STILL'S
UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD RECORDS,
REVISED EDITION.
(Previously Published in 1879 with title: The Underground Railroad)
WITH A LIFE OF THE AUTHOR.
NARRATING
THE HARDSHIPS, HAIRBREADTH ESCAPES AND DEATH STRUGGLES
OF THE
SLAVES
IN THEIR EFFORTS FOR FREEDOM.
TOGETHER WITH
SKETCHES OF SOME OF THE EMINENT FRIENDS OF FREEDOM, AND
MOST LIBERAL AIDERS AND ADVISERS OF THE ROAD
BY
WILLIAM STILL,
For many years connected with the Anti-Slavery Office in Philadelphia, and Chairman of the Acting
Vigilant Committee of the Philadelphia Branch of the Underground Rail Road.

Illustrated with 70 Fine Engravings by Bensell, Schell and Others,
and Portraits from Photographs from Life.

Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant that has escaped from his master unto thee. - Deut. xxiii 16.

SOLD ONLY BY SUBSCRIPTION.

PHILADELPHIA:
WILLIAM STILL, PUBLISHER
244 SOUTH TWELFTH STREET.
1886

pp. 493 - 528

[Page 493] - continued

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ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859
CORNELIUS HENRY JOHNSON.  FACE CANADA-WARD FOR YEARS.

     Quite an agreeable interview took place between Cornelius and the Committee.  He gave his experience of Slavery pretty fully, and the Committee enlightened him as to the workings of the Underground Rail Road, the value of freedom, and the safety of Canada as a refuge.
     Cornelius was a single man, thirty-six years of age, full black, medium size, and intelligent.  He stated that he had had his face set toward Canada

[Page 494]
for a long while.  Three times he had made an effort to get out of the prison house.  “Within the last four or five years, times have gone pretty hard with me.  My mistress, Mrs. Mary F. Price, had lately put me in charge of her brother, Samuel M. Bailey, a tobacco merchant of Richmond.  Both believed in nothing as they did in Slavery; they would sooner see a black man dead than free.  They were about second class in society.  He and his sister own well on to one hundred head, though within the last few years he has been thinning off the number by sale.  I was allowed one dollar a week for my board; one dollar is the usual allowance for slaves in my situation.  On Christmas week he allowed me no board money, but made me a present of seventy-five cents; my mistress added twenty-five cents, which was the extent of their liberality.  I was well cared for.  When the slaves got sick he doctored them himself, he was too stingy to employ a physician.  If they did not get well as soon as he thought they should, he would order them to their work, and if they did not go he would beat them.  My cousin was badly beat last year in the presence of his wife, and he was right sick.  Mr. Bailey was a member of St. James’ church, on Fifth street, and my mistress was a communicant of the First Baptist church on Broad Street.  She let on to be very good.”
     “I am one of a family of sixteen; my mother and eleven sisters and brothers are now living; some have been sold to Alabama, and some to Tennessee, the rest are held in Richmond.  My mother is now old, but is still in the service of Bailey.  He promised to take care of her in her old age, and not compel her to labor, so she is only required to cook and wash for a dozen slaves.  This they consider a great favor to the old ‘grand mother.’  It was only a year ago he cursed her and threatened her with a flogging.  I left for nothing else but because I was dissatisfied with Slavery.   The threats of my master caused me to reflect on the North and South.  I had an idea that I was not to die in Slavery.  I believed that God would assist me if I would try.  I then made up my mind to put my case in the hands of God, and start for the Underground Rail Road.  I bade good-bye to the old tobacco factory on Seventh street, and the First African Baptist church on Broad street (where he belonged), where I had so often heard the minister preach ‘servants obey your masters;’ also to the slave pens, chain gangs, and a cruel master and mistress, all of which I hoped to leave forever.   But to bid good-bye to my old mother in chains, was no easy job, and if my desire for freedom had not been as strong as my desire for life itself, I could never have stood it; but I felt that I could do her no good; could not help her if I staid.  As I was often threatened by my master, with the auction-block, I felt I must give up all and escape for my life.”
     Such was substantially the story of Cornelius Henry Johnson.  He talked for an hour as one inspired, and as none but fugitive slaves could talk.

[Page 495]

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ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1858.

THEOPHILUS COLLINS, ANDREW JACKSON BOYCE, HANDY BURTON AND ROBERT JACKSON.

A DESPERATE, BLOODY STRUGGLE - GUN, KNIFE AND FIRE SHOVEL, USED BY AN INFURIATED MASTER.

     Judged from their outward appearance, as well as from the fact that they were from the neighboring State of Delaware, no extraordinary revelations were looked for from the above-named party.  It was found, however, that one of their numbers, at least, had a sad tale of outrage and cruelty to relate.  The facts stated are as follows:

     THEOPHILUS is twenty-four years of age, dark, height and stature hardly medium, with faculties only about average compared with ordinary fugitives from Delaware and Maryland.  His appearance is in no way remarkable.  His bearing is subdued and modest; yet he is not lacking in earnestness.  Says Theophilus, "I was in servitude under a man named Houston, near Lewes, Delaware; he was a very mean man, he didn't allow you enough to eat, nor enough clothes to wear.  He never allowed to drop of tea, or coffee, or sugar, and if you didn't eat your breakfast before day he wouldn't allow you any, but would drive you out without any.  He had a wife; she was mean, too, meaner than he was.  Four years ago last Fall my master cut my entrails* out for going to meeting at Daniel Wesley's church one Sabbath night.  Before day, Monday morning, he called me up to whip me; called me into his dining-room, locked the doors, and then ordered me to pull off my shirt.  I told him no, sir, I wouldn't; right away he went and got the cowhide, and gave me about twenty over my head with the butt.  He tore my shirt off, after I would not pull it off; he

ordered me to cross my hands.  I didn't do that.  After I wouldn't do that,

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     *Entrails:  Internal organs

[Page 496]
he went and got his gun and broke the breech of that over my head.  He then seized up the fire-tongs and struck me over the head ever so often.  The next thing he took was the parlor shovel and he beat on me with that till he broke the handle; then he took the blade and stove it at my head with all his might.  I told him that I was bound to come out of that room.  He run up to the door and drawed his knife and told me if I ventured to the door he would stab me.  I never made it any better or worse, but aimed straight for the door; but before I reached it he stabbed me, drawing the knife (a common picket knife) as hard as he could rip across my stomach; right away he began stabbing me about my head," (marks were plainly to be seen).  After a desperate struggle, Theophilus succeeded in getting out of the building.
     "I started," said he, "at once for Georgetown, carrying a part of my entrails in my hands for the whole journey, sixteen miles.  I went to my young masters, and they took me to an old colored woman, called Judah Smith, and for five days and nights I was under treatment of Dr. Henry Moore,  Dr. Charles Henry Richards, and Dr. William Newall all these attended me.  I was not expected to live for a long time,  but the Doctors cured me at last."

    ANDREW reported that he fled from Dr. David Houston.  "I left because of my master's meanness to me; he was a very mean man to his servants," said Andrew,  "and I got so tired of him I couldn't stand him any longer."  Andrew was about twenty-six years of age, ordinary size; color, brown, and was entitled to his freedom, but knew not how to secure it by law, so resorted to Underground Rail Road method.

     HANDY, another of this party, said that he left because the man who claimed to be his master "was so hard."  The man by whom he had been wronged was known where he came from by the name of Shepherd Burton, and was in the farming business.  "He was a churchman," said Handy, "but never allowed me to go to church a half dozen times in my life."

     ROBERT belonged to Mrs. Mary Hickman, at least she had him in her possession and reaped the benefit of his hire and enjoyed the leasure and ease thereof while he toiled.  For some time prior to his leaving, this had been a thorn in his side, hard to bear; so when an opening presented itself by which he thought he could better his condition, he was ready to try the experiment.  He, however, felt that while she would not have him to look to for support, she would not be without sympathy, as she was a member of the Episcopal Church; besides she was an old-looking woman and might not need his help a great while longer.

[Page 497]

ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859.
STEPNEY BROWN.

     Stepney was an extraordinary man, his countenance indicating great goodness of heart, and his gratitude to his heavenly Father for his deliverance proved that he was fully aware of the Source whence his help had come.  Being a man of excellent natural gifts, as well as of religious fervor and devotion to a remarkable degree, he seemed admirably fitted to represent the slave in chains, looking up to God with an eye of faith, and again the fugitive in Canada triumphant and rejoicing with joy unspeakable over his deliverance, yet not forgetting those in bonds, as bound with them.   The beauty of an unshaken faith in the good Father above could scarcely have shone with a brighter lustre than was seen in this simple-hearted believer.

     STEPNEY was thirty-four years of age, tall, slender, and of a dark hue.  He readily confessed that he fled from Mrs. Julia A. Mitchell, of Richmond; and testified that she was decidedly stingy and unkind, although a member of St. Paul’s church.  Still he was wholly free from acrimony, and even in recounting his sufferings was filled with charity towards his oppressors.  He said, “I was moved to leave because I believed that I had a right to be a free man.”
     He was a member of the Second Baptist church, and entertained strong faith that certain infirmities, which had followed him through life up to within seven years of the time of his escape, had all been removed through the Spirit of the Lord.  He had been an eye-witness to many outrages inflicted on his fellow-men.  But he spoke more of the sufferings of others than his own.
     His stay was brief, but interesting.  After his arrival in Canada he turned his attention to industrial pursuits, and cherished his loved idea that the Lord was very good to him.  Occasionally he would write to express his gratitude to God and man, and to inquire about friends in different localities, especially those in bonds.
     The following letters are specimens, and speak for themselves:

     DEAR BROTHER:—-It is with pleasure i take my pen in hand to write a few lines to in form you that i am well hopeping these few lines may fine you the same i am longing to hear from you and your family i wish you would say to Julis Anderson that he must realy excuse me for not writing but i am in hopes that- he is doing well.  i have not heard no news from Virgina.  plese to send me all the news say to Mrs. Hunt an you also forever pray for me knowing that God is so good to us.  i have not seen brother John Dungy for 5 months, but we have corresponded together but he is doing well in Brandford.  i am now at the falls an have been on here some time an i shall with the help of the lord locate myself somewhere this winter an go to school excuse me for not annser your letter sooner

[Page 498]
knowing that i cannot write well you please to send me one of the earliest papers send me word if any of our friends have been passing through i know that you are very busy but ask your little daughter if she will annser this letter for you i often feel that i cannot turn god thanks enough for his blessings that he has bestoueth upon me.  Say to brother suel that he must not forget what god has consighn to his hand, to do that he must pray in his closet that god might teach him. say to mr. Anderson that i hope he have retrad an has seeked the lord an found him precious to his own soul for he must do it in this world for he cannot do it in the world to come. i often think about the morning that i left your house it was such a sad feeling but still i have a hope in crist do you think it is safe in boston my love to all i remain your brother,

    MR. WILLIAM STILL, DEAR SIR:—I now take the pleasure of writing to you a few lines write soon hoping to find you enjoying perfect health, as I am the same.
     My joy within is so great that I cannot find words to express it.  When I met with my friend brother Dungy who stopped at your house on his way to Canada after having a long chase after me from Toronto to Hamilton he at last found me in the town of Brant ford Canada West and ought we not to return Almighty God thanks for delivering us from the many dangers and trials that beset our path in this wicked world we live in.
     I have long been wanting to write to you but I entirely forgot the number of your house Mr. Dungy luckily happened to have your directions with him.
     Religion is good when we live right may God help you to pray often to him that he might receive you at the hour of your final departure. Yours most respectfully.

     DEAR SIR:—I take the pleasure of dropping you a few lines, I am yet residing in Brantford and I have been to work all this summer at the falls and I have got along remarkably well, surely God is good to those that put their trust in him I suppose you have been wondering what has become of me but I am in the lands of living and long to hear from you and your family.  I would have wrote sooner, but the times has been such in the states I have not but little news to send you and I’m going to school again this winter and will you be pleased to send me word what has become of Julius Anderson and the rest-of my friends and tell him I would write to him if I knew where to direct the letter, please send me word whether any body has been along lately that knows me.  I know that you are busy but you must take time and answer this letter as I am anxious to hear from you, but nevertheless we must not forget our maker, so we cannot pray too much to our lord so I hope that mr. Anderson has found peace with God for me myself really appreciate that hope that I have in Christ, for I often find myself in my slumber with you and I hope we will meet some day.  Mr. Dungy sends his love to you I suppose you are aware that he is married, he is luckier than I am or I must get a little foothold before I do marry if I ever do. I am in a very comfortable room all fixed for the winter and we have had one snow.  May the lord be with you and all you and all your house hold.  I remain forever your brother in Christ,

[Page 499]

ARRIVAL FROM  MARYLAND, 1859.

JIM KELL, CHARLES HEATH, WILLIAM CARLISLE, CHARLES RINGGOLD, THOMAS MAXWELL, AND SAMUEL SMITH.

     On the evening of the Fourth of July, while all was hilarity and rejoicing the above named very interesting fugitives arrived from the troubled district, the Eastern shore of Maryland, where so many conventions had been held the previous year to prevent escapes; where the Rev. Samuel Green had been convicted and sent to the penitentiary for ten years for having a copy of Uncle Tom's Cabin in his humble home; where so many parties, on escaping, had the good sense and courage to secure their flight by bringing their masters' horses and carriages a good way on their perilous journey.
     SAM had been tied up and beat many times severely.  WILLIAM had been stripped naked, and frequently and cruelly cowhided.  Thomas had been clubbed over his head more times than a few.  Jim had been whipped with clubs and switches times without number.  Charles had had five men on him at one time, with cowhides, his master in the lead.
     CHARLES HEATH had had his head cut shockingly, with a club, in the hands of his master; this well cared-for individual in referring to his kind master, said: “I can give his character right along, he was a perfect devil.  The night we left, he had a woman tied up - God knows what he done.  He was always blustering, you could never do enough for him no how.  First thing in the morning and last thing at night, you would hear him cussing — he would cuss in bed.  He was a large farmer, all the time drunk.  He had a good deal of money but not much character.  He was a savage, bluff, red face-looking concern."  Thus, in the most earnest, as well as in an intelligent manner, Charles described the man (Aquila Cain ), who had hitherto held him under the yoke.
     JAMES left his mother, Nancy Kell, two brothers, Robert and Henry, and two sisters, Mary and Annie; all living in the neighborhood whence he fled.  Besides these, he had eight brothers and sisters living in Baltimore and elsewhere, under the yoke.  He was twenty-four years of age, of a jet color, but of a manly turn.  He fled from Thomas Murphy, a farmer, and regular slave-holder.  Charles Heath was twenty-five years of age, medium size, full black, a very keen-looking individual.
     WILLIAM was also of unmixed blood, shrewd and wide-awake for his years, - had been ground down under the heel of Aquila Cain.  He left his mother and two sisters.
     CHARLES RINGGOLD was eighteen years of age; no white blood showed itself in the least in this individual.  He fled from Dr. Jacob Preston, a member of the Episcopal Church, and a practical farmer with twenty head of slaves.  “He was not so bad, but his wife was said to be a 'stinger.' ”  Charles left his mother and father behind, also four sisters.

[Page 500]

     THOMAS was of pure blood, with a very cheerful, healthy-looking countenance, - twenty-one years of age, and was to "come free" at twenty-five, but he had too much good sense to rely upon the promises of slave-holders in matters of this kind.  He too belonged to Cain who, he said, was constantly talking about selling, etc.  He left his father and mother.
     After being furnished with food, clothing, and free tickets, they were forwarded on in triumph and full of hope.

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SUNDRY ARRIVALS, 1859

JOHN EDWARD LEE, JOHN HILLIS, CHARLES ROSS, JAMES RYAN, WILLIAM JOHNSTON, EDWARD WOOD, CORNELIUS FULLER AND HIS WIFE HARRIET, JOHN PINKET, ANSAL CANNON, AND JAMES BROWN.

     JOHN came from Maryland, and brought with him a good degree of pluck. He satisfied the Committee that he fully believed in freedom , and had proved his faith by his works, as he came in contact with pursuers, whom he put to flight by the use of an ugly-looking knife, which he plunged into one of them, producing quite a panic; the result was that he was left to pursue his Underground Rail Road journey without further molestation.  There was nothing in John's appearance which would lead one to suppose that he was a blood-thirsty or bad man, although a man of uncommon muscular powers; six feet high, and quite black, with resolution stamped on his countenance.  But when he explained how he was enslaved by a man named John B. Slade, of Harford Co., and how, in some way or other, he became entitled to his freedom, and just as the time arrived for the consummation of his long prayed - for boon, said Slade was about to sell him, -after this provocation, it was clear enough to perceive how John came to use his knife.
     JOHN HILLIS is was a tiller of the ground under a widow lady (Mrs. Louisa Le Count), of the New Market District, Maryland.  He signified to the mistress, that he loved to follow the water, and that he would be just as safe on water as on land, and that he was discontented.  The widow heard John's plausible story, and saw nothing amiss in it, so she consented that he should work on a schooner.  The name of the craft was “Majestic.”  The hopeful John endeavored to do his utmost to please, and was doubly happy when he learned that the “Majestic” was to make a trip to Philadelphia.  On arriving John's eyes were opened to see that he owed Mrs. Le Count nothing, but that she was largely indebted to him for years of unrequited toil; he could not, therefore, consent to go back to her.  He was troubled to think of his poor wife and children, whom he had left in the hands of Mrs. Harriet Dean, three quarters of a mile from New Market; but it was easier for him to

[Page 501]
imagine plans by which he could get them off than to incur the hazard of going back to Maryland; therefore he remained in freedom.
     CHARLES Ross was clearly of the opinion that he was free-born, but that he had been illegally held in Slavery, as were all his brothers and sisters, by a man named Rodgers, a farmer, living near Greensborough, in Caroline county, Md.  Very good reasons were given by Charles for the charge which he made against Rodgers, and it went far towards establishing the fact, that “colored men had no rights which white men were bound to respect," in Maryland.  Although he was only twenty-three years of age, he had fully weighed the matter of his freedom, and appeared firmly set against Slavery.
     WILLIAM JOHNSON was owned by a man named John Bosley, a farmer, living near Gun Powder Neck, Maryland.  One morning he, unexpectedly to William, gave him a terrible cowhiding, which, contrary to the master's designs, made him a firm believer, in the doctrine of immediate abolition, and he thought, that from that hour he must do something against the system if nothing more than to go to Canada.  This determination was so strong, that in a few weeks afterwards he found himself on the Underground Rail Road.  He left one brother and one sister; his mother was dead, and of his father's whereabouts he knew nothing.  William was nineteen years of age, brown color, smart and good-looking.
     EDWARD WOOD was a “chattel" from Drummerstown, Accomac county, Virginia, where he had been owned by a farmer, calling himself James White; a man who “drank hard and was very crabbed,” and before Edward left owned eleven head of slaves.  Edward left a wife and three children, but the strong desire to be free, which had been a ruling passion of his being from early boyhood, rendered it impossible for him to stay, although the ties were very hard to break.  Slavery was crushing him hourly, and he felt that he could not submit any longer.
     CORNELIUS FULLER, and his wife, HARRIET, escaped together from Kent county, Maryland.  They belonged to separate masters; Cornelius, it was said, belonged to the Diden Estate; his wife to Judge Chambers, whose Honor lived in Chestertown.  He is no man for freedom, bless you,” said Harriet.  “He owned more slaves than any other man in that part of the country; he sells sometimes, and he hired out a great many; would hire them to any kind of a master, if he half killed you.”  Cornelius and Harriet were obliged to leave their daughter Kitty, who was thirteen years of age.
     JOHN PINKET and Ansal Cannon took the Underground Rail Road cars at New Market, Dorchester county, Maryland.  John was a tall young man, of twenty-seven years of age, of an active turn of mind and of a fine black color.  He was the property of Mary Brown, a widow, firmly grounded in the love of Slavery; believing

[Page 502]
that a slave had no business to get tired or desire his freedom.  She sold one of John's sisters to Georgia, and before John fled, had still in her possession nine head of slaves.  She was a member of the Methodist church at East New Market.  From certain movements which looked very suspicious in John's eyes, he had been allotted to the Southern Market, he there fore resolved to look out for a habitation in Canada.  He had a first-rate corn-field education, but no book learning.  Up to the time of his escape, John had shunned entangling himself with a wife.
     ANSAL was twenty-five years of age, well-colored, and seemed like a good natured and well-behaved article.  He escaped from Kitty Cannon, another widow, who owned nine chattels.  “Sometimes she treated her slaves pretty well,” was the testimony of Ansal.  He ran away because he did not get pay for his services.  In thus being deprived of his hire, he concluded that he had no business to stay if he could get away.

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ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859

JAMES BROWN.

     A more giant-like looking passenger than the above named individual had rarely ever passed over the road.  He was six feet three inches high, and in every respect, a man of bone, sinew and muscle.  For one who had enjoyed only a field hand's privileges for improvement, he was not to be despised.
     JIM owed service to Henry Jones; at least he admitted that said Jones claimed him, and had hired him out to himself for seven dollars per month.  While this amount seemed light, it was much heavier than Jim felt willing to meet solely for his master's benefit.  After giving some heed to the voice of freedom within, he considered that it behooved him to try and make his way to some place where men were not guilty of wronging their neighbors out of their just hire.  Having heard of the Underground Rail Road running to Canada, he concluded to take a trip and see the country, for himself; so he arranged his affairs with this end in view, and left Henry Jones with one less to work for him for nothing.  The place that he fled from was called North Point, Baltimore county.  The number of fellow slaves left in the hands of his old master, was fifteen .

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ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1859.

EDWARD, JOHN, AND CHARLES HALL.

     The above named individuals were brothers from Delaware.  They were young; the eldest being about twenty, the youngest not far from seventeen years of age.

[Page 503]

     EDWARD was serving on a farm, under a man named Booth.  Perceiving that Booth was “running through his property” very fast by hard drinking, Edward's better judgment admonished him that his so-called master would one day have need of more rum money, and that he might not be too good to offer him in the market for what he would bring.  Charles resolved that when his brothers crossed the line dividing Delaware and Pennsylvania, he would not be far behind.
     The mother of these boys was freed at the age of twenty-eight, and lived in Wilmington, Delaware.  It was owing to the fact that their mother had been freed that they entertained the vague notion that they too might be freed; but it was a well established fact that thousands lived and died in such a hope without ever realizing their expectations.  The boys, more shrewd and wide awake than many others, did not hearken to such "stuff.”  The two younger heard the views of the elder brother, and expressed a willingness to follow him.  Edward, becoming satisfied that what they meant to do must be done quickly, took the lead, and off they started for a free State.
     JOHN was owned by one James B. Rodgers, a farmer, and “a most every kind of man,” as John expressed himself; in fact John thought that his owner was such a strange, wicked, and cross character that he couldn't tell himself what he was.  Seeing that slaves were treated no better than dogs and hogs, John thought that he was none too young to be taking steps to get away.
     CHARLES was held by James Rodgers, Sr., under whom he said that he had served nine years with faint prospects of some time becoming free, but when, was doubtful.

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ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1859.

JAMES TAYLOR, ALBERT GROSS, AND JOHN GRINAGE.

     To see mere lads, not twenty one years of age, smart enough to outwit the very shrewdest and wisest slave-holders of Virginia was very gratifying.  The young men composing this arrival were of this keen-sighted order.
     JAMES was only a little turned of twenty, of a yellow complexion , and intelligent.  A trader, by the name of George Ailer, professed to own James.  He said that he had been used tolerable well, not so bad as many had been used.  James was learning the carpenter trade; but he was anxious to obtain his freedom, and finding his two companions true on the main question, in conjunction with them he contrived a plan of escape, and took out.  'His father and mother, Harrison and Jane Taylor, were left at Fredericksburg to mourn the absence of their son.
     ALBERT was in his twentieth year, the picture of good health, not

[Page 504]
homely by any means, although not of a fashionable color.  He was under the patriarchal protection of a man by the name of William Price, who carried on farming in Cecil county, Maryland.  Albert testified that he was a bad man.

     JOHN GRINAGE, was only twenty, a sprightly, active young man, of a brown color.  He came from Middle Neck, Cecil county, where he had served under William Flintham, a farmer.

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SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND (1859)
AND OTHER PLACES.

JAMES ANDY WILKINS, and wife LUCINDA, with their little boy, CHARLES, CHARLES HENRY GROSS, A WOMAN with her TWO CHILDREN - one in her arms - JOHN BROWN, JOHN ROACH, and wife LAMBRY, and HENRY SMALLWOOD.

      The above-named passengers did not all come from the same place, or exactly at the same time; but for the sake of convenience they are thus embraced under a general head.
     JAMES ANDY WILKINS “gave the slip” to a farmer, by the name of George Biddle, who lived one mile from Cecil, Cecil county, Maryland.  While he hated Slavery, he took a favorable view of his master in some respects at least, as he said that he was a “moderate man in talk; but “sly in action.”  His master provided him with two pairs of pantaloons in the summer, and one in the winter, also a winter jacket, no vest, no cap, or hat.  James thought the sum total for the entire year's clothing would not amount to more than ten dollars.  Sunday clothing he was compelled to procure for himself by working of nights; he made axe handles, mats, etc., of evenings, and caught musk rats on Sunday, and availed him self of their hides to procure means for his most pressing wants.  Besides these liberal privileges his master was in the habit of allowing him two whole days every harvest, and at Christmas from twenty-five cents to as high as three dollars and fifty cents, were lavished upon him.
     His master was a bachelor, a man of considerable means, and “kept tolerable good company," and only owned two other slaves, Rachel Ann Dumbson and John Price.
     LUCINDA, the companion of James, was twenty-one years of age, good looking, well-formed and of a brown color.  She spoke of a man named George Ford as her owner.  He, however, was said to be of the “mode rate class” of slave-holders; Lucinda being the only slave property he possessed, and she came to him through his wife (who was a Methodist ).  The master was an outsider, so far as the Church was concerned.  Once

[Page 505]
in a great while Lucinda was allowed to go to church, when she could be spared from her daily routine of cooking, washing, etc.  Twice a week she was permitted the special favor of seeing her husband.  These simple privations not being of a grave character, no serious fault was found with them; yet Lucinda was not without a strong ground of complaint.  Not long before escaping, she had been threatened with the auction-block; this fate she felt bound to avert, if possible, and the way she aimed to do it was by escaping on the Underground Rail Road.  Charley, a bright little fellow only three years of age, was "contented and happy” enough.  Lucinda left her father, Moses Edgar Wright, and two brothers, both slaves.  One belonged to “Francis Crookshanks,” and the other to Capt. Jim Mitchell.  Her mother, who was known by the name of Betsy Wright, escaped when she (Lucinda) was seven years of age.  Of her whereabouts nothing further had ever been heard.  Lucinda entertained strong hopes that she might find her in Canada.
     CHARLES HENRY Gross began life in Maryland, and was made to bear the heat and burden of the day in Baltimore, under Henry Slaughter, proprietor of the Ariel Steamer.  Owing to hard treatment, Charles was induced to fly to Canada for refuge.
     A woman with two children, one in her arms, and the other two years of age (names, etc., not recorded), came from the District of Columbia.  Mother and children, appealed loudly for sympathy.
     JOHN BROWN, being at the beck of a man filling the situation of a common clerk (in the shoe store of McGrunders), became dissatisfied.  Asking himself what right Benjamin Thorn (his professed master) had to his hire, he was led to see the injustice of his master, and made up his mind, that he would leave by the first train, if he could get a genuine ticket via the Underground Rail Road.  He found an agent and soon had matters all fixed.  He left his father, mother and seven sisters and one brother, all slaves.  John was a man small of stature, dark, with homely features, but he was very determined to get away from oppression.
     JOHN and LAMBY ROACH had been eating bitter bread under bondage near Seaford.  John was the so-called property of Joshua O'Bear, "a fractious, hard-swearing man, and when mad would hit one of his slaves with anything he could get in his hands."  John and his companion made the long journey on foot.  The former had been trained to farm labor and the common drudgery of slave life.  Being a man of thirty-three years of age, with more than ordinary abilities, he had given the matter of his bondage considerable thought, and seeing that his master “got worse the older he got,” together with the fact, that his wife had recently been sold, he was strongly stirred to make an effort for Canada.  While it was a fact, that his wife had already been sold, as above stated, the change of ownership was not to take place for some months, consequently John “ took out in a hurry.”

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His wife was the property of Dr. Shipley, of Seaford, who had occasion to raise some money for which he gave security in the shape of this wife and mother.  Horsey was the name of the gentleman from whom it was said that he obtained the favor; so when the time was up for the payment to be made, the Dr. was not prepared.  Horsey, therefore, claimed the collateral (the wife) and thus she had to meet the issue, or make a timely escape to Canada with her husband.  No way but walking was open to them.  Deciding to come this way, they prosecuted their journey with uncommon perseverance and success.  Both were comforted by strong faith in God, and believed that He would enable them to hold out on the road until they should reach friends.
     HENRY SMALLWOOD saw that he was working every day for nothing, and thought that he would do better.  He described his master (Washington Bonafont) as a sort of a rowdy, who drank pretty hard, leaving a very unfavorable impression on Henry's mind, as he felt almost sure such conduct would lead to a sale at no distant day.  So he was cautious enough to “take the hint in time.”  Henry left in company with nine others; but after being two days on the journey they were routed and separated by their pursuers.  At this point Henry lost all trace of the rest.  He heard afterwards that two of them had been captured, but received no further tidings of the others.  Henry was a fine representative for Canada; a tall, dark, and manly-looking individual, thirty-six years of age.  He left his father and mother behind.

ARRIVAL FROM RICHMOND, 1859.

HENRY JONES AND TURNER FOSTER.

     HENRY was left free by the will of his mistress (Elizabeth Mann), but the heirs were making desperate efforts to overturn this instrument.  Of this, there was so much danger with a Richmond court, that Henry feared that the chances were against him; that the court was not honest enough to do him justice.  Being a man of marked native foresight, he concluded that the less he talked about freedom and the more he acted the sooner he would be out of his difficulties.  He was called upon, however, to settle certain minor matters, before he could see his way clear to move in the direction of Canada; for instance, he had a wife on his mind to dispose of in some way, but how he could not tell.  Again, he was not in the secret of the Underground Rail Road movement; he knew that many got off, but how they managed it he was ignorant.  If he could settle these two points satisfactorily, he thought that he would be willing to endure any sacrifice for the sake of his freedom.  He found an agent of the Under ground Rail Road, and after surmounting various difficulties, this point was

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settled.  As good luck would have it, his wife, who was a free woman, although she heard the secret with great sorrow, had the good sense to regard his step for the best, and thus he was free to contend with all other dangers on the way.
     He encountered the usual suffering, and on his arrival experienced the wonted pleasure.  He was a man of forty-one years of age, spare made, with straight hair, and Indian complexion, with the Indian's aversion to Slavery.
     TURNER, who was a fellow-passenger with Henry, arrived also from Richmond.  He was about twenty-one, a bright, smart, prepossessing young man.  He fled from A. A. Mosen, a lawyer, represented to be one of the first in the city, and a firm believer in Slavery.  Turner differed widely with his master with reference to this question, although, for prudential reasons, he chose not to give his opinion to said Mosen.

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ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.

TWO YOUNG MOTHERS, EACH WITH BABES IN THEIR ARMS - ANNA ELIZABETH YOUNG AND SARAH JANE BELL - WHIPPED TILL THE BLOOD FLOWED.

     The appearance of these young mothers a first produced a sudden degree of pleasure, but their story of suffering quite as suddenly caused the most painful reflections.  It was hardly possible to listen to their tales of outrage and wrong with composure.  Both came from Kent county, Maryland, and reported that they fled from a man by the name of Massey; a man of low stature, light-complexioned, with dark hair, dark eyes, and very quick temper; given to hard swearing as a common practice; also, that the said Massey had a wife, who was a very tall woman, with blue eyes, chest nut-colored hair, and a very bad temper; that, conjointly, Massey and his wife were in the habit of meting out cruel punishment to their slaves, without regard to age or sex, and that they themselves, ( Anna Elizabeth and Sarah Jane), had received repeated scourgings at the hands of their master.  Anna and Sarah were respectively twenty-four and twenty-five years of age; Anna was of a dark chestnut color, while Sarah was two shades lighter; both had good manners, and a fair share of intelligence, which afforded a hopeful future for them in freedom.  Each had a babe in her arms.
     SARAH had been a married woman for three years; her child, a boy, was eight months old, and was named Garrett Bell.  Elizabeth's child was a girl, nineteen months old, and named Sarah Catharine Young.  Elizabeth had never been married.  They had lived with Massey five years up to the last March prior to their escape, having been bought out of the Balti-

[Page 508]
more slave-pen, with the understanding that they were to be free at the expiration of five years' service under him.  The five years had more than expired, but no hope or sign of freedom appeared.  On the other hand, Massey was talking loudly of selling them again.  Threats and fears were so horrifying to them, that they could not stand it; this was what prompted them to flee.  “As often as six or seven times," said Elizabeth, “I have been whipped by master, once with the carriage whip, and at other times with a raw hide trace.  The last flogging I received from him, was about four weeks before last Christmas; he then tied me up to a locust tree standing before the door, and whipped me to his satisfaction."
     SARAH had fared no better than Elizabeth, according to her testimony.  “Three times,” said she, “I have been tied up; the last time was in planting corn-time, this year.  My clothing was all stripped off above my waist, and then he whipped me till the blood ran down to my heels.”  Her back was lacerated all over.  She had been ploughing with two horses, and un fortunately had lost a hook out of her plough; this, she declared was the head and front of her offending, nothing more.  Thus, after all their suffering, utterly penniless, they reached the Committee, and were in every respect, in a situation to call for the deepest commiseration.  They were helped and were thankful.

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ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, VIRGINIA, AND THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.
JOHN WESLEY SMITH, ROBERT MURRAY, SUSAN STEWART, AND JOSEPHINE SMITH.

     Daniel Hubert was fattening on John Wesley's earnings contrary to his, John's, idea of right.  For a long time John failed to see the remedy, but as he grew older and wiser the scales fell from his eyes and he perceived that the Underground Rail Road ran near his master's place, Cambridge, Md., and by a very little effort and a large degree of courage and perseverance he might manage to get out of Maryland and on to Canada, where slave-holders had no more rights than other people.  These reflections came seriously into John's mind at about the age of twenty-six; being about this time threatened with the auction-block he bade slavery good -night, jumped into the Underground Rail Road car and off he hurried for Pennsylvania.  His mother, Betsy, one brother, and one sister were left in the hands of Hubert.  John Wesley could pray for them and wish them well, but nothing more.
     ROBERT MURRAY became troubled in mind about his freedom while living in Loudon county, Virginia, under the heel of Eliza Brooks, a widow woman, who used him bad, according to his testimony. He had been

[Page 509]
“knocked about a good deal.”  A short while before he fled, he stated that he had been beat brutally, so much so that the idea of escape was beat into him.  He had never before felt as if he dared hope to try to get out of bondage, but since then his mind had undergone such a sudden and powerful change, he began to feel that nothing could hold him in Virginia; the place became hateful to him.  He looked upon a slave-holder as a kind of a living, walking, talking “Satan, going about as a roaring lion seeking whom he may destroy.”  He left his wife, with one child; her name was Nancy Jane, and the name of the offspring was Elizabeth.  As Robert had possessed but rare privileges to visit his wife, he felt it less a trial to leave than if it had been otherwise.  William Seedam owned the wife and child.
     SUSAN STEWART and JOSEPHINE SMITH fled together from the District of Columbia.  Running away had been for a long time a favorite idea with Susan, as she had suffered much at the hands of different masters.  The main cause of her flight was to keep from being sold again; for she had been recently threatened by Henry Harley, who "followed droving," and not being rich, at any time when he might be in want of money she felt that she might have to go.  When a girl only twelve years of age, her young mind strongly revolted against being a slave, and at that youthful period she tried her fortune at running away.  While she was never caught by her owners, she had the misfortune to fall into the hands of another slave holder no better than her old master, indeed she thought that she found it even worse under him, so far as severe floggings were concerned.  Susan was of a bright brown color, medium size, quick and active intellectually and physically, and although she had suffered much from Slavery, as she was not far advanced in years, she might still do something for herself.  She left no near kin that she was aware of.
     JOSEPHINE fled from Miss Anna Maria Warren, who had previously been deranged from the effects of paralysis.  Josephine regarded this period of her mistress' sickness as her opportunity for planning to get away before her mistress came to her senses.

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SUNDRY ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND AND VIRGINIA.

HENRY FIELDS, CHARLES RINGGOLD, WILLIAM RINGGOLD, ISAAC NEWTON AND JOSEPH THOMAS.

     ["Five other cases were attended to by Dillwyn Parish and J. C. White" - other than this no note was made of them.]

     HENRY FIELDS took the benefit of the Underground Rail Road at the age of eighteen.  He fled from the neighborhood of Port Deposit while being "broke in" by a man named Washington Glasby who was wicked

[Page 510]

enough to claim him as his property, and was also about to sell him.  This chattel was of a light yellow complexion, hearty-looking and wide awake.

     CHARLES RINGGOLD took offence at being whipped like a dog, and the prospect of being sold further South; consequently in a high state of mental dread of the peculiar institution, he concluded that freedom was worth suffering for, and although he was as het under twenty years of age, he determined not to remain in Perrymanville, Maryland, to wear the chains of Slavery for the especial benefit of his slave-holding master (whose name was inadvertently omitted).

     WILLIAM RINGGOLD fled from Henry Wallace, of Baltimore.  A part of the time William said he "had had it pretty rough, and a part of the time kinder smooth," but never had had matters to his satisfaction.  Just before deciding to make an adventure on the Underground Rail Road, his owner had been talking of selling him.  Under the apprehension that this threat would prove no joke, Henry began to study what he had better do to be saved from the jaws of hungry negro traders.  It was not long before he came to the conclusion that he had best strike out upon a venture in a Northern direction, and do the best he could to get as  far away as possible from the impending danger threatened by Mr. Wallace.  After a long and weary travel on foot by night, he found himself at Columbia, where friends of the Underground Rail Road assisted him on to Philadelphia.  Here his necessary wants were met, and directions given him how to reach the land of refuge, where he would be out of the way of all slave-holders and slave-traders.  Six of his brothers had been sold; his mother was still in bondage in Baltimore.

     ISAAC NEWTON hailed from Richmond, Virginia.  He professed to be only thirty years of age, but he seemed to be much older.  while he had had an easy time in slavery, he preferred that his master should work for himself, as he felt that it was his bounden duty to look after number one; so he did not hesitate about leaving his situation vacant for any one who might desire it, whether white or black, but made a successful "took out."

     JOSEPH THOMAS was doing the work of a so-called master in Prince George's county, Maryland.  For some cause or other the alarm of the auction-block was sounded in his ears, which at first distracted him greatly; upon sober reflection it worked greatly to his advantage.  It set him to thinking seriously on the subject of immediate emancipation, and what a miserable hard lot of it he should have through life if he did not "pick up" courage and resolution to get beyond the terror of slave-holders; so under these reflections he found his nerves gathering strength, his fears leaving him, and he was ready to venture on the Underground Rail Road.  He came through without any serious difficulty.  He left his father and mother, Shadrach and Lucinda Thomas.

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ARRIVAL FROM SEAFORD, 1859
ROBERT BELL AND TWO OTHERS.

     ROBERT came from Seaford, where he had served under Charles Wright, a farmer, of considerable means, and the owner of a number of slaves over whom he was accustomed to rule with much rigor.
     Although Robert's master had a wife and five children, the love which Robert bore them was too weak to hold him; and well adapted as the system of Slavery might be to render him happy in the service of young and old masters, it was insufficient for him.  Robert found no rest under Mr. Wright; no privileges, scantily clad, poor food, and a heavy yoke, was the policy of this "superior."  Robert testified, that for the last five years, matters had been growing worse and worse; that times had never been so bad before.  Of nights, under the new regime, the slaves were locked up and not allowed to go anywhere; flogging, selling, etc. were the every-day occurrence throughout the neighborhood.  Finally, Robert became sick of such treatment, and he found that the spirit of Canada and freedom was uppermost in his heart.  Slavery grew blacker and blacker, until he resolved to "pull up stakes" upon a venture.  The motion was right, and succeeded.
     Two other passengers were at teh station at the same time, but they had to be forwarded without being otherwise noticed on the book.

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ARRIVAL FROM TAPP'S NECK, MD., 1859.
LEWIS WILSON, JOHN WATERS, ALFRED EDWARDS AND WILLIAM QUINN.

     LEWIS' grey hairs signified that he had been for many years plodding under the yoke.  He was about fifty years of age, well set, not tall, but he had about him the marks of a substantial laborer.  He had been brought up on a farm under H. Lynch, whom Lewis described as "a mean man when drunk, and very severe on his slaves."  The number that he ruled over as his property, was about twenty.  Said Lewis, about two years ago, he shot a free man, and the man died about two hours afterwards; for this offence he was ot even imprisoned.  Lynch also tried to cut the throat of John Waters, and succeeded in making a frightful gash on his left shoulder (mark shown), which mark he will carry with him to the grave; for this he was not even sued.  Lewis left five children in bondage, Horace, John, georgians, Louisa and Louis, Jr., owned by Bazil and John Benson.

[Page 512]

     JOHN was forty years of age, dark, medium size, and another of Lynch's "articles."  He left his wife Anna, but no children; it was hard to leave her, but he felt that it would be still harder to live and die under the usage that he had experienced on Lynch's farm.
     ALFRED was twenty-two years of age; he was of a full dark color, and quite smart.  He fled from John Bryant, a farmer.  Whether he deserved it or not, Alfred gave him a bad character, at least, with regard to the treatment of his slaves.  He left his father and mother, six brothers and sisters.  Traveling under doubts and fears with the thought of leaving a large family of his nearest and dearest friends, was far from being a pleasant undertaking with Alfred, yet he bore up under the trial and arrived in peace.
     "WILLIAM is twenty-two, black, tall, intelligent, and active," are the words of the record.

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ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1859.
ANN MARIA JACKSON AND HER SEVEN CHILDREN - MARY ANN, WILLIAM HENRY, FRANCES SABRINA, WILHELMINA, JOHN EDWIN, EBENEZER THOMAS, AND WILLIAM ALBERT

The coming of the above named was duly announced by Thomas Garrett:

     DEAR FRIENDS - McKIM and STILL: - I write to inform you that on the 16th of this month, we passed on four able bodied men to Pennsylvania, and they were followed last night by a woman and her six children, from three or four years of age, up to sixteen years;  I believe the whole belonged to the same estate, and they were to have been sold at public sale, I was informed yesterday, but preferred seeking their own master; we had some trouble in getting those last safe along, as they could not travel far on foot, and could not

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safely cross any of the bridges on the canal, either on foot or in carriage.  A man left here two days since, with carriage, to meet them this side of the canal, but owing to spies they did not reach him till 10 o'clock last night; this morning he returned, having seen them about one or two o'clock this morning in a second carriage, on the border of Chester county, where I think they are all safe, if they can be kept from Philadelphia  If you see them they can tell their own tales, as I have seen one of them.  May He, who feeds the ravens, care for them.  Yours,

     The fire of freedom obviously burned with no ordinary fervor in the breast of this slave mother, or she never would have ventured with the burden of seven children, to escape from the hell of Slavery.
     ANN MARIA was about forty years of age, good-looking, pleasant countenance, and of a chestnut color, height medium, and intellect above the average.  Her bearing has humble, as might have been expected, from the fact that she emerged from the lowest depths of Delaware Slavery.  During the Fall prior to her escape, she lost her husband under most trying circumstances; he died in the poor-house, a raving maniac.  Two of his children had been taken from their mother by her owner, as was usual with slave-holders, which preyed so severely on the poor father's mind that it drove him into the state of hopeless insanity.  He was a "free man" in the eye of Delaware laws, yet he was not allowed to exercise the least authority over his children.
     Prior to the time that the two children were taken from their mother, she had been allowed to live with her husband and children, independently of her master, by supporting herself and them with the white-wash brush, wash-tub, etc.  For this privilege the mother doubtless worked with double energy, and the master, in all probability, was largely the gainer, as the children were no expense to him in their infancy; but when they began to be old enough to hire out, or bring high prices in the market, he snatched away two of the finest articles and the powerless father was immediately rendered a fit subject for the mad-house; but eh brave hearted mother looked up to God, resolved to wait patiently until in a good Providence the way might open to escape with her remaining children to Canada.
     Year in and year out she had suffered to provide food and raiment for her little ones.  Many times in going out to do days' work she would be compelled to leave her children, not knowing whether during her absence they would fall victims to fire, or be carried off by the master.  But she possessed a well tried faith, which in her flight kept her from despondency.  Under her former lot she scarcely murmured, but declared that she had never been at east in Slavery a day after the birth of her first-born.  The desire to go to some part of the world where she could have the control and comfort of her children, had always been a prevailing idea with her.  "It almost broke my heart," she said, "when he came and took my children away as soon as they were big enough to hand me a drink of water.  My

[Page 514]
husband was always very kind to me, and I had often wanted him to run away with me and the children, but I could not get him in the notion; he did not feel that he could, and so he stayed , and died broken-hearted, crazy.  I was owned by a man named Joseph Brown; he owned property in Milford, and he had a place in Vicksburg, and some of his time he spends there, and some of the time he lives in Milford.  This Fall he said he was going to take four of my oldest children and two other servants to Vicksburg.  I just happened to hear of this news in time.  My master was wanting to keep me in the dark about taking them, for fear that something might happen.  My master is very sly; he is a tall, slim man, with a smooth face, bald head, light hair, long and sharp nose, swears very hard, and drinks.  He is a widower, and is rich.
     On the road the poor mother, with her travel - worn children became des perately alarmed, fearing that they were betrayed. But God had provided better things for her ; her strength and hope were soon fully restored, and she was lucky enough to fall into the right hands. It was a special pleasure to aid such a mother. Her arrival in Canada was announced by Rev. H. Wilson as follows:

     DEAR BRO. STILL : - I am happy to inform you that Mrs. Jackson and her interesting family of seven children arrived safe and in good health and spirits at my house in St. Catharines, on Saturday evening last.  With sincere pleasure I provided for them comfort able quarters till this morning, when they left for Toronto.  I got them conveyed there at half fare, and gave them letters of introduction to Thomas Henning, Esq., and Mrs. Dr. Willis, trusting that they will be better cared for in Toronto than they could be at St. Catharines.  We have so many coming to us we think it, best for some of them to pass on to other places.  My wife gave them all a good supply of clothing before they left us.  James Henry, an older son is, I think, not far from St. Catharine, but has not as yet reunited with the family. Faithfully and truly yours,

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SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND AND DELAWARE.
LEWIS LEE, ENOCH DAVIS, JOHN BROWN, THOMAS EDWARD DIXON, AND WILLIAM OLIVER.

     Slavery brought about many radical changes, some in one way and some in another.  Lewis Lee was entirely too white for practical purposes.  They tried to get him to content himself under the yoke, but he could not see the point.  A man by the name of William Watkins, living near Fairfax, Virginia, claimed Lewis, having come by his title through marriage.  Title or no title, Lewis thought that he would not serve him for nothing, and that he had been hoodwinked already a great while longer than he should have allowed himself to be.  Watkins had managed to keep him in the dark and

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doing hard work on the no-pay system up to the age of twenty-five.  In Lewis’ opinion, it was now time to “strike out on his own hook;” he took his last look of Watkins (he was a tall, slim fellow, a farmer, and a hard drinker), and made the first step in the direction of the North.  He was sure that he was about as white as anybody else, and that he had as good a right to pass for white as the white folks, so he decided to do so with a high head and a fearless front.  Instead of skulking in the woods, in thickets and swamps, under cover of the darkness, he would boldly approach a hotel and call for accommodations, as any other southern gentleman.  He had a little money, and he soon discovered that his color was perfectly orthodox.  He said that he was “treated first-rate in Washington and Baltimore;" he could recommend both of these cities.  But destitute of education, and coming among strangers, he was conscious that the shreds of slavery were still to be seen upon him.  He had, moreover, no intention of disowning his origin when once he could feel safe in assuming his true status.  So as he was in need of friends and material aid, he sought out the Vigilance Committee, and on close examination they had every reason to believe his story throughout, and gave him the usual benefit.
     ENOCH DAVIS came from within five miles of Baltimore, having been held by one James Armstrong, "an old grey-headed man," and a farmer, living on Huxtown Road.  Judged from Davis' stand-point, the old master could never been recommended, unless some one wanted a very hard place and a severe master.  Upon inquiry, it was ascertained that Enoch was moved to leave on account of the "riot," (John Brown's Harper's Ferry raid), which he feared would result in the sale of a good many slaves, himself among the number,; he, therefore, "laid down the shovel and the hoe," and quit the place.
     JOHN BROWN (this was an adopted name, the original one not being preserved), left to get rid of his connection with Thomas Stevens, a grocer, living in Baltimore.  John, however, did not live in the city with said Stevens, but on the farm near Frederick's Mills, Montgomery county, Maryland.  This place was known by the name of "White Hall Farm;" and was under the supervision of James Edward Stevens, a son of the above-named Stevens.  John's reason s for leaving were not noted on the book, but his eagerness to reach Canada spoke louder than words, signifying that the greater the distance that separated him from the old "White Hall Farm" the letter.
     THOMAS EDWARD DIXON arrived from near the Trap, in Delaware.  He was only about eighteen eyars of age, but as tall as a man of ordinary height; - dark, with a pleasant countenance.  He reported that he had had trouble with a man known by the name of Thomas W. M. McCracken, who had treated him "bad;" as Thomas thought that such trouble and bad treatment might be of frequent occurrence, he concluded that he had better go

[Page 516]
away and let McCracken get somebody else to fill his place, if he did not choose to fill it himself.  So off Thomas started, and as if by instinct, he came direct to the Committee.  He passed a good examination and was sided.

     WILLIAM OLIVER,  dark, well-made, young man with the best of country manners, fled from Mrs. Marshall, a lady living in Prince George's county, Maryland.  William had recently been in the habit of hiring his time at the rate of ten dollars per month, and find himself everything.  The privilege of living in Georgetown had been vouchsafed him, and he preferred this locality to his country situation.  Upon the whole he said he had been treated pretty well.  He was, nevertheless, afraid that times were growing "very critical," and as he had a pretty good chance, he thought he had better make use of it, and his arrangements were wisely made.  He had reached his twenty-sixty year, and was apparently well settled.  He left one child, Jane Oliver owned by Mrs. Marshall.

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ARRIVAL FROM DIFFERENT POINTS

JACOB BROWN, JAMES HARRIS, BENJAMIN PINEY, JOHN SMITH, ANDREW JACKSON, WILLIAM HUGHES, WESLEY WILLIAMS, ROSANNA JOHNSON, JOHN SMALLWOOD, AND HENRY TOWNSEND.

     JACOB BROWN was eating the bread of Slavery in North Carolina.  A name-sake of his by the name of Lewis Brown, living in Washington, according to the slave code of that city had Jacob in fetters, and was exercising about the same control over him that he exercised over cattle and horses.  While this might have been a pleasure for the master, it was painful for the slave.  The usage which Jacob had ordinarily received made him anything but contented.
     At the age of twenty, he resolved that he would run away if it cost him his life.  This purpose was made known to a captain, who was in the habit of bringing passengers from the South to Philadelphia.  With an unwavering faith he took his appointed place in a private part of the vessel, and as fast as wind and tide would bring the boat he was wafted on his way Canada-ward.  Jacob was a dark man, and about full size, with hope large.

     JAMES HARRIS escaped from Delaware.  A white woman, Catharine Odine by name, living near Middletown, claimed James as her man; but James did not care to work for her on the unrequited labor system.  He resolved to take the first train on the Underground Rail Road that might pass that way.  It was not a great while ere he was accommodated, and was brought safely to Philadelphia.  The regular examination was made and he passed creditably.  He was described in the book as a man of yellow

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complexion, good-looking, and intelligent.  After due assistance, he was regularly forwarded on to canada.  This was in the mouth of November, 1856.  Afterwards nothing more was heard of him, until the receipt of the following letter from Prof. L. D. Mansfield, showing that he had been reunited to his wife, under amusing, as well as touching circumstances:

     DEAR BRO. STILL: - A very pleasant circumstances has brought you to mind, and I am always happy to be reminded of you, and of the very agreeable, though brief acquaintance which he made at Philadelphia two years since.  Last Thursday evening, while at my weekly prayer meeting, our exercises were interrupted by the appearance of Bro. Loguen, of Syracuse, who had come on with Mrs. Harris in search of her husband, whom he had sent to my care three weeks before.  I told Bro. L. that no such man had been at my house, and I knew nothing of him.  But I dismissed the meeting, and went with him immediately to the African Church, where the collored brethren were holding a meeting.  Bro. L. looked through the dor, and the first person whom he saw was Harris.  He was called out, when Loguen said, in a rather reproving and excited tone, "What are you doing here; didn't I tell you to e off to Canada?  Don't you known they are after you?  Come get your hat, and come with us, we'll take care of you."  The poor fellow was by this time thoroughly frightened, and really thought he had been pursued.  We conducted him nearly a mile, to the hotel where his wife was waiting for him, leaving him still under the impression that he was pursued and that we were conducting him to a place of safety, or were going to box him up to send hi to Canada.  Bro. L. opened the door of the parlor, and introduced him; but he was so frightened that he did not know his wife at first, until she called him James, when they had a very joyful meeting.  She is now a servant in y family, and he has work, and doing well, and boards with her.  We shall do all we can for them, and teach them to read and write, and endeavor to place them in a condition to take care of themselves.  Loguen had a fine meeting in my Tabernacle last night, and made a good collection for the cause of the fugitives.
     I should be happy to hear from you and your kind family, to whom remember me very cordially.  Believe me ever truly yours,                   L. D. MANSFIELD.
     Mr. and Mrs. Harris wish to be gratefully remembered to you and yours.

     BENJAMIN PINEY reported that he came from Baltimore county, Maryland, where he had held in subjection to Mary Hawkins.  He alleged that he had very serious cause for grievance; that she had ill-treated him for a long time and had of late threatened to sell him to Georgia.  His brothers and sisters had all been sold, but he meant not to be if he could help himself.  The sufferings that he had been called upon to endure had opened his eyes, and he stood still to wait for the Underground Rail Road car, as he anxiously wished to travel north, with all possible speed.  He waited, but a little while, ere he was on the road, under difficulties it is true, but he arrived safely and was joyfully received.  He imagined his mistress in a fit of perplexity, such as he might enjoy, could he peep at her from Canada, or some safe place.  He however did not wish her any evil, but he was very decided that he did not want any more to do with her.  Benjamin was twenty years of age, dark complexion, size ordinary, mental capacity, good considering opportunities.

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     JOHN SMITH was a yellow boy, nineteen years of age, stout build, with marked intelligence. He held Dr. Abraham Street responsible for treating him as a slave.  He held Dr. Abraham Street responsible for treating him as a slave.  The doctor lived at Marshall District, Harford county, Maryland.  John frankly confessed, to the credit of the doctor, that he got "a plenty to eat, drink and wear," yet he declared that he was not willing to remain a slave, he had higher aims; he wanted to be above that condition.  "I left," said he, "because I wanted to see the country.  If he had kept me in a hogshead of sugar, I wouldn't stayed," said the bright-minded slave youth. "They told me anything - told me to obey my master, but I didn't mind that.  I am going off to see the Scriptures," said John.
     ANDREW JACKSON "took out" from near Cecil, Delaware, where he had been owned by a man calling himself Thomas Palmer, who owned seven or eight others.  His manners were by no means agreeable to Andrew; he was quite too "blustery," and was dangerous when in one of his fits.  Although Andrew was but twenty-three years of age, he thought that Palmer had already had much more of his valuable services than he was entitled to, and he determined, that if he (the master), ever attempted to capture him, he would make him remember him the longest day he lived.
     WILLIAM HUGHES was an Eastern Shore "piece of property" belonging to Daniel Cox.  William had seen much of the dark doings of Slavery, and his mind had been thoroughly set against the system.  True, he had been but twenty-two years under the heel of his master, but that was sufficient.
     WESLEY WILLIAMS, on his arrival from Warrick, Maryland, testified that he had been in the hands of a man known by the name of Jack Jones, from whom he had received almost daily floggings and scanty food.  Jones was his so-called owner.  These continual scourgings stirred the spirit of freedom in Wesley to that degree that he was compelled to escape for his life.  He left his mother (a free woman), and one sister in Slavery.
     ROSANNA JOHNSON, alias CATHARINE BRICE.  The spot of Rosanna looked upon the most dread and where she had suffered as a slave, under a man called Doctor Street, was near the Rock of Deer Creek, in Harford county, Maryland.
     In the darkness in which Slavery ordinarily kept the fettered and "free niggers," it was a considerable length of time ere Rosanna saw how barbarously she and her race were being wronged and ground down - driven to do unrequited labor - deprived of an education, obliged to receive the cuffs, kicks, and curses of old or young, who might happen to claim a title to them.  But when she did see her true condition, she was not content until she found herself on the Underground Rail Road.
     Rosanna was about thirty years of age, of a dark color, medium stature, and intelligent.  She left two brothers and her father behind.  The Committee forwarded her on North.  From Albany Rose wrote back to inquire after particular friends, and to thank those who had aided her - as follows:

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     MRS. WILLIAM STILL: - i sit don to rite you a fue lines in saying have you herd of John Smith or Benjamin Pina  i have cent letters to them but i hav know word from them John Smith was oned by Doker abe Street Bengermin oned by Mary hawkings i wish to know if you kno am if you will let me know as swon as you get this.  My lov to Mis Still i am much oblige for those articles.  My love to mrs. george and verry thankful to her Rosean Johnson oned by doctor Street when you cend the letter rite it Cend it 63 Gran St in the car of andrue Cunningham rite swon dela it not write my name Cathrin Brice.
     Let me know swon as you can.

     SMALLWOOD reported that he came from Ellicott's Mills, Maryland; that he had been restrained of his liberty all his life, by one Samuel Simons, who had treated him "bad" all the time that he held him in possession.  He had, therefore, persuaded himself that Ellicott's Mills was a poor neighborhood for a colored man who wanted his freedom, and that all Maryland was no better.  He had beard but little of Canada, but what he had heard pleased him.  As to how he should get there, he knew not; a whisper pointed him to the Underground Rail Road, and told him to be fearless and take the first train.  Sam considered the matter carefully and concluded that that would be the only way to get off.  Unfortunately his mother and two brothers were left behind in the hands of Simons.
     HENRY TOWNSEND ran away from Carolina county near Purnell P. O., Maryland.  The name of his reputed owner, according to his statement, was E. Townsend, a farmer.  Against him Henry harbored a very heavy grudge, and will long hold said Townsend in remembrance for the injury he had received at his hands on his naked back.  The back was shown, and a most frightful picture was presented; it had been thoroughly cut in all directions.
     HENRY was about twenty-one years of age, dark chestnut color, build substantial.  He left behind two brothers and one sister in Slavery.  The Committee comforted him with the usual hospitality.
     These passengers arrived the latter part of 1856 and the beginning of 1857.

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SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND, 1860.

WILLIAM CHION AND HIS WIFE, EMMA, EVAN GRAFF, AND FOUR OTHERS.

     WILLIAM AND EMMA came from Dorchester county, Maryland.   The cords of Slavery had been tightly drawn around them.  William was about twenty-seven years of age, of a dark hue, and of a courageous bearing.  On the score of treatment he spake thus:  "I have been treated as bad as a man could be."  Emma, his wife, had seen about the same number of years that he had, and her lot had been similar to his.  Emma said, "My master never give me the second dress, never attempted such a thing."  The master was called Bushong Blake.  William was owned by a Mr.

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Tubman  After leaving Slavery, William changed his last name to Williams and he and his wife are now living, they are known only by their adopted names.
     EVAN GRAFF was of square solid build, dark, and smart, age twenty-five. He fled in company with four others (whose narratives were not written), from Frederick county, Maryland.  Henry Heart, residing at Sam's Creek, exercised authority over Evan.  With this master, said Evan, I have known hard times.  I have been treated as bad as a man could be.  I have been married three years and have not received five dollars in money since, towards supporting my family.  "How have you lived then?" inquired one who sympathized.  "My wife has kept house for a colored gentleman, and got her board for her services," said Evan.  "In what other particulars have you been treated hard?"  was next asked.  "Sometimes I hadn't half clothes enough to keep me warm, through all weathers," answered Evan.  "What put it into your head to leave?" was the third query.  "Well, sir," said Evan, "I thought to try and do better."  How did you make up your ind to leave your wife and child in Slavery?  "Well, sir, I was very loth to leave my wife and child, but I just thought in his way:  I had a brother who was entitled to his freedom, but he fell out with one of his young masters, and was just taken up and sold South, and I thought I might be taken off too, so I thought I would stand as good a chance in leaving, as if I stayed."  Had you a mother and father, brothers and sisters? inquired a member of the Committee.  "Yes, sir," was the prompt reply.  Evan then gave their names thus:  "My father's name was Sam Graff, my mother's name was Becky."  Ruth Ann Dorsey, Isaac Hanson (and two brothers of Evan), Grafton and Allen accompanied him in his flight.  James, Harriet, Charles Albert, Thomas Ephraim, Adeline Matilda, John Israel and Daniel Buchanan (brothers and sisters of Evan), were all left in Slavery. 
     Polly Pool was their mistress, rather had owned them up to within a short time before the flight of Evan and his comrades, but she had lately been unfortunate in business, which resulted in a thorough scattering of the entire family.  Some fell into the hands of the mistress' children, and some into the hands of the grandchildren.  In Evan's opinion she was a tolerable good mistress; his opportunities of judging, however, had not been very favorable, as he had not been in her hands a great while.
     LUKE GOINES came from Harper's Ferry, where he was owned by Mrs. Carroll.  Luke first made his way to Baltimore and afterwards to Philadelphia.
     HENSON KELLY was owned by Reason Hastell, of Baltimore.  Slavery did not agree with him, and he left to better his condition.
     STAFFORD SMITH fled from Westmoreland county, Virginia, where he was owned by Harriet Parker, a single woman, advanced in years, and the

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owner of many slaves "As a mistress, she was very hard.  I have been hire to first one and then another, bad man all along.  My mistress was a Methodist, but she seemed to know nothing about goodness.  She was not in the habit of allowing the slaves any chance at all."

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ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1860.

JENNY BUCHANAN.

A KIND MASTER; JENNY CHASTISED ONE OF HIS SONS FOR AN INSULT, AND AS A PUNISHMENT SHE WAS SOLD - SEIZED FOR DEBT - SOLD A SECOND TIME

     JENNY was about forty-five years of age, a dark mulatto, stature medium, manners modest and graceful; she had served only in high life; thus she had acquired a great deal of information.  She stated that she was born a slave, under John Bower, of Rockbridge, Virginia, and that he was the owner of a large plantation with a great number of slaves.  He was considered to be a good man to his servants, and was generally beloved by them.  Suddenly, however, he was taken ill with paralysis, which confined him to his bed.   During the illness one of the sons, a young gentleman, offered an insult to Jenny, for which she felt justified in administering to him, a severe chastisement.  For this grave offence she was condemned to be sold to a trader by the name of William Watts, who owned  place in Mississippi.  The conditions of sale were that she was to be taken out of the state and never to be allowed to return.  It so happened, however, before she was removed to Watts, the trader, failed in order to cheat his creditors it was supposed.  Governor McDowell, of Virginia, was one of those to whom he was largely indebted for a number of slaves which he, the Governor, had placed in his hands for disposal, some time before the trader took the benefit.  Therefore, as the Governor was anxious to recover his loss as much as possible, he seized on Jenny.  It was through this interference that the condition relative to her being sent out of the stat was broken.
     "The Governor," said Jenny, "was a very fine gentleman, as good as I could expect of Virginia.  He allowed his slaves to raise fowl and hogs, with many privileges of one kind and another, besides he kept them all together; but he took sick and died.  There was a great change shortly after that.  The slaves were soon scattered like the wind.  The Governor and nine sons and daughters.
     After his death Mrs. McDowell, alias Mrs. Sally Thomas, took possession, and employed an overseer, by the name of Henry Morgan.  He was a very good man in his looks, but a very rascally man; would get drunk, and sell her property to get whisky.  Mrs. McDowell would let him do just as he

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pleased.  For the slightest complaint the overseer might see fit to make against any of the slaves, she would tell him to sell them - "See, Mr. Morgan."  "He would treat them worse than he would any dog; would beat them over the head with great hickory sticks, the same as he would beat an ox.  He would pasture cows and horses on the plantation, and keep the money.  We slaves all knew it, and we told her; but our words would not go in court against a white man, and until she was told by Mr. White, and her cousin, Dr. Taylor and Mr. Barclay, she would not believe how shamefully this overseer was cheating her.  But at last she was convinced, and discharged him, and hired another by the name of John Moore.  The new one, if anything, was worse than the old one, for he could do the most unblushing acts of cruelty with pleasure.  He was a demon."
     Finally the estate had to be settled, and the property divided.  At this time it was in the hands of the oldest daughter, Mistress Sally, who had been married to Frank Thomas, the Governor of Maryland.  But the Governor had discarded her for some reason or other, and according to his published account of her it might seem that he had good reason for doing so.  It was understood that he gave her a divorce, so she was considered single for life.  It was also understood that she was to buy in the homestead at a moderate price, with as many slaves as she might desire.
     Said Jenny, "I was sold at this settlement sale, and bought in by the 'grass widow' for four hundred dollars."  The place and a number of slaves were bought in on terms equally as low.  After this the widow became smitten with a reverend gentleman, by the name of John Miller, who had formerly lived North; he had been a popular preacher.  After a courtship, which did not last very long, they were married,  This took place three years ago, prior to the writing of this narrative.  After the marriage, Rev. Mr. Miller took up his abode on the old homestead, and entered upon his duties as a slave holder in good earnest.
     "How did you like him?" inquired a member of the Committee.
     "I despised him," was Jenny's prompt answer.
     "Why did you despise him?"
     "Because he had such mean ways with him," said Jenny.  She then went on to remark as follows: - "Coming there, taking so much authority over other people's servants.  He was so mean that he broke up all the privileges the servants had before he came.  He stopped all hands from raising chickens, pigs, etc.  He don't like to see them hold up their heads above their shoulders."  Didn't he preach" she was asked.  "Yes, but I never heard him preach; I have heard him pray though.  On Thursday nights, when he would not want the servants to go into town to meeting, he would keep upon until it would be too late for them to go.  He is now carrying on the farm, and follows butchering.  He has not yet sold any of the slaves, but has threatened to sell all hands to the trader."

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     Jenny once had a husband, but he went to Canada, and that was all she could tell about him, as she had never had a letter or any direct information from him since he left.  That she was childless, she regarded as a matter of great satisfaction, considering all the circumstances.

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ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE, 1860

WILLIAM BROWN, AND JAMES HENSON

     Considering themselves trampled upon by their fellow-men, unitedly resolved to seek a better country.
          WILLIAM was pained with the idea that so much of his time had already been used up, as he was then thirty-six years of age.  Yet he thought that it would do no good to mourn over the past, but do what he intended to do quickly.  The master whom he had served, he called, "Master Lynchum."  He was a farmer, and knew full well how to use severity with the  slaves; but had never practiced showing favors, or allowing privileges of any kind.  True he did not flog, but he resorted to other means of punishment when he desired to make the slaves feel that he was master.  William left his mother, Harriet Brown, three sisters, and one brother,  - Francis, Mary, Eliza, and Robert.  They were all free but Eliza.
     Seven weeks William and James were under the painful anxiety of trying to escape, but conscious of the snares and dangers on the road, and desirous of success, they did not feel at liberty to move, save as they saw their way clear.  This well-exercised sagacity was strongly marked in the intellectual region of William's head.
     JAMES HENSON was a man of rather slender build.  From exposure in traveling he took a severe cold and was suffering with sore throat.  He and Mrs. Maria Thomas disagreed.  She set herself up to be "Jim's" mistress and owner.  For some cause or other Jim was unwilling to fill this station longer.  He had been hired out by his mistress, who received one hundred dollars per annum; and, for aught Jim knew, she was pretty well pleased with him and the money also.  She coolly held eleven others in the same predicament.  While Jim found no fault with the treatment received at the hands of his mistress, he went so far as to say that "she was a right fine woman," yet, the longer he lived her slave, the more unhappy he became.  Therefore, he decided that he would try to do better, and accordingly, in company with William he started, success attending their efforts.  James left three sisters and one brother, Charlotte, Susan, Ellen and Johnson, all slaves.

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ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.
PHILIP STANTON, RANDOLPH NICHOLS, AND THOMAS DOUGLASS.

     PHILLIP had a master by the name of John Smith, who he was very anxious to get rid of, but hardly knew how.  For a long time, Philip was annoyed in various ways.  Being the only slave on the place, there was no rest for him.  Said Smith was a bachelor, and his mother, who kept house for him, was quite aged; “she was worse than the old boy wanted her to be, a more contrary woman never was; she was bad in this way, she was quarrelsome, and then again she would not give you as much to eat as you ought to have, and it was pretty rough; nothing but corn bread and the fattest pork, that was about all. She was a Catholic, and was known by the name of Mary Eliza Smith.”  This was Philip’s testimony against his master and mistress.  Working on a farm, driving carriage, etc., had been
Philip’s calling as a slave.  His father and mother were free.  His father had been emancipated, and afterwards had purchased his wife.   One sister, however, was still in Slavery.  Philip had scarcely reached his twenty second year; he was nevertheless wide-awake and full of courage.

     RANDOLPH was still younger; he had only just reached his twentieth year; was nearly six feet high, athletic, and entertained quite favorable notions of freedom.  He was owned by Mrs. Caroline Brang, a widow; he had never lived with her, however. Notwithstanding the fact that he had been held in such unpleasant relations, Randolph held the opinion, that “she was a tolerable good woman.”  He had been hired out under Isaac Howard, a farmer, who was described by Randolph as “a rough man to everybody around him; he was the owner of slaves, and a member of the Methodist Church, in the bargain.”  As if actuated by an evil spirit continually, he seemed to take delight in “knocking and beating the slaves,” and would compel them to “be out in all weathers not fit to be out in.”  Randolph declared that “he had never been allowed a day’s schooling in his life.  On the contrary, he had often been threatened with sale, and his mind had finally become so affected by this fearful looking-for of evil, that he thought he had better make tracks.”
     He left his mother, Louisa, three brothers and three sisters, namely:  Andrew, Mary, Charity, Margaret, Lewis and Samuel, all slaves.  His desire to escape brought the thought home to his mind with great emphasis, that he was parting with his kinsfolk, to see them perhaps, no more on earth; that however, happily he might be situated in freedom, he would have the painful reflection ever present with him, that those he most loved in this world, were slaves - “ knocked and beat about—and made to work out in all weathers.”  It was this that made many falter and give up their

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purpose to gain their freedom by flight, but Randolph was not one of this class.  His young heart loved freedom too well to waver.  True to his love of liberty, he left all, followed the north star, and was delivered.
     THOMAS, an older companion of Philip and Randolph, was twenty-five years of age, full black, and looked as if he could appreciate the school room and books, and take care of himself in Canada or any other free country.  Mary Howard was the name of the individual that he was compelled to address as “mistress.”  He said, however, that “she was a very good woman to her servants,” and she had a great many.  She had sons, but they turned out to be drunkards, and followed no business; at one time, each of
them had been set up in business, but as they would not attend to it, of course they failed.  Money was needed more than ever, through their intemperate course, consequently the mistress was induced to sell her large house hold, as well as her plantation slaves, to Georgia.   Thomas had seen the most of them take up their sorrowful march for said State, and the only reason that he was not among them, was attributable to the fact, that he had once been owned and thought pretty well of by the brother of his mistress, who interceded in Thomas’ behalf.  This interference had the desired effect, and Thomas was not sold.  Still, his eyes were fairly opened to see his danger and to learn a valuable lesson at the same time; he, there fore, profited by it in escaping the first chance.  He left his mother Ann Williams, and one brother, James Douglass, both slaves.

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ARRIVAL FROM FREDERICKSBURG, 1860

HENRY TUDLE AND WIFE, MARY WILLIAMS.

     HENRY affirmed, that for the last twenty years, his freedom had been promised him, and during all these long years, hardly a month had passed, that he had not fixed his hopes upon a definite time, when his bondage would end and his freedom commence.  But he had been trusting the word of a slave-holder, who had probably adopted this plan simply with a view of drawing more willing toil out of him than he could have accomplished in any other way.

     MARY complained that she had suffered severely for food, and likewise for privileges.  Ezra Houpt was the name of Henry’s master, and the name of his mistress was Catharine, she was hasty and passionate; slaves were shown no quarter under her.  Mary was owned by Christian Thomas.  He was said to be not so hard, but his wife was very hard, so much so, that she would rule both master and slaves. Her name was Mary Elizabeth.

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_______________

SUNDRY ARRIVALS FROM MARYLAND, 1860.

SAM ARCHER, LEWIS PECK, DAVID EDWARDS, EDWARD CASTING, JOE HENRY, GEORGE AND ALBERT WHITE, JOSEPH C. JOHNSON, DAVID SNIVELY, AND HENRY DUNMORE.

     SAM ARCHER was to "become free at thirty-five years of age."  He had already served thirty years of this time; five years longer seemed an age to  him.  The dangers from other sources presented also a frightful aspect.  Sam had seen too many who had stood exactly in the same relations to Slavery and freedom, and not a few were held over their time, or cheated out of their freedom altogether.  He stated that his own mother was "kept over her time," simply "that her master might get all her children."  Two boys and two girls were thus gained, and were slaves for life.  These facts tended to increase Sam's desire to get away before his time was out; he, therefore, decided to get off via the Underground Rail Road.  He grew very tired of Bell Air, Harford county, Maryland, and his so-called owner, Thomas Hayes.  He said that Hayes had used him "rough," and he was "tired of rough treatment"  So when he got his plans arranged, one morning when he was expected to go forth to an unrequited day's labor, he could not be found.  Doubtless, his excited master thought Sam a great thief, to take himself away in the manner that he did, but Sam was not concerned on this point; all that concerned him was as to how he could get to Canada the safest and the quickest.  When he reached the Philadelphia station, he felt that the day dawned, his joy was full, despite the Fugitive Slave Law.
     LEWIS PECK was a man six feet high, and of the darkest hue.  He reported that he fled from Joseph Bryant, a farmer, who lived near Patapsco River.  Bryant was in the habit of riding around to look after the slaves.  Lewis had become thoroughly disgusted with this manner of superintending.  "I got tired of having Bryant riding after me, working my life out of me," said Lewis.  He was also tired of Bryant's wife; he said "she was always making mischief, and he didn't like a mischief maker."
     Thus he complained of both master and mistress, seeming not to understand that he "had no rights which they were bound to respect."
     DAVID EDWARDS broke away from the above named Bryant, at the age of twenty-four.  His testimony fully corroborated that of his comrade, Lewis Peck.  He was also a man of the darkest shade, tall, intellect good, and wore a pleasant countenance.  The ordinary difficulties were experience, but all were surmounted without serious harm.
     EDWARD CASTING and JOSEPH HENRY were each about seventeen years of age.  Boys, as they were, with no knowledge of the world, they had wisely resolved not t remain in that condition.  Edward fled from Robert Moore, who lived at Duck Creek.  He gave his master the name of being a

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“bad man,” and refused to recommend him for anything.  Being a likely— looking chattel, he would have doubtless brought seven hundred dollars in the market.
     JOSEPH HENRY came from Queen Ann county, Maryland.  He was a well-grown lad, and showed traces of having been raised without proper care, or training.  For deficiencies in this direction, he charged Greenberry Parker, his claimant, who he said had treated him "bad."  Friends had helped these boys along.
     GEORGE and ALBERT WHITE were brothers.  They fled from Cecil county, Maryland.  They escaped from William Parker.  "What kind of a man was William Parker?" they were asked.  "He was a big bad man, no goodness in him," quickly replied one of the brothers.  Their lot in Slavery had not been different from that of numbers coming from that section of the State.
     JOSEPH G. JOHNSON fled from William Jones of Baltimore.  He said that his master kept a grocery store in Pratt street, and owned six head of slaves; that he was a "good man, and always treated his servants very well," until about three weeks before he escaped.  For some reason unknown to Joseph, within the time just alluded to, he had sold all his slaves, with the exception of himself.  Joseph was far from being at ease, as he hourly felt oppressed with the fear that he was to be sold at an early day.
     Summoning courage he started by the Baltimore and Wilmington Rail Road.  In this way he reached Wilmington where he unfortunately fell into the hands of his master's son, who resided in Wilmington, and happened to discover Joseph in the cars, (most likely he had been telegraphed to) and had him arrested and returned.  But Joseph did not allow a week to pass over him before he was ready to make even a still more daring adventure for his liberty.  This time he concluded to try the water; by great economy he had saved up twenty-five dollars.  This was a great deal to him, but he resolved to give it all willingly to any man who would secrete him, or procure him a passage to Philadelphia.  The right man was soon found, and Joseph was off again.  Good luck attended him, and he reached the Committee safely.  He was in his twenty-third year, a man of medium size, copper-colored, and of a prepossessing countenance.
     DAVID SNIVELY ran away from Frederick, Maryland.  He was moved to escape solely by the love of freedom.  His services had been required in the blacksmith shop, and on the farm under Charles Preston, who claimed to own him.  He had been sold once and brought nine hundred dollars; he resolved that a similar fate should never overtake him, unless his owner moved very suddenly in that direction.  While Joseph was working daily in the blacksmith shop, he was planning how to make good his escape.  No way was open but the old route, which led "hard by" many dangers, and was only accessible now and then through regions where friends were few and far between.  Howbeit he possessed the faith requisite, and was victorious.

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     Joseph was twenty-six years of age, of unmixed blood, ordinary size, and had a commendable share of courage and intellect.  He could recommend no good traits as his master's.

     HENRY DUNMORE had served as a slave up to the edge of thirty-five, and was then on the eve of being sold.  As he had endured severe hardship under his old master John Maldon he was unwilling to try another.  While he gave Maldon credit for being a member of the Methodist Church, he charged him with treating himself in a most unchristian-like manner.  He testified that Maldon did not allow him half enough to eat; and once he kept him out in the cold until his toes were frozen off.  Consequently it was not in the heart of Henry to give his master any other than a bad name.  He lived about sixteen miles from Elkton, near Charleston, Maryland.  He was of a dark chestnut color, well-made, and active.

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