wife and two children, to whom he was devoted.  He had besides two brothers and two sisters for whom he felt a war degree of brotherly affection; yet when the hour arrived for him to accept a chance for freedom at the apparent sacrifice of these dearest ties of kindred, he was found heroic enough for his painful ordeal, and to give up all for freedom.

     CAROLINE TAYLOR and her two children, were also from Norfolk, and came by boat.  Upon the whole, they were not less interesting than Rebecca Jones and her three little girls.  Although Caroline was not in her person half so stately, nor gave such promise of heroism as Rebecca - for Caroline was rather small of stature - yet she was more refined, and quite an intelligent as Rebecca, and represented considerably more of the Anglo-Saxon blood.  She was a mulatto, and her children were almost fair enough to pass for white - probably they were quadroons, hardly any one would have suspected that they had only one quarter of colored blood in their veins.  For ten years Caroline had been in the habit of hiring her time at the rate of seventy-five dollars per year, with the exception of the lat year, when her hire was raised to eighty-four dollars.  So anxious was she to have her older girl (eleven years old) at home with her, that she also hired her time by the year, for which she was compelled to pay twenty-four dollars.  As her younger child was not sufficiently grown to hire out for pay, she was permitted to have it at home with her on the conditions that she would feed, clothe and take good care of it, permitting no expense whatever to fall upon her master
     Judging from the appearance and manners of the children, their mother had, doubtless, been most faithful to them, for more handsome, well-behaved, intelligent and pleasing children could not easily be selected from either race or any station of life.  The younger, Mary by name, nine years of age, attracted very great attention, by the deep interest she manifested in a poor fugitive (whom she had never seen before), at the Philadelphia station, confined to the bed and suffering excruciating pain from wounds he had received whilst escaping.  Hours and hours together, during the two or three days of their sojourn, she spent of her own accord, by his bed-side,

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manifesting almost womanly sympathy in the most devoted and tender manner.  She thus, doubtless, unconsciously imparted to the sufferer a great deal of comfort.  Very many affecting incidents had come under the observation of the acting Committee, under various circumstances, but never before had they witnessed a sight more interesting, a scene more touching.
     Caroline and her children were owned by Peter March, Esq, late of Norfolk, but at that time, he was living in New York, and was carrying on the iron business.  He came into possession of them through his wife, who was the daughter of Caroline's former master, and almost the only heir left, in consequent of the terrible fever of the previous summer.  Caroline was living under the daily fear of being sold; this, together with the task of supporting herself and two children, made her burden very grievous.  Not a great while before her escape, her New York master had been on to Norfolk, expressly with a view of selling her, and asked two thousand dollars for her.  This, however, he failed to get, and was still awaiting an offer.
     These ill omens aroused Caroline to think more seriously over the condition of herself and children than she had ever done before, and in this state of mind she came to the conclusion, that she would strive to save herself and children by flight on the Underground Rail Road.  She knew full well, that it was no faint-hearted struggle that was required of her, so she had nerved herself with the old martyr spirit to risk her all on her faith in God and Freedom, and was ready to take the consequences if she fell back into the hands of the enemy.  This noble decision was the crowning act in the undertakings of thousands similarly situated.  Through this faith she gained the liberty of herself and her children.  Quite a number of the friends of the slave saw these interesting fugitives, and wept, and rejoiced with them.
     Col. A. Cummings, in those days Publisher of the "Evening Bulletin," for the first time, witnessed an Underground Rail Road arrivals.  Some time previous, in conversation with Mr. J. M. McKim, the Colonel had expressed views not altogether favorable to the Underground Rail Road, indeed he was rather inclined to apologize for slavery, if not to defend the Fugitive Slave Law.  Wile endeavoring somewhat tenaciously to maintain his ground, Mr. McKim opposed to him not only the now well established Anti-Slavery doctrines, but also offered as testimony Underground Rail Road facts - the result of personal knowledge from daily proofs of the heroic struggles, marvellous faith, and intense earnestness of the fugitives.
     In all probability the Colonel did not feel prepared to deny wholly Mr. McKim's statement, yet, he desired to see "some" for himself.  "Well," said Mr. McK., "you shall see some."  So when this arrival came to hand, true to his promise, Mr. McK. called on the Colonel and invited him to accompany him to the Underground Rail Road station.  He assured the

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Colonel that he did not want any money from him, but simply wanted to convince him of his error in the recent argument that they had held on the subject.  Accordingly the Colonel accompanied him, and found that twenty-two passengers had been on hand within the past twenty-four hours, and at least sixteen or seventeen were then in his presence.  It is needless to say, that such a sight admitted of no contradiction - no argument - no doubt.  The facts were too self-evident.  The Colonel could say but little, so complete was his amazement; but he voluntarily attested the thoroughness of his conversion by pulling out of his pocket and handing to Mr. McK. a twenty dollar gold piece to aid the passengers on to freedom.
     In these hours of rest and joyful anticipation the necessities of both large and small were administered to according to their needs, before forwarding them still further.  The time and attention required for so many left but little opportunity, however, for the Secretary to write their narratives.  He had only evening leisure for the work.  Ten or twelve of that party had to be sent off without having their stories recorded.  Daniel Robertson was one of this number; his name is simply entered on the roll, and, but for letters received from him, after he passed on North, no further knowledge would have been obtained.  In Petersburg, whence he escaped, he left his wife, for whose deliverance he felt bound to do everything that lay in his power, as the subjoined letter will attest:

                                                                      HAVANA, August 11, 1856, Schuylkill Co., N. Y.
     MR. WM. STILL - Dear Sir: - I came from Virginia in March, and was at your office the last day of March.  My object in writing you, is to inquire what I can do, or what can be done to help my wife to escape from the same bondage that I was in.  You will know by your books that I was from Petersburg, Va., and that is where my wife now is.  I have received two or three letters from a lady in that place, and the last one says, that my wife's mistress is dead, and that she expects to be sold.  I am very anxious to do what I can for her before it is too late, and beg of you to devise some means to get her away.  Capt. the man that brought me away, knows the colored agent at Petersburg, and knows he will do all he can to forward my wife.  The Capt. promised, that when I could raise one hundred dollars for him that he would deliver her in Philadelphia.  Tell him that I can now raise the money, and will forward it to you at any day that he thinks that he can bring her.  Please see the Captain and find when he will undertake it, and then let me know when to forward the money to you.  I am at work for the Hon. Charles Cook, and can send the money any day.  My wife's name is Harriet Robertson, and the agent at Petersburg knows her.
     Please direct your answer, with all necessary directions, to N. Coryell, of this village, and he will see that all is right.
                                                                     Very respectfully,   DANIEL ROBERTSON.

                                                                      HAVANA, Aug. 18, 1856.
     MR. WM. STILL - Dear Sir: - Yours of the 18th, for D. Robertson, was duly received.  In behalf of Daniel, I thank you kindly for the interest you manifest in him.  The letters that have gone from him to his friends in Virginia, have been written by me, and sent in such a manner as we thought would bet ensure safety.  Yet I am well aware of the risk of writing, and have restrained him as far as possible, and the last one I wrote was to be

[Pg. 331]
the last, till an effort was made to reclaim his wife.  Daniel is a faithful, likely man, and is well liked by all who know him.  He is industrious and prudent, and is bending his whole energies forward the reclaiming his wife.  He can forward to you the one hundred dollars at any day that it may be wanted, and if you can do anything to forward his interests it will be very gratefully received as an additional favor on your part.  He asks for no money, but your kindly efforts, which he regards more highly than money.
                                                                     Very respectfully,                                        N. CORYELL

     The letters that have been written for him were dated "Niagara Falls, Canada West," and his friends think he is there - none of them know to the contrary - it is important that they never do know.                                          N. C.

                                                                     HAVANA, Sept. 29, 1856.
     MR. WM. STILL - Dear Sir: - I enclose herewith a draft on New York, payable to your order, for $100, to be paid on the delivery at Philadelphia of Daniel Robertson's wife.
     You can readily see that it has been necessary for Daniel to work almost night and day to have laid up so large an amount of money, since the first of April, as this one hundred dollars.  Daniel is industrious and prudent, and same all of his earnings, above his most absolute wants.  If the Captain is not successful in getting Daniel's wife, you, of course, will return the draft, without charge, as you said.  I hope success will attend him, for Daniel deserves to be rewarded, if ever man did.
                                                                      Yours, &c.                                                 N. CORYELL.

                                                                       HAVANA, Jan. 2, 1857
     DEAR SIR: - Your favor containing draft on N. York, for Daniel Robertson, came to hand on the 31st ult.  Daniel begs to tender his acknowledgments for your kind interest manifested in his behalf and says he hopes you will leave no measure untried which has any appearance of success, and that the money shall be forthcoming at a moment's notice.  Daniel thinks that since Christmas, the chances for his wife's deliverance are fewer than before, for at that time he fears she was disposed of and possibly went South.
     The paper sent me, with your well-written article, was received, and on reading it to Daniel, he knew some of the parties mentioned in it - he was much pleased to hear it read.  Daniel spent New Year's in Elmira, about 18 miles from this place, and there he met two whom he was well acquainted with.               Yours, &c.,                                                  N. CORYDELL

     WM. STILL, Esq., Phila.

     Such devotion to freedom, such untiring labor, such appeals as these letters contained awakened deep interest in the breasts of Daniel's new friends, which spoke volumes in favor of the Slave and against slave holders.  But, alas, nothing could be done to relieve the sorrowing mind of poor Daniel for the deliverance of his wife in chains.  The Committee sympathized deeply with him, but could do no more.  What other events followed, in Daniels life as a fugitive, were never made known to the Committee.

     ARTHUR SPENCE also deserves a notice.  He was from North Carolina, about twenty-four years of age, and of pleasing appearance, and was heart and soul in sympathy with the cause of the Underground Rail Road.  In North Carolina he declared that he had been heavily oppressed by being compelled to pay $175 per annum for his hire.  In order to get rid of this heavy load, by shrewd management he gained access to the kind-hearted Captain and procured an Underground Rail Road ticket.  In leaving

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bondage, he was obliged to leave his mother, two brothers and one sister.  He appeared to be composed of just the kind of material for making a good British subject.

     BEN DICKINSON.  Ben was also a native of North Carolina - located at Eatontown, being the property of "Miss Ann Blunt, who was very hard."  In slave property Miss Blunt was interested in the number of about "ninety head."  She was much in the habit of hiring out servants, and in thus disposing of her slaves Ben thought she was a great deal more concerned in getting good prices for herself than good places for them.  Indeed he declared that "she did not care how mean the place was, if she could only get her price."  For three years Ben had Canada and the Underground Rail Road in view, having been "badly treated."  At last the long-looked for time arrived, and he conferred neither with master nor mistress, but "picked himself up" and "took out."  Age twenty-eight, medium size, quite dark, a good carpenter, and generally intelligent.  Left two sisters, etc.
     Of this heroic and promising party we can only mention, in conclusion, one more passenger, namely:

     TOM PAGEAt the time of his arrival, his name only was enrolled on the book.  Yet he was not a passenger soon to be forgotten - he was but a mere boy, probably eighteen years of age; but a more apt, ready-witted, active, intelligent and self-reliant fellow is not often seen.
     Judging from his smartness, under slavery, with no chances, it was easy to imagine how creditably he might with a white boy's chances have climbed the hill of art and science.  Obviously he had intellect enough, it properly cultivated, to fill any station within the ordinary reach of intelligent American citizens.  He could read and write remarkably well for a slave, and well did he understand his advantages in this particular; indeed if slave-holders had only been aware of the growing tendency of Tom's mind, they would have rejoiced at hearing of his departure for Canada; he was a most dangerous piece of property to be growing up amongst slaves.
     After leaving the Committee and going North his uncaged mind felt the need of more education, and at the same time he was eager to make money, and do something in life.  As he had no one to depend on, parents and relatives being left behind in Norfolk, he felt that he must rely upon himself, young as he was.  He first took up his abode in Boston, or New Bedford, where most of the party with whom he escaped went, and where he had an aunt, and perhaps some other distant kin.  There he worked and was a live young man indeed - among the foremost in ideals and notions about freedom, etc., as many letters from him bore evidence.  After spending a year or more in Massachusetts, he had a desire to see how the fugitives were doing in Upper and Lower Canada, and if any better chances existed in these parts for men of his stamp.
     Some of his letters, from different places, gave proof of real thought

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and close observation, but they were not generally saved, probably were loaned to be read by friendly eyes.  Nevertheless the two subjoined will, in a measure, suffice to give some idea of his intelligence, etc.

                                                                       BOSTON, MASS., Feb. 25th, 1857.
     WILLIAM STILL, ESQ.: - Dear Sir - I have not heard from you for some time.  I take this opportunity of writing  you a few lines to let you and all know that I am well at present and thank God for it.  Dear Sir, I hear that the under ground railroad was in operation.  I am glad to hear that.  Give my best respects to your family and also to Dr. L., Mr. Warrick, Mr. Camp and familys, to Mr. Fisher, Mr. Taylor to all Friends names too numerous to mention.  Please to let me know when the road arrived with another cargo.  I want to come to see you all before long, if nothing happens and life lasts.  Mrs. Gault requested me to learn of you if you ask Mr. Bagnal if he will see father and what he says about the children.  Please to answer as soon as possible.  No more at present from a friend,
                                                                                                                                         THOMAS F. PAGE

                                                                      NIAGARA FALLS, N. Y., Oct. 6th, '58

     DEAR SIR: - I received your kind letter and I was very glad to hear from you and your family.  This leaves me well, and I hope when this comes to hand it may find you the same.  I have seen a large number of your U. G. R. R. friends in my travels through the Eastern as well as the Western States.  Well there are a good many from my own city who I know - some I talk to on private matters and some I wont.  Well around here there are so many - Tom, Dick and Harry - that you do not know who your friend is.  So it don't hurt any one to be careful.  Well, somehow or another, I do not like Canada, or the Provinces.  I have been to St. John, N. B., Lower Province, or Lower Canada, also St. Catharines, C. W., and all around the Canada side, and I do not like it at all.  The people seem to be so queer - though I suppose if I had of went to Canada when I first came North to live, I might like it by this time.  I was home when Aunt had her Ambro-type taken for you.  She often speaks of your kindness to her.  There are a number of your friends wishes you well.  My little brother is going to school in Boston.  The lady, Mrs. Hillard, that my Aunt lives with, thinks a good deal of him.  He is very smart and I think, if he lives, he may be of some account.  Do you ever see my old friend, Capt. Fountain?  Please to give my love to him, and tell him to come to Boston, as there are a number of friends that would like to see him.  My best respects to all friends.  I must now bring my short epistle to a close, by saying I remain your friend truly,

                                                                                                                                          THOMAS F. PAGE.

     While a portion of the party, on hand with him, came as passengers with Capt. F., another portion was brought by Capt. B., both parties arriving within twelve hours of each other; and both had likewise been frozen up on the route for weeks with their respective live freight on board.
     The sufferings for food, which they were called upon to endure, were beyond description.  They happened to have plenty of salt fat pork, and perhaps beans, Indian meal and some potatoes for standing dishes; the more delicate necessaries did not probably last longer than the first or second week of their ice-bondage.
     Without a doubt, one of these Captains left Norfolk about the twentieth of January, but did not reach Philadelphia till about the twentieth of

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March, having been frozen up, of course, during the greater part of that time.  Men, women and children were alike sharers in the common struggle for freedom - were alike an hungered, in prison, naked, and sick, but it was a fearful thing in those days for even women and children to whisper their sad lamentations in the city of Philadelphia, except to those friendly to the Underground Rail Road.
     Doubtless, if these mothers, with their children and partners in tribulation, could have been seen as they arrived direct from the boats, many hearts would have melted, and many tears would have found their way down many cheeks.  But at that time-cotton was acknowledged to be King - the Fugitive Slave Law was supreme, and the notorious decision of Judge Taney, that "black men had no rights which white men were bound to respect," echoed the prejudices of the masses too clearly to have made it safe to reveal the fact of their arrival, or even the heart-rending condition of these Fugitives.
     Nevertheless, they were not turned away empty, though at a peril they were fed, aided, and comforted, and sent away well clothed.  Indeed, so bountifully were the women and children supplied, that as they were being conveyed to the Camden and Amboy station, they looked more like a pleasuring party than like fugitives.  Some of the good friends of the slave sent clothing, and likewise cheered them with their presence.
     [Before the close of this volume, such friends and sympathizers will be more particularly noticed in an appropriate place.]




     JOSEPH CORNISH was about forty years of age when he escaped.  The heavy bonds of Slavery made him miserable.  He was a man of much natural ability, quite dark, well-made, and said that he had been "worked very hard."  According to his statement, he had been an "acceptable preacher in the African Methodist Church," and was also "respected

[Pg. 335]
by the respectable white and colored people in his neighborhood."  He would not have escaped but for fear of being sold, as he had a wife and five children to whom he was very much attached, but had to leave them behind.  Fortunately they were free.
     Of his ministry and connection with the Church, he spoke with feelings of apparent solemnity, evidently under the impression that the little flock he left would be without a shepherd.  Of his master, Captain Samuel Le Count, of the U. S. Navy, he had not one good word to speak; at least nothing of the kind is found on the Record Book; but, on the contrary, he declared that "he was very hard on his servants, allowing them no chance whatever to make a little ready money for themselves."  So in turning his face towards the Underground Rail Road, and his back against slavery, he felt that he was doing God service.
     The Committee regarded him as a remarkable man, and was much impressed with his story, and felt it to be a privilege and a pleasure to aid him.

     LEWIS FRANCIS was a man of medium size, twenty-seven years of age, good-looking and intelligent.  He stated that he had been hired out from a boy to a barber in Baltimore.  For his hire his mistress received eight dollars per mouth.
     To encourage Lewis, his kind-hearted mistress allowed him out of his own wages the sum of two dollars and fifty cents per annum!  His clothing he got as best he could, but nothing did she allow him for that purpose.  Even with this arrangement she had been dissatisfied of late years, and thought she was not getting enough out of Lewis; she, therefore, talked strongly of selling him.  This threat was very annoying to Lewis, so much so, that he made up his mind that he would one day let her see, that so far as he was concerned, it was easier to talk of selling than it would be to carry out her threat. 
    With this growing desire for freedom he gained what little light he could on the subject of traveling, Canada, etc. and at a given time off he started on his journey and found his way to the Committee, who imparted substantial aid as usual.

     ALEXANDER MUNSON, alias Samuel Garrett.  This candidate for Canada was only eighteen years of age; a well-grown lad, however, and had the one idea that "all men were born free" pretty deeply rooted in his mind.  He was quite smart, and of a chestnut color.  By the will of his original owner, the slaves were all entitled to their freedom, but it appeared, from Alexander's story, that the executor of the estate did not regard this freedom clause in the will.  He had already sold some of the slaves, and others - he among them - were expecting to be sold before coming into possession of their freedom.  Two of them had been sold to Alabama, therefrom, with these evil warnings, young Alexander resolved to strike out at once for

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Canada, despite Maryland slave-holders.  With this bold and manly spirit he succeeded, of course.

     ANNA SCOTT and husband, Samuel Scott.  This couple escaped from Cecil Cross-Roads, Md.  The wife, in this instance, evidently took the lead, and acted the more manly part in striking for freedom; therefore, our notice of this arrival will chiefly relate to her.
     Anna was owned by a widow, named Mrs. Ann Elizabeth Lushy, who resided on a farm of her own.  Fifteen slaves, with other stock, were kept on the place.  She was accustomed to rule with severity, being governed by a "high temper," and in nowise disposed to allow her slaves to enjoy even ordinary privileges, and besides, would occasionally sell to the Southern market.  She was calculated to render slave life very unhappy.  Anna portrayed her mistress's treatment of the slaves with much earnestness, especially when referring to the sale of her own brother and sister.  Upon the whole, the mistress was so hateful to Anna, that she resolved not to live in the house with her.  During several years prior to her escape, Anna had been hired out, where she had been treated a little more decently than her mistress was wont to do; on this account she was less willing to put up with any subsequent abuse from her mistress.
     To escape was the only remedy, so she made up her mind, that she would leave at all hazards.  She gave her husband to understand, that she has resolved to seek a home in Canada.  Fortunately, he was free, but slavery had many ways of putting the yoke on the colored man, even though he might be free; it was bound to keep him in ignorance, and at the same time miserably abject, so that he would scarcely dare to look up in the presence of white people.

     SAM, apparently, was one of the number who had been greatly wronged in this particular.  He had less spirit than his wife, who had been directly goaded to desperation.  He agreed, however, to stand by her  in her struggles while fleeing, and did so, for which he deserves credit.  It must be admitted, that it required some considerable nerve for a free man even to join his wife in an effort of this character.  In setting out, Anna had to leave her father (Jacob Taylor), seven sisters and two brothers.  The names of the sisters were as follows:  Emeline, Susan, Ann, Delilah, Mary Eliza, Rosetta, Effie Ellender and Elizabeth; the brothers - Emson and Perry.  For the commencement of their journey they availed themselves of the Christmas holidays, but had to suffer from the cold weather they encountered.  Yet they got along tolerably well, and were much cheered by the attention of aid they received from the Committee.

     WILLIAM HENRY LAMISON came from near Newcastle, Delaware.  He was smarter enough to take advantage of the opportunity to escape at the age of twenty-one.  As he had given the matter his fullest attention for a long

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time, he was prepared to take rapid progress when he did start, and as he had no great distance to travel it is not unlikely, that while his master was one night sleeping soundly, this young piece of property (worth at least $1,000 in the market), was crossing Mason and Dixon's Line, and steering directly for Canada.  Francis Harkins was the name of the master.  William did not give him a very bad character.

     GEORGE WASHINGTON GOOSEBERRY - alias ISAAC STOUT, also took advantage of the holidays to separate from his old master, Anthony Rybold, a farmer living near Newcastle, Delaware.  Nothing but the desire to be free moved George to escape.  He was a young man about twenty-three years of age, of a pure black color, in stature, medium size, and well-made.  Nothing remarkable is noted in the book in any way connected with his life or escape.

     CAROLINE GRAVES.   Caroline was of the bond class belonging to the State of Maryland.  Having reached the age of forty without being content, and seeing no bright prospect in the future, she made up her mind to break away from the bonds of Slavery and seek a more congenial atmosphere among strangers in Canada.  She had the privilege of trying two masters in her life-tie; the first she admitted was "kind" to her, but the latter was "cruel."  After arriving in Canada, she wrote back as follows:

                                                                          TORONTO, Jan. 22, 1856.
     DEAR SIR: - WILLIAM STILL - I have found my company they arrived here on monday eving I found them on tusday evening.  Please to be so kind as to send them boxes we are here without close to ware we have some white frendes is goin to pay for them at this end of the road.  The reason that we send this note we are afraid the outher one woudent go strait because it wasent derected wright.  Please to send them by the express than they wont be lost.  Please to send the bil of the boses on with them.  Mrs. Brittion, Lousig street near young street.

     GEORGE GRAHAM and wife, Jane, alias Henry Washington and Eliza.  The cold weather of January was preferred, in this instant, for traveling.  Indeed matters were so disagreeable with them that they could not tarry in their then quarters any longer.  George was twenty-four years of age, quite smart, pleasant countenance, and of dark complexion.
     He had experienced "rough usage" all the way along through life, not unfrequently from severe floggings.  Twice, within the last year, he had been sold.  In order to prevent a renewal of these inflictions he resorted to the Underground Rail Road with his wife, to whom he had only been married six months.
     In one sense, they appeared to be in a sad condition, it being the dead of winter, but their condition in Alexandria, under a brutal master and mistress which both had the misfortune to have, was much sadder.  To give all their due, however, George's wife acknowledged, that she had

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been "well treated under her old mistress," but through a change, she had fallen into the hands of a "new one, " by whom her life had been rendered most "miserable;" so much so, that she was willing to do almost anything to get rid of her, and was, therefore, driven to join her husband in running away.

     HENRY CHAMBERS, John Chambers, Samuel Fall, and Jonathan Fisher.  This party represented the more promising-looking field-hand slave population of Maryland.  Henry and John were brothers, twenty-four and twenty-six years of age, stout made, chestnut color, good-looking, but in height not quite medium.  Henry "owed service or labor," to a fellow-man by the name of William Rybold, a farmer living near Sassafras Neck, Md.  Henry evidently felt, that he did master Rybold no injustice in testifying that he knew no good of him, although he had labored under him like a beast of burden all his days.  He had been "clothed meanly," and "poorly fed."  He also alleged, that his mistress was worse than his master, as she would "think nothing of knocking and beating the slave women for nothing."  John was owned by Thomas Murphy.  From that day to this, Thomas may have been troubling his brain to know why his man John treated him so shabbily as to leave him in the manner that he did.  Jack had a good reason for his course, nevertheless.  In his corn field-phrase he declared, that his master Murphy would not give you half clothes, and besides he was a "hard man," who kept Jack working out on hire.  Therefore, feeling his wrongs keenly, Jack decided, with his other friends, to run off and be free.

     SAM, another comrade, was also owned by William RyboldSam had just arrived at his maturity (twenty-one), when he was invited to join in the plot to escape.  A few brief words from Sam soon explained the mystery.  It was this: his master, as he said, had been in the habit of tying him up by the hands and flogging him unmercifully; besides, in the allowance of food and clothing, he always "stinted the slaves yet worked them very hard."  Sam's chances for education had been very unfavorable, but he had mind enough to know that liberty was worth struggling for.  He was willing to make the trial with the other boys.  He was of a dark chestnut color, and of medium size.

     JONATHAN belongs to A. Rybold, and was only nineteen years of age.  All that need be said in relation to his testimony, is, that it agreed with his colleague's and fellow-servant's, Samuel.  Before starting on their journey, they felt the need of new names, and in putting their wits together, they soon fixed this matter by deciding to pass in future by the following names:  James and David Green, John Henry, and Jonathan Fisher.
In the brief sketches given in this chapter, some lost ones, seeking information of relatives, may find comfort, even if the general reader should fail to be interested.

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     THOMAS JERVIS GOOSEBERRY and WILLIAM THOMAS FREEMAN.  The coming of this party was announced in the subjoined letter:

                                                                     SCHUYLKILL, 11th Mo., 29th, 1855.

     WILLIAM STILL:  DEAR FRIEND: - Those boys will be along by the last Norristown train to-morrow evening.  I think the train leaves Norristown at 6 o'clock, but of this inform thyself.  The boys will be sent to a friend at Norristown, with instructions to assist them in getting seats in the last train that leaves Norristown to-morrow evening.  They are two of the eleven who left some time since, and took with them some of their master's horses;  I have told them to remain in the cars at Green street until somebody meets them.          
                                                                                                                                            E. F. PENNYPACKER.

     Having arrived safely, by the way and manner indicated in E. F. Pennypacker's note, as they were found to be only sixteen and seventeen years of age, considerable interest was felt by the Acting Committee to hear their story.  They were closely questioned in the usual manner.  They prayed to be quite intelligent, considering how young they were, and how the harrow of Slavery had been upon them from infancy.
     They escaped form Chestertown, Md., in company with nine others (they being a portion of the eleven who arrived in Wilmington, with two carriages, etc., noticed on page 302), but for prudential reasons they were separated while traveling.  Some were sent on, but the boys had to be retained with friends in the country.  Many such separations were inevitable.  In this respect a great deal of care and trouble had to be endured for the sake of the cause.

     THOMAS JERVIS, the elder boy, was quite dark, and stammered somewhat, yet he was active and smart.  He stated that Sarah Maria Perkins was his mistress in Maryland.  He was disposed to speak rather favorably of her, at least he said that she was "tolerably kind" to her servants.  She, however, was in the habit of hiring out, to reap a greater revenue for them, and did not always get them places where they were treated as well as she herself treated them.  Tom left his father, Thomas Gooseberry, and three sisters, Julia Ann, Mary Ellen, and Katie Bright, all slaves.

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     EZEKIEL, the younger boy, was of a chestnut color, clever-looking, smart, and well-grown, just such an one as a father enjoying the blessings of education and citizenship, might have felt a considerable degree of pride in.  He was owned by a man called John Dwa, who followed "farming and drinking," and when under the influence of liquor, was disposed to ill-treat the slaves.  Ezekiel had not seen his mother for many years, although she was living in Baltimore, and was known by the name of "Dorcas Denby."  He left no brothers nor sisters.
     The idea of boys, so young and inexperienced as they were, being thrown on the world, gave occasion for serious reflection.  Still the Committee were rejoiced that they were thus early in life, getting away from the "Sum of all villanies."  In talking with them, the Committee endeavored to impress them with right ideas as to how they should walk in life, aided them, of course, and sent them off with a double share of advice.  What has been their destiny since, is not known.

     HENRY HOOPER, a young man of nineteen years of age, came from Maryland, in December, in a subsequent Underground Rail Road arrival.  That he came in good order and was aided and sent off was fully enough stated on the book, but nothing else; space, however was left for the writing out of his narrative, but it was never filled up.  Probably the loose sheet on which the items were jotted down, was lost.

     JACOB HALL, alias Henry Thomas, wife Henrietta, and child, were also among the December passengers.  On the subject of freedom they were thoroughly converted.  Although Jacob was only about twenty years of age, he had seen enough of Slavery under his master, "Major William Hutchins," whom he described as a "farmer, commissioner, drunkard, and hard master," to known that no hope could be expected from him, but if he remained, he would daily have to be under the "harrow."  The desire to work for himself was so strong, that he could not reconcile his mind to the demands of Slavery.  While meditating upon freedom, he concluded to make an effort with his wife and child to go to Canada.
     His wife, Henrietta, who was then owned by a woman named Sarah Ann McGough, was as unhappily situated as himself.  Indeed Henrietta had come to the conclusion, that it was out of the question for a servant to please her mistress, it mattered not how hard she might try; she also said, that her mistress drank, and that made her "wus."
     Besides, she had sold Henrietta's brother and sister, and was then taking steps to sell her, - had just had her appraised with this view.  It was quite easy, therefore, looking at their condition in the light of these plain facts, for both husband and wife to agree, that they could not make their condition any worse, even if they should be captured in attempting to escape.  Henrietta also remembered, that years before her mother had escaped, and got off to Canada, which was an additional encouragement.  Thus, as her

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own faith was strengthened, she could strengthen that of her husband.
     Their little child they resolved to cling to through thick and thin; so, in order that they might not have so far to carry him, father and mother each bridled a horse and "took out" in the direction of the first Underground Rail Road station.  Their faithful animals proved of incalculable service, but they were obliged to turn them loose on the road without even having the opportunity or pleasure of rewarding them with a bountiful feed of oats.
     Although they had strange roads, woods and night scenes to pass through, yet they faltered not.  They found friends and advisers on the road, however, and reached the Committee in safety, who was made to rejoice that such promising-looking "property" could come out of Ladies' Manor, Maryland.  The Committee felt that they had acted wisely in taking the horses to assist them the first night.

     The next arrival is recorded thus: "Dec. 10, 1855.  Arrived, two men from near Chestertown, Md.  They came to Wilmington in a one horse wagon, and through aid of T. G. they were sent on."  (Further account at the time, written on a loose piece of paper, is among the missing).

     FENTON JONES escaped from Frederick, Md.  After arriving in the purpose of earning means to carry him still farther.  But he was soon led to apprehend danger, and was advised and directed to apply to the Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia for the needed aid, which he did, and was dispatched forthwith to Canada.

     About the same time a young woman arrived, calling herself Mary Curtis.  She was from Baltimore, and was prompted to escape to keep from being sold.  She was nineteen years of age, small size, dark complexion.  No special incidents in her life were noted.

     WILLIAM BROWN came next.  If others had managed to make their way out of the prison-house without great difficulties, it was far from William to meet with such good luck, as he had suffered excessively for five weeks while traveling.  It was an easy matter from a traveler to get lost, not knowing the roads, nor was it safe to apply to a stranger for information or direction, therefore, in many instances, the journey would either have to be given up, or be prosecuted, suffering almost to the death.
     In the trying circumstances in which William found himself, dark as everything looked, he could not consent to return to his master, as he felt persuaded, that if he did, thee would be no rest on earth for him.  He will remembered, that, because he had resisted being flogged (being high spirited), his master had declined to sell him for the express purpose of making an example of him - as a warning to the other slaves on the place.  William was as much opposed to being thus made use of as he was to being

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flogged.  His reflections and his stout heart enabled him to endure five weeks of severe suffering while fleeing from oppression.  Of course, when he did succeed, the triumph was unspeakably joyous.  Doubtless, he had thought a great deal during this time, and being an intelligence fugitive, he interested the Committee greatly.
     The man that he escaped from was called William Elliott, a farmer, living in Prince George's county, Md.  William Elliott claimed the right to flog and used it too.  William, however, gave him the character of being among the moderate slave-holders of that part of the country.  This was certainly a charitable view.  William was of a chestnut color, well made, and would have commanded, under the "hammer," a high price, if his apparent intelligence had not damaged him.  He left his father, grand-mother, four sisters and two brothers, all living where he fled from.

     CHARLES HENRY BROWN.  This "chattel" was owned by Dr. Richard Dorsey, of Cambridge, Maryland.  Up to twenty-seven years of age, he had experienced and observed how slaves were treated in his neighborhood, and he made up his mind that he was not in favor of the Institution in any form whatever.  Indeed he felt, that for a man to put his hand in his neighbor's pocket and rob him, was nothing compared to the taking of a man's hard earnings from year to year.  Really Charles reasoned the case so well, in his uncultured country phrases, that the Committee was rather surprised, and admired his spirit in escaping.  He was a man of not quite medium size, with marked features of mind and character.

     OLIVER PURNELL and ISAAC FIDGET arrived from Berlin, Md.  Each had different owners.  Oliver stated that Mose Purnell had owned him, and that he was a tolerably moderate kind of a slave-holder, although he was occasionally subject to fractious turns.  Oliver simply gave as his reason for leaving in the manner that he did, that he wanted his "own earnings."  He felt that he had as good a right to the fruit of his labor as anybody else.  Despite all the pro-slavery teachings he had listened to all his life, he was far from siding with the pro-slavery doctrines.  He was about twenty-six years of age, chestnut color, wide awake and a man of promise; yet it was sadly obvious that he had been blighted and cursed by slavery even in its mildest forms.  He left his parents, two brothers and three sisters all slaves in the hands of Purnell, the master whom he deserted.

     ISAAC, his companion, was about thirty years of age, dark, and in intellect about equal to the average passengers on the Underground Rail Road.  He had a very lively hope of finding his wife in freedom, she having escaped the previous Spring; but of her whereabouts he was ignorant, as he had had no tidings of her since her departure.  A lady by the name of  Mrs. Fidget held the deed for Isaac.  He spoke kindly of her, as he thought she treated her slaves quite as well at least as the best of slave-holders in his neighbor-

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hood.  His view was a superficial one, it meant only that they had not been beaten and starved half to death.
     As the heroic adventures and sufferings of Slaves struggling for freedom, shall be read by coming generations, were it not for unquestioned statutes upholding Slavery in its dreadful heinousness, people will hardly be able to believe that such atrocities were enacted in the nineteenth century, under a highly enlightened, Christianized, and civilized government.  Having already copied a statute enacted by the State of Virginia, as a sample of Southern State laws, it seems fitting that the Fugitive Slave Bill, enacted by the Congress of the United States, shall be also copied, in order to commemorate that most infamous deed, by which, it may be seen, how great were the bulwarks of oppression to be surmounted by all who sought to obtain freedom by flight.



     Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled:

     That the persons who have been, or may hereafter be appointed commissioners, in virtue of any Act of Congress, by the circuit courts of the United States, and who, in consequence of such appointment, are authorized to exercise the powers that any justice of the peace or other magistrate of any of the United States, may exercise in respect to offenders for any crime or offense against the United States, by arresting, imprisoning, or bailing the same under and by virtue of the thirty-third section of the act of the twenty-fourth of September, seventeen hundred and eight-nine, entitled, "An act to establish the judicial courts of the United States," shall be, and are hereby authorized and required to exercise and discharge all the powers and duties conferred by this act.

     Sec. 2.  And be it further enacted:  That the superior court of each organized territory of the United States, shall have the same power to appoint commissioners to take acknowledgements of bail and affidavit, and to take depositions of witnesses in civil causes, which is now possessed by the circuit courts of the United States, and all commissioners, who shall hereafter be appointed for such purposes, by the superior court  of any organized territory of the United States, shall possess all the powers, and exercise all the duties conferred by law, upon the commissioners appointed by the circuit.

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courts of the United States for similar purposes, and shall, moreover, exercise and discharge all the powers and duties conferred by this act.
     SEC. 3.  And be it further enacted:  That the circuit courts of the United States, and the superior courts of each organized territory of the United States, shall, from time to time, enlarge the number of Commissioners, with a view to afford reasonable facilities to reclaim fugitives from labor, and to the prompt discharge of the duties imposed by this act.
     SEC. 4.  And be it further enacted, that the commissioners above named, shall have concurrent jurisdiction with the commissioners above named, shall have concurrent jurisdiction with the judges of the circuit and district courts of the United States, in their respective circuits and districts within the several States, and the judges of the superior courts of the Territories severally and collectively, in term time and vacation; and shall grant certificates to such claimants, upon satisfactory proof being made, with authority to take and remove such fugitives from service or labor, under the restrictions herein contained, to the State or territory from which such persons may have escaped or fled.
     SEC. 5.  And be it further enacted:  That it shall be the duty of all marshals and deputy marshals, to obey and execute all warrants and precepts issued under the provisions of this act, when to them directed; and should any marshal or deputy marshal refuse to receive such warrant or other process when tendered, or to use all proper means diligently to execute the same, he shall, on conviction thereof, be fined in the sum of one thousand dollars to the use of such claimant, on the motion of such claimant by the circuit or district court for the district of such marshal; and after arrest of such fugitive by the marshal, or his deputy, or whilst at any time in his custody, under the provisions of this act, should such fugitive escape, whether with or without the assent of such marshal or his deputy, such marshal shall be liable, on his official bond, to be prosecuted, for the benefit of such claimant, for the full value of the service or labor of said fugitive in the State, Territory or district whence he escaped; and the better to enable the said commissioners, when thus appointed, to execute their duties faithfully and efficiently, in conformity with the requirements of the Constitution of the United States, and of this act, they are hereby authorized and empowered, within their counties respectively, to appoint in writing under their hands, any one or more suitable persons, from time to time, to execute all such warrants and other process as may be issued by them in the lawful performance of their respective duties, with an authority to such commissioners, or the persons to be appointed by them, to execute process as aforesaid, to summon and call to their aid the bystanders or posse comitatus, of the proper county, when necessary to insure a faithful observance of the clause of the Constitution referred to, in conformity with the provisions of this act; and efficient execution of this law, whenever their services may be required, as

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aforesaid, for that purpose; and said warrants shall run and be executed by said officers anywhere in the State within which they are issued.
     SEC. 6.  And be it further enacted, That when a person held to service or labor in any State or Territory of the United States, ,has heretofore, or shall hereafter escape into another State or Territory of the United States, the person or persons to whom such service or labor may be due, or his her or their agent or attorney, duly authorized, by power of attorney, in writing, acknowledged and certified under the seal of some legal office or court of the State or Territory, in which the same may be executed, may pursue and reclaim such fugitive person, either by procuring a warrant from some one of the courts, judges, or commissioners aforesaid, of the proper circuit, district or county, for the apprehension of such fugitive from service or labor, or by seizing and arresting such fugitive, where the same can be done without process, and by taking, or causing such person to be taken, forthwith, before such court, judge or commissioner, whose duty it shall be to hear and determine the case of such claimant in a summary manner, and upon satisfactory proof being made, by deposition or affidavit, in writing, to be taken and certified by such court, judge or commissioner, or by other satisfactory testimony, duly taken and certified by some court, magistrate, justice of the peace, or other legal officer authorized to administer an oath and take depositions under the laws of the State or Territory from which such person owing service or labor may have escaped, with a certificate of such magistrate, or other authority, as aforesaid, with the seal of the proper court or officer thereto attached, which seal shall be sufficient to establish the competency of the proof, and with proof also, by affidavit, of the identity of the person whose service or labor is claimed to be due, as aforesaid, that the person so arrested does in fact owe service or labor to the person or persons claiming him or her, in the State or Territory from which such fugitive may have escaped, as aforesaid, and that said person escaped, to make out and deliver to such claimant, his or her agent or attorney, a certificate setting forth the substantial facts as to the service or labor due from such fugitive to the claimant, and of his or her escape from the State or Territory in which such service or labor was due, to the State or Territory, in which he or she was arrested, with authority to such claimant, or his or her agent or attorney, to use such reasonable force and restraint as may be necessary, under the circumstances of the case, to take and remove such fugitive person back to the State or Territory from whence he or she may have escaped, as aforesaid.  In no trial or hearing, under this act, shall the testimony of such alleged fugitives be admitted in evidence, and the certificates in this and the first section mentioned, shall be conclusive of the right of the person or persons in whose favor granted to remove such fugitives to the State or Territory from which they escaped, and shall prevent all molestation of said

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person or persons by any process issued by any court, judge, magistrate, or other person whomsoever.
     SEC. 7.  And be it further enacted, That any person who shall knowingly and willfully obstruct, hinder, or prevent such claimant, his agent, or attorney, or any other person or persons lawfully assisting him, her or t hem from arresting such a fugitive from service or labor, either with or without process, as aforesaid, or shall rescue, or attempt to rescue, such fugitive from service or labor, or from the custody of such claimant, his or her agent, or attorney, or other person or persons lawfully assisting, as aforesaid, when so arrested, pursuant to the authority herein given and declared, or shall aid, abet, or assist such person, so owing service or labor, as aforesaid, directly or indirectly, to escape from such claimant, his agent or attorney, or other person or persons legally authorized, as aforesaid, or shall harbor or conceal such fugitive, so as to prevent the discovery and arrest of such person, after notice or knowledge of the fact that such person was a fugitive from service or labor, as aforesaid, shall,  for either or said offences, be subject to a fine not exceeding one thousand dollars, and imprisonment not exceeding six months, by indictment and conviction before the District Court of the United States, for the distinct in which such offence may have been committed, or before the proper court of criminal jurisdiction, if committed within any one of the organized Territories of the United States; and shall, moreover, forfeit and pay, by way of civil damages, to the party injured by such illegal conduct, the sum of one thousand dollars for such fugitive so lost, as aforesaid, to be recovered by action of debt in any of the District or Territorial Courts aforesaid, within those jurisdiction the said offence may have been committed.
     SEC. 8.  And be it further enacted, That the Marshals, their deputies, and the clerks of the said districts and territorial courts, shall be paid for their services the like fees as may be allowed to them for similar services in other cases; and where such services are rendered exclusively in the arrest, custody, and delivery of the fugitives to the claimant, his or her agent, or attorney, or where such supposed fugitive may be discharged out of custody from the want of sufficient proof, as aforesaid, then such fees are to be paid in the whole by such complainant, his agent or attorney, and in all cases where the proceedings are before a Commissioner, he shall be entitled to a fee of ten dollars in full for his services in each case, upon the delivery of the said certificate to the claimant, his or her agent or attorney; or a fee of five dollars in cases where proof shall not, in the opinion of said Commissioner, warrant such certificate and delivery, inclusive of all services incident to such arrest and examination, to be paid in either case, by the claimant, his or her agent or attorney.  The person or persons authorized to execute the process to be issued by such Commissioners for the arrest and detention of fugitives from service or labor, as aforesaid, shall also be entitled to a fee of five dollars each for each person he or they may arrest and take before any

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such Commissioners, as aforesaid, at the instance and request of such claim ant, with such other fees as may be deemed reasonable by such Commissioner for such other additional services as may be necessarily performed by him or them; such as attending to the examination, keeping the fugitive in custody, and providing him with food and lodgings during his detention, and until the final determination of such Commissioner; and in general for performing such other duties as may be required by such claimant, his or her attorney or agent or commissioner in the premises; such fees to be made up in conformity with the fees usually charged by the officers of the courts of justice within the proper district or county as far as may be practicable, and paid by such claimants, their agents or attorneys, whether such supposed fugitive from service or labor be ordered to be delivered to such claimants by the final determination of such Commissioners or not.
     SEC. 9. And be it further enacted, That upon affidavit made by the claimant of such fugitive, his agent or attorney, after such certificate has been issued, that he has reason to apprehend that such fugitive will be rescued by force from his or their possession before he can be taken beyond the limits of the State in which the arrest is made, it shall be the duty of the officer making the arrest to retain such fugitive in his custody, and to remove him to the State whence he fled, and there to deliver him to said claimant, his agent or attorney.  And to this end the officer aforesaid is hereby authorized and required to employ so many persons as he may deem necessary, to overcome such force, and to retain them in his service so long as circumstances may require; the said officer and his assistants, while so employed, to receive the same compensation, and to be allowed the same expenses as are now allowed by law for the transportation of criminals, to be certified by the judge of the district within which the arrest is made, and paid out of the treasury of the United States.
     SEC. 10. And be it further enacted, That when any person held to service or labor in any State or Territory, or in the District of Columbia, shall escape therefrom, the party to whom such service or labor shall be due, his, her, or their agent, or attorney may apply to any court of record therein, or judge thereof in vacation, and make such satisfactory proof to such court or judge in vacation, of the escape aforesaid, and that the person escaping owed service or labor to such party.  Thereupon the court shall cause a record to be made of the matters so proved, and also a personal description of the person so escaping, with such convenient certainty as may be; and a transcript of such record, authenticated by the attestation of the clerk, and of the seal of said court being produced in any other State, Territory or District in which the person so escaping may be found, and being exhibited to any judge, commissioner, or other officer authorized by the law of the United States to (muse persons escaping from service or labor to be delivered up, shall be held and taken to be full and conclusive evidence of the fact of

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escape, and that the service or labor of the person escaping is due to the party in such record mentioned.  And upon the production, by the said party, of other and further evidence, if necessary, either oral or by affidavit, in addition to what is contained in said record of the identity of the person escaping, he or she shall be delivered up to the claimant.  And said court, commissioners, judge, or other persons authorized by this act to grant certificates to claimants of fugitives, shall, upon the production of the record and other evidence aforesaid, grant to such claimant a certificate of his right to take any such person, identified and proved to be owing service or labor as aforesaid, which certificate shall authorize such claimant to seize, or arrest and transport such person to the State or Territory from which he escaped:  Provided, That nothing herein contained shall be construed as requiring the production of a transcript of such record as evidence of aforesaid, but in its absence, the claim shall be heard and determined upon the other satisfactory proofs competent in law.



     Having inserted the Fugitive Slave Bill in these records of the Underground Rail Road, one or two slave cases will doubtless suffice to illustrate the effect of its passage on the public mind, and the colored people in particular.  The deepest feelings of loathing, contempt and opposition were manifested y the opponents of Slavery on every hand.  Anti-slavery papers, lecturers, preachers, etc., arrayed them selves boldly against it on the ground of its inhumanity and violation of the laws of God.
     On the other hand, the slave-holders South, and their pro-slavery adherents in the North demanded the most abject obedience from all parties, regardless of conscience or obligation to God.  In order to compel such obedience, as well as to prove the practicability of the law, unbounded zeal daily marked the attempt on the part of slave-holders and slave-catchers to refasten the fetters on the limbs of fugitives in different parts of the North, whither they had escaped.
     In this dark hour, when colored men's rights were so insecure, as a matter of self-defence, they felt called upon to arm themselves and resist all kidnapping intruders, although clothed with the authority of wicked law.  Among the most exciting cases tending to justify this course, the following may be named:

     JAMES HAMLET was the first slave case who was summarily arrested under the Fugitive Slave Law, and sent back to bondage from New York.

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     WILLIAM and ELLEN CRAFT were hotly pursued to Boston by hunters from Georgia.

     ADAM GIBSON, a free colored man, residing in Philadelphia, was arrested, delivered into the hands of his alleged claimants, by commissioner Edward D. Ingraham, and hurried into Slavery.

     EUPHEMIA WILLIAMS (the mother of six living children), - her case excited much interest and sympathy.

     SHADRACH was arrested and rescued in Boston.

     HANNAH DELLUM and her child were returned to Slavery from Philadelphia.

     THOMAS HALL and his wife were pounced upon at midnight in Chester county, beaten and dragged off to Slavery, etc.
     And, as if gloating over their repeated successes, and utterly regardless of all caution, about one year after the passage of this nefarious bill, a party of slave-hunters arranged for a grand capture at Christiana.
     One year from the passage of the law, at a time when alarm and excitement were running high, the most decided stand was taken at Christiana, in the State of Pennsylvania, to defeat the law, and defend freedom.  Fortunately for the fugitives the plans of the slave-hunters and officials leaked out while arrangements were making in Philadelphia for the capture, and, information being sent to the Anti-slavery office, a messenger was at once dispatched to Christiana to put all persons supposed to be in danger on their guard.
     Among those thus notified, were brave hearts, who did not believe in running away form slave-catchers.  They resolved to stand up for the right of self-defence.  They loved liberty and hatred Slavery, and when the slave-catchers arrived, they were prepared for them.  Of the contest, on that bloody morning, we have copied a report, carefully written at the time, by C. M. Burleigh, editor of the "Pennsylvania Freeman," who visited the scene of battle, immediately after it was over, and doubtless obtained as faithful an account of all the facts in the case, as could then be had.
     "Last Thursday morning, (the 11th inst.), a peaceful neighborhood in the borders of Lancaster, was made the scene of a bloody battle, resulting from an attempt to capture seven colored men as fugitive slaves.  as the reports of the affray which came to us were contradictory, and having good reason to believe that those of the daily press were grossly one-sided and unfair, we repaired to the scene of the tragedy, and, by patient inquiry and careful examination, endeavored to learn the real facts.  To do this, from the varying and conflicting statements which we encountered, scarcely account we give below, as the result of these inquiries, is substantially correct.
     Very early on the 11th inst. a party of slave hunters went into a neigh-

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borhood about two miles west of Christiana, near the eastern border of Lancaster county, in pursuit of fugitive slaves.  The party consisted of Edward Gorsuch, his son, Dickerson Gorsuch, his nephew, Dr. Pearce, Nicholas Hutchins, and others, all from Baltimore county, Md., and one Henry H. Kline, a notorious slave-catching constable form Philadelphia, who had been deputized by Commissioner Ingraham for this business.  At about day-dawn they were discovered lying in an ambush near the house of one William Parker, a colored man, by an inmate of the house, who had started for his work.  He fled back to the house, pursued by the slave-hunters, who entered the lower part of the house, but were unable to force their way into the upper part, to which the family had retired.  A horn was blown from an upper window; two shots were fired, both, as we believe, though we are not certain, by the assailants, one at the colored man who fled into the house, and the other at the inmates, through the window.  No one was wounded by either.  A parley ensued.  The slave-holder demanded his slaves, who he said were concealed in the house.  The colored men presented themselves successively at the window, and asked if they were the slaves claimed; Gorsuch said, that neither of them was his slave.  They told him that they were the only colored men in the house, and were determined never to be taken alive as slaves.  Soon the colored people of the neighborhood, alarmed by the horn, began to gather, armed with guns, axes, corn-cutters, or clubs.  Mutual threatenings were uttered by the two parties.  The slave-holders told the blacks that resistance would be useless, as they had a party of thirty men in the woods near by.  The blacks warned them again to leave, as they would die  before they would go into Slavery.
     From an hour to an hour and a half passed in these parleyings, angry conversations, and threats; the blacks increasing by new arrivals, until they probably numbered from thirty to fifty, most of them armed in some way.  About this time, Castner Hanaway, a white man, and a Friend, who resided in the neighborhood, rode up, and was soon followed by Elijah Lewis, another Friend, a merchant, in Cooperville, both gentlemen highly esteemed as worthy and peaceable citizens.  As they came up, Kline, the deputy marshal, ordered them to aid him, as a United States officer, to capture the fugitive slaves.  They refused of course, as would any man not utterly destitute of honor, humanity, and moral principle, and warned the assailants that it was madness for them to attempt to capture fugitive slaves there, or even to remain, and begged them if they wished to save their own lives, to leave the ground.  Kline replied, "Do you really think so?"  "Yes," was the answer, "the sooner you leave, the better, if you would prevent bloodshed."  Kline then left the ground, retiring into very safe distance into a cornfield, and took the woods.  The blacks were so exasperated by his threats, that, but for the interposition of the two white Friends, it is very doubtful whether he would have escaped without injury.  Messrs. Hanaway and



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Lewis both exerted their influence to dissuade the colored people from violence, and would probably have succeeded in restraining them, had not the assailing party fired upon them.  Young Gorsuch asked his father to leave, but the old man refused, declaring, as it is said and believed, that he would "go to hell, or have his slaves."
     Finding they could do nothing further, Hanaway and Lewis both started to leave, again counselling the slave-hunters to go away, and the colored people to peace, but had gone but a few rods, when one of the inmates of the house attempted to come out at the door.  Gorsuch presented his revolver, ordering him back.  The colored man replied, "You had better go away, if you don't want to get hurt," and at the same time pushed him aside and passed out.  Maddened at this, and stimulated by the question of his nephew, whether he would "take such an insult from a d--d nigger," Gorsuch fired at the colored man, and was followed by his son and nephew, who both fired their revolvers.  The fire was returned by the blacks, who made a rush upon them at the same time.  Gorsuch and his son fell, the one dead the other wounded.  The rest of the party after firing their revolvers, fled precipitately through the corn and to the woods, pursued by some of the blacks.  One was wounded, the rest escaped unhurt.  Kline, the deputy marshal, who now boasts of his miraculous escape from a volley of musket balls, had kept at a safe distance, though urged by young Gorsuch to stand by his father and protect him, when he refused to leave the ground.  He of course came off unscathed.  Several colored men were wounded, but none severely.  Some had their hats or their clothes perforated with bullets; others had flesh wounds.  They said that the Lord protected them, and they shook the bullets from their clothes. One man found several shot in his boot, which seemed to have spent their force before reaching him, and did not even break the skin.  The slave-holders having fled, several neighbors, mostly Friends and anti-slavery men, gathered to succor the wounded and take charge of the dead.  We are told that Parker himself protected the wounded man from his excited comrades, and brought water and a bed from his own house for the invalid, thus showing that he was as magnanimous to his fallen enemy as he was brave in the defence of his own liberty.  The young man was then removed to a neighboring house, where the family received him with the tenderest kindness and paid him every attention, though they told him in Quaker phrase, that “ they had no unity with his cruel business,” and were very sorry to see him engaged in it.  He was much affected by their kindness, and we are told, expressed his regret that he had been thus engaged, and his determination, if his life was spared, never again to make a similar attempt.  His wounds are very severe, and it is feared mortal.  All attempts to procure assistance to capture the fugitive slaves failed, the people in the neighborhood either not relishing the business of slave-catching, or at least, not choosing to risk their lives in it.

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There was a very great reluctance felt to going even to remove the body and the wounded man, until several abolitionists and Friends had collected for that object, when others found courage to follow on.  The excitement caused by this most melancholy affair is very great among all classes.  The abolitionists, of course, mourn the occurrence, while they see in it a legitimate fruit of the Fugitive Slave Law, just such a harvest of blood as they had long feared that the law would produce, and which they had earnestly labored to prevent.  We believe that they alone, of all classes of the nation, are free from responsibility for its occurrence, having wisely foreseen the danger, and faithfully labored to avert it by removing its causes, and preventing the inhuman policy which has hurried on the bloody convulsion.
     The enemies of the colored people, are making this the occasion of fresh injuries, and a more bitter ferocity toward that defenceless people, and of new misrepresentation and calumnies against the abolitionists.
     The colored people, though the great body of them had no connection with this affair, are hunted like partridges upon the mountains, by the relentless horde which has been poured forth upon them, under the pretense of arresting the parties concerned in the fight.  When we reached Christiana, on Friday afternoon, we found that the Deputy-Attorney Thompson, of Lancaster, was there, and had issued warrants, upon the depositions of Kline and others, for the arrest of all suspected persons.  A company of police were scouring the neighborhood in search of colored people, several of whom were seized while at their work near by, and brought in.

     CASTNER HANAWAY and Elijah Lewis, hearing that warrants were issued against them, came to Christiana, and voluntarily gave themselves up, calm and strong in the confidence of their innocence.  They, together with the arrested colored men, were sent to Lancaster jail that night.
     The next morning we visited the ground of the battle, and the family where young Gorsuch now lives, and while there, we saw a deposition which he had just made, that he believed no white persons were engaged in the affray, beside his own party.  As he was on the ground during the whole controversy, and deputy Marshall Kline had discreetly run off into the corn-field, before the fighting began, the hireling slave—catcher’s eager and confident testimony against our white friends, will, we think, weigh lightly with impartial men
     On returning to Christiana, we found that the United States Marshal from the city, had arrived at that place, accompanied by Commissioner Ingraham, Mr. Jones, a special commissioner of the United States, from Washington, the U. S. District Attorney Ashmead, with forty-five U. S. Marines from the Navy Yard, and a posse of about forty of the City Marshal’s police, together with a large body of special constables, eager for such a man hunt, from Columbia and Lancaster and other places.  This crowd divided into parties, of from ten to twenty-five, and scoured the country, in every

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direction, for miles around, ransacking the houses of the colored people, and captured every colored man they could find, with several colored women, and two other white men.  Never did our heart bleed with deeper pity for the peeled and persecuted colored people, than when we saw this troop let loose upon them, and witnessed the terror and distress which its approach excited in families, wholly innocent of the charges laid against them."
     On the other had, a few extracts from the editorials of some of the leading papers, will suffice to show the state of public feeling at that time, and the dreadful opposition abolitionists and fugitives had to contend with.
     From one of the leading daily journals of Philadelphia, we copy as follows:
     "There can be no difference of opinion concerning the shocking affair which occurred at Christiana, on Thursday, the resisting of a law of Congress by a band of armed negroes, whereby the majesty of the Government was defied and life taken in one and the same act.  There is something more than a mere ordinary, something more than even a murderous, riot in all this.  It is an act of insurrection, we might, considering the peculiar class and condition of the guilty parties, almost call it a servile insurrection - if not also one of treason.  Fifty, eighty, or a hundred persons, whether white even the law for the recovery of fugitive slaves, are in the attitude of levying war against the United States; and doubly heavy becomes the crime of murder in such a case, and doubly serious the accountability of all who have any connection with the act as advisers, suggesters, countenancers ,or accessories in any way whatever."
     In those days, the paper from which this extract is taken, represented the Whig party and the more moderate and respectable class of citizens.
     The following is an extract from a leading democratic organ of Philadelphia:
     "We will not, however, insult the reader by arguing that which has not been heretofore doubted, and which is not doubted now, by ten honest men in the State, and that is the abolitionists are implicated in the Christiana murder.  All the ascertained facts go to show that they were the real, if not the chief instigators.  White men are known to harbor fugitives, in the neighborhood of Christiana, and these white men are known to be abolitionists, known to the opposed to the Fugitive Slave Law, and known to be the warm friends of William F. Johnston, (Governor of the State of Pennsylvania).  And, as if to clinch the argument,  no less than three white men are now in the Lancaster prison, and were arrested as accomplices in the dreadful affair on the morning of the eleventh.  And one of these white men was committed on a charge of high treason, on Saturday last, by United States Commissioner Ingraham.
     Another daily paper of opposite politics thus spake:

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     "The unwarrantable outrage committed last week, as Christiana, Lancaster county, is a foul stain upon the fair name and fame of our State.  We are pleased to see that the officers of the Federal and State Governments are upon the tracts of those who were engaged in the riot, and that several arrests have been made.
     We do not wish to see the poor misled blacks who participated in the affair, suffer to any great extent, for they were but tools.  The men who are really chargeable with treason against the United States Government, and with the death of Mr. Gorsuch, an estimable citizen of Maryland, are unquestionably white, with hearts black enough to incite them to the commission of any crime equal in atrocity to that committed in Lancaster country.  Pennsylvania has now but one course to pursue, and, that is to aid, and warmly aid, the United States in bringing to condign punishment, every man engaged in the riot.  She owes it to herself and to the Union.  Let her in this resolve, be just and fearless.
     From a leading neutral daily paper the following is taken: "One would suppose from the advice of forcible resistance, so familiarly given by the abolitionists, that they were quite unaware that there is any such crime as treason recognized by the Constitution, or punished with death by the laws of the United States.  We would remind the, that not only is there such a crime, but that there is a solemn decision of the Supreme Court, that all who are concerned in a conspiracy which ripens into treason, whether present or absent from the scene of actual violence, are involved in the same liabilities as the immediate actors.  If they engage in the conspiracy and stimulate the treason, they may keep their bodies from the affray without saving their necks from a halter.
     It would be very much to the advantage of society, if an example could be made of some of these persistent agitators, who excite the ignorant and reckless to treasonable violence, from which they themselves shrink, but who are, not only in morals, but in law, equally guilty and equally amenable to punishment with the victims of their inflammatory counsels."
     A number of the most influential citizens represented the occurrence to the Governor as follows:
     "To the Governor of Pennsylvania:
     The undersigned, citizens of Pennsylvania, respectfully represent:
     That citizens of a neighboring State have been cruelly assassinated by a band of armed outlaws at a place not more than three hours' journey distant from the seat of Government and from the commercial metropolis of the State:
     That this insurrectionary movement in one of the most populous parts of the State has been so far successful as to overawe the local ministers of justice and paralyze the power of the law:
     That your memorialists are not aware that 'any military force' has been

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sent to the seat of insurrection, or that the civil authority has been strengthened by the adoption of any measures suited to the momentous crisis.
     They, therefore, respectfully request the chief executive magistrate of Pennsylvania to take into consideration the necessity of vindicating the outraged laws, and sustaining the dignity of the Commonwealth on this important and melancholy occasion."
     Under this high pressure of public excitement, threatening and alarm breathed so freely on every hand, that fugitive slaves and their friends in this region of Pennsylvania at least, were compelled to pass through an hour of dreadful darkness - an ordeal extremely trying.  The authorities of the United States, as well as the authorities of the State of Pennsylvania and Maryland, were diligently making arrests wherever a suspected party could be found, who happened to belong in the neighborhood of Christiana.
     In a very short time the following persons were in custody:  J. Castner Hanaway, Elijah Lewis, Joseph Scarlett, Samuel Kendig, Henry Spins, George Williams, Charles Hunter, Wilson Jones, Francis Harkins, Benjamin Thomson, William Brown (No. 1), William Brown (No. 2), John Halliday, Elizabeth Mosey, John Morgan, Joseph Berry, John Norton, Denis Smith, Harvey Scott, Susan Clark, Tansy Brown, Eliza Brown, Eliza Parker, Hannah Pinckney, Robert Johnson, Miller Thompson, Isaiah Clark, and Jonathan Black.
These were not all, but sufficed for a beginning; at least it made an interesting entertainment for the first day's examination; and although there were two or three non-resistant Quakes, and a number of poor defenceless colored women among those thus taken as prisoners, still it seemed utterly impossible for the exasperated defenders of Slavery to divest themselves of the idea, that this heroic deed, in self-defence, on the part of men who felt that their liberties were in danger, was anything less than actually levying war against the United States.
     Accordingly, therefore, the hearing gravely took place at Lancaster.  On the side of the Commonwealth, the following distinguished counsel appeared on examination:  Hon. John L. Thompson, District Attorney; Wm. B. Faulney, Esq.; Thos. E. Franklin, Esq., Attorney General of Lancaster County; George L. Ashmead, Esq., of Philadelphia, representative of the United States authorities; and Hon. Robert Brent, Attorney-General of Maryland.
     For the defence - Hon. Thaddeus Steens, Reah Frazer, Messrs. Ford, Cline, and Dickey, Esquires.
From a report of the first day's hearing we copy a short extract, as follows:
     "The excitement at Christiana, during yesterday, was very great.  Several hundred persons were present, and the deepest feeling was manifested against the perpetrators of the outrage.  At two o'clock yesterday afternoon,

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the United States Marshal, Mr. Roberts, United States District Army, J. H. Ashmead, Esq., Mr. Commissioner Ingraham and Recorder Lee, accompanied by the United States Marines, returned to the city.  Lieut. Johnson, and officers Lewis S. Brest, Samuel Mitchell, Charles McCully, Samuel Neff, Jacob Albright, Robert McEwen, and ___ Perkinpine, by direction of the United States Marshal, had charge of the following named prisoners, who were safely lodged in Moyamensing prison, accompanied by the Marines: - Joseph Scarlett, (white), William Brown, Ezekiel Thompson, Isaiah Clarkson, Daniel Caulsberry, Benjamin Pendergrass, Elijah Clark, George W. H. Scott, Miller Thompson, and Samuel Hanson, all colored.  The last three were placed in the debtors' apartment, and the others in the criminal apartment of the Moyamensing prison to await their trial for treason, &c.
     In alluding to the second day's doings the Philadelphia, Ledger thus represented matters at the field of battle:
     "The intelligent received last evening, represents the country for miles around, to be in as much excitement as at any time since the horrible deed was committed.  The officers sent there at the instant of the proper authorities are making diligent search in every direction, and securing every person against whom the least suspicion is attached.  The police force from this city, amounting to about sixty men, are under the marshalship of Lieut. Ellis.  Just as the cars started east, in the afternoon, five more prisoners who were secured at a place called the Welsh Mountains, twelve miles distant, were brought into Christiana.  They were placed in custody until such time as a hearing will take place.
     Although the government had summoned its ablest legal talent and the popular sentiment was as a hundred to one against William Parker and his brave comrades who had made the slave-hunter "bite the dust," most nobly did Thaddeus Stevens prove that he was not to be cowed, that he believed in the stirring sentiment so much applauded by the American people, "Give me liberty, or give me death," not only for the white man but for all men.  Thus standing upon such great and invulnerable principles, it was soon discovered that one could chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight in latter as well in former times.
     At first even the friends of freedom thought that the killing of Gorsuch was not only wrong, but unfortunate for the cause.  Scarcely a week passed, however, before the matter was looked upon in a  far different light, and it was pretty generally thought that, if the Lord had not a direct hand in it, the cause of Freedom at least would be greatly benefited thereby.
     And just in proportion as the masses cried, Treason!  Treason! the hosts of freedom from one end of the land to the other were awakened to sympathize with the slave.  Thousands were soon aroused to show sympathy who had hithreto been dormant.  Hundreds visited the prisoners in their

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cells to greet, cheer, and offer them aid and counsel in their hour of sore trial.
     The friends of freedom remained calm even while the pro-slavery party were fiercely raging and gloating over the prospect, as they evidently thought of the satisfaction to be derived from teaching the abolitionists a lesson from the scaffold, which would in future prevent Underground Rail Road passengers from killing their masters when in pursuit of them.
     Through the efforts of the authorities three white men, and twenty-seven colored had been safely lodged in Moyamensing prison, under the charge of treason.  The authorities, however, had utterly failed to catch the hero, William Parker, as he had been sent to Canada, via the Underground Rail Road, and was thus "sitting under his own vine and fig tree, where none dared to molest, or make him afraid."
     As an act of simple justice it may here be stated that the abolitionists and prisoners found a true friend and ally at least in one United States official, who, by the way, figured prominently in making arrests, etc., namely: the United States Marshal, A. E. Roberts.  In all his intercourse with the prisoners and their friends, he plainly showed that all his sympathies were on the side of Freedom, and not with the popular pro-slavery sentiment which clamored so loudly against traitors and abolitionists.
     Two of his prisoners had been identified in the jail as fugitive slaves by their owners.  When the trial escaped as unknown the Marshal, however, was strongly suspected of being a friend of the Underground Rail Road, and to add now, that those suspicions were founded on fact, will doubtless, do him no damage.
     In order to draw the contrast between Freedom and Slavery, simply with a view of showing how the powers that were acted and judged in the days of the reign of the Fugitive Slave Law, unquestionably nothing better could be found to meet the requirements of this issue than the charge of Judge Kane, coupled with the indictment of the Grand Jury.  In the light of the Emancipation and the Fifteenth Amendment, they are too transparent to need a single word of comment.  Judge and jury having found the accused chargeable with Treason, nothing remained, so far as the men were concerned, but to bide their time as best they could be prison.  Most of them were married, and had wives and children clinging to them in this hour of fearful looking for of judgment. 

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