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STILL'S
UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD RECORDS,
REVISED EDITION.
(Previously Published in 1879 with title: The Underground Railroad)
WITH A LIFE OF THE AUTHOR.
NARRATING
THE HARDSHIPS, HAIRBREADTH ESCAPES AND DEATH STRUGGLES
OF THE
SLAVES
IN THEIR EFFORTS FOR FREEDOM.
TOGETHER WITH
SKETCHES OF SOME OF THE EMINENT FRIENDS OF FREEDOM, AND
MOST LIBERAL AIDERS AND ADVISERS OF THE ROAD
BY
WILLIAM STILL,
For many years connected with the Anti-Slavery Office in
Philadelphia, and Chairman of the Acting
Vigilant Committee of the Philadelphia Branch of the Underground
Rail Road.
Illustrated with 70 Fine Engravings
by Bensell, Schell and Others,
and Portraits from Photographs from Life.
Thou shalt not deliver unto his
master the servant that has escaped from his master unto thee. -
Deut. xxiii 16.
SOLD ONLY BY SUBSCRIPTION.
PHILADELPHIA:
WILLIAM STILL, PUBLISHER
244 SOUTH TWELFTH STREET.
1886
pp. 680 - 719
LEWIS TAPPAN.
Pg. 680
Was
one of the warmest friends of the slave and of
the colored man. He was very solicitous
for their welfare, and that the colored people
who were free should be enlightened and
educated. He opened a Sunday-school for
colored adults, which was numerously attended,
in Wet Broadway, New York, and with a few
others, devoted the most of the Sabbath to their
teaching. When he and his brother
Arthur, assembled the seventy anti-slavery
agents, who were thereafter, like "firebrands,"
scattered all over the land, they held their
meetings in this room. These agents were
entertained by abolitionists in the city, and
many of us had two or three of them in each of
our families for a couple of weeks. They
went out all over the land, and were
instrumental in diffusing more truth, perhaps,
about the dreadful system of American Slavery,
than was accomplished in any other way. He
also aided in establishing several periodicals,
brimful of anti-slavery truth; among which, were
the "Anti-Slavery Record," the
"Emancipator," the "Slave's Friend;"
the latter, to indoctrinate the children in
Anti-slavery. The American Missionary
Society, originally begun for the support of a
mission in Africa, on the occasion of the return
of the Amistad captors to their native land, and
now doing so much for the freedmen of the South,
was almost entirely established by his efforts.
During the continuance of Slavery, much was done
by this Society for the diffusion of an
anti-slavery gospel.
The "Vigilance Committee," for aiding and befriending
fugitives, of which I was treasurer for many
years, had no better or warmer friend than he.
He was almost always at their meetings, which
were known only to "the elect," for we dared not
hold them too publicly, as we almost always had
some of the travelers toward the "north star"
present, whose masters or their agents were
frequently in the city, in hot pursuit. At
first, we sent them to Canada, but after a
while, sent them only to Syracuse, and the
centre of the State.
In 1834, I think, was the first rioting, the sacking of
Mr. Tappan's house, in Rose
Street. The mob brought all his furniture
out, and piling it up in the street, set it on
fire. The family were absent at the time.
Soon after, they stoned Rev. Mr. Ludlow's,
and Dr. Cox's church, and the house of
the latter. They threatened Arthur
Tappan & Co's. store, in Peral Street, but
hearing that there were a few loaded muskets
there, they took it out in threats.
But their mercantile establishment was almost
ostracised at this time, by the dry goods
merchants; and country merchants in all parts of
the country, north as well as south, did not
dare to have it known that they bought goods of
them; and when they did so, requested
particularly, that the bundles or boxes, should
not be marked "from A. Tappen & Co.,"
[Page 681]
as was customary.
South merchants especially, avoided them, and
when, two or three years later, there was a
general insolvency among them, occasionally
large losses to New York merchants, and in some
cases failure; the Tappans were saved
by having no Southern debts!
Through Mr. Tappan's influence and extensive
correspondence abroad, many remittances came for
the help of the "Vigilance Committee," from
England and Scotland, and at one time, an
extensive invoice of useful and fancy articles,
in several large boxes, was received from the
Glasgow ladies, sufficient to furnish a large
bazaar or fair, which was held in Brooklyn, for
the benefit of the Committee.
Although lately afflicted by disease, Mr. Tappan
still lives in the enjoyment of all his
faculties, and a good measure of health, and in
his advanced years, sees now some of the great
results of his life-long efforts for the
restoration and maintenance of human rights.
Although still suffering under many of the evils which
Slavery has inflicted upon him, the American
slave no longer exists! Instead stands
up in all our Southern States the freedman,
knowning his rights, and, as a rule, enjoying
them. Original American abolitionists, who
met the scorn and odium, the imputed shame and
obloquy, the frowns and cold-shoulders which
they bore through al the dark days of Slavery,
now see and feel their reward in some measure;
to be completed only, when they shall hear the
plaudit: "Inasmuch as ye have done it to
the least of these my brethren, ye have done it
unto me."
New York, Nov. 8, 1871.
Mr. Lane, Mr. Tappan's personal friend
who labored with him in the Anti-Slavery Cause,
and especially in the Vigilance Committee for
many years, from serious affection of his eyes
was not prepared to furnish as full a sketch of
his (Mr. T.'s) labors as was desirable.
Mr. Tappan was, therefore, requested to
furnish a few reminiscences from his own
store-house, which he kindly did as follows:
WILLIAM STILL,
ESQ., My dear Sir: - In answer to your
request, that I would furnish an article for
your forthcoming book, giving incidents within
my personal knowledge, relating to the
Underground Rail Road; I have already apprized
you of my illness and my consequent inability to
write such an articles as would be worthy of
your publication. However, feeling
somewhat relieved to-day, from my paralysis,
owing to the cheering sunshine and the favor of
my Almighty Preserver, I will try to do what I
can, indicating a few anecdotes to my
amanuensis, which may afford you and your
readers some gratification.
These facts I must give without reference to date, as I
will not tax my memory with perhaps a vain
attempt to narrate them in order.
As mentioned in my "Life to Arthur Tappan," some
abolitionists (myself [Page 682]
among the number), doubted the
propriety of engaging in such measures as were
contemplated by the conductors of the
"Underground Rail Road," fearing that they would
not be justified in aiding slaves to escape form
their masters; but reflection convinced them
that it was not only right to assist men in
efforts to obtain their liberty, when unjustly
held in bondage, but a DUTY.
Abolitionists, white and colored, both in slave and
free States, entered into extensive
correspondence, set their wits at work to devise
various expedients for the relief from bondage
and transmission to the free States and to
Canada, of many of the most enterprising bondmen
and bondwomen. They vied with each other
in devising means for the accomplishment of this
object. Those who had money contributed it
freely, and those who were destitute of money,
gave their time, saying with the Apostle:
"Silver and gold have I none; but such as I
have, give I thee."
1. I recollect that one morning on reaching my
office (that of the treasurer of the American
Missionary Association), my assistant told me
that in the inner room were eighteen fugitives,
men, women and children, who had arrived that
morning from the South in one company. On
going into the room, I saw them lying about on
the bale and boxes of clothing destined for our
various missionary stations, fatigued, as they
doubtless were, after their sleepless and
protracted struggle for freedom.
On inquiry, I learned that they had come from a
southern city. After most extraordinary
efforts, it seemed that they had while in
Slavery, secretly banded together, and put
themselves under the guidance of an intrepid
conductor, whom they had hired to conduct them
without the limits of the city, in the evening,
when the police force was changed. They
came through Pennsylvania and New Jersey to my
office. The agent of the Underground Rail
Road in New York, took charge of them, and
forwarded them to Albany, and by different
agencies to Canada.
2. I well remember that one morning as I entered
the Sabbath-school,* one of the scholars, a
Mrs. Mercy Smith, beckoned to me to come to
her class, and there introduced to me a young
girl of about fifteen, as a fugitive, who had
arrived the day before. In answer to my
inquiries, this girl told me the name of the
southern city, and the names of the persons who
had held her as a slave, and the mode of her
escape, etc. "I was walking near the
water" she said, "when a white sailor spoke to
me, and after a few questions, offered to hide
me on board his vessel and conduct me safely to
New York, if I would come to him in the evening.
I did so, and was hid and fed by him, and on
landing at New York, he conducted me to Mrs.
Smith's house, where I am now staying."
-------------------------
*For three years I superintended a
Sabbath-school mostly composed of colored
children and adults. Most of the teachers
were warm-hearted abolitionists, and the whole
number taught in this school during this period,
was seven or eight hundred.
[Page 683]
To my inquiry, have you parents living, and also
brothers and sisters, she replied: “There is no child
but myself.” “Were not your parents kind to you, and did
you not love them?" “ Yes I love them very much.”
“How were you treated by your master and mistress?”
“ They treated me very well.” “How then,” said I, “could
you put yourself in the care of' that sailor, who was a
stranger to you, and leave your parents?” I shall
never forget her heart-felt reply: “He told me I
should be free!”
3. One Sunday morning, I
received a letter, informing me that an officer
belonging to Savannah, Ga., had started for New York, in
pursuit of two young men, of nineteen or twenty, who had
been slaves of one of the principal physicians of the
place, and who had escaped and were supposed to be in
New York. The letter requested me to find them and
give them warning. As there was no time to be
lost, I concluded to go over to New York,
notwithstanding the doubtfulness of attempting to find
them in so large a city. I wrote notices to be
read in the colored churches and colored Sabbath
schools, which I delivered in person. I then went
to the colored school, superintended by Rev. C. B.
Bay. I stated my errand to him, with a
description of the young men. “Why,” said he, “I
must have one of them in my school.” He took me to
a class where I found one of the young men, to whom I
gave the needful information. He told me that his
father was Dr. _______ , of Savannah, and that he
had five children by the young man’s mother, who was his
slave. On his marriage to a white woman, he sent
his five colored children and their mother to auction,
to be sold for cash to the highest bidder. On
being put upon the auction-block, this young man
addressed the bystanders, and told them the
circumstances of the case; that his mother had long
lived in the family of the doctor, that it was cruel to
sell her and her children, and he warned the people not
to bid for him, for he would no longer be a slave to any
man, and if any one bought him, he would lose his money.
He added, “ I thought it right to say this.” I then
spoke to the crowd. “My father,” said I, “has long
been one of your first doctors, and do you think it
right for him to sell my mother and his children in this
way?”
“ I was sold, and my brother also, and the rest,
although my brother said to the crowd what I had said.
We soon made our escape, and are now both in the city.
I am a blacksmith, and have worked six months in one
shop, in New York, with white journeyman, not one of
whom believes, I suppose, that I am a colored man.”
It was not surprising, for so fair was his complexion,
that with the aid of a brown wig, after he had cut off
his hair, he was completely disguised. He soon
notified his brother, who lived in another part of the
city, and both put themselves out of harm’s way.
They were remarkably fine young men, and it seemed a
special Providence that I should find them in such a
large [Page 684]
city, and direct them to escape from their pursuer,
within one hour after I left my house in Brooklyn.
I felt it to be an answer to prayer.
4. One day,
when I lived in New York City, a colored man came
running to my house, and in a hurried manner, said: “Is
this Mr. Tappan?” On replying in the
affirmative, he said: “I have driven my master from
Baltimore. He has just arrived, and the servants
are taking off the baggage at the Astor House. I
inquired of a person passing by, where you lived.
He said, 80, White Street, and I have run here, to tell
you that you may give notice to a man who has escaped
from my master, to this city, that the object of this
journey is to find him and take him back to Slavery.”
The man hurried back, so that he need not be missed by
his master, who believed that this coachman, who had
lived years with him, was his confidential servant, and
would be true to his interest.
I went immediately to the house of a colored friend, to
describe the fugitive and see if we could not concert
measures to protect him. “ I think,” said he,
“that I know the man, by your description, and that he
boards in this house. He will soon come in from
South Street, where he has worked to-day.” While
we were consulting together, sure enough, the man came
in, and was most glad to have the opportunity thus
afforded, of secreting himself.
I have not strength to dictate much more, although many
other instances occur to me of most remarkable
providential occurrences, of the escape of fugitives
within my knowledge. I used to say that I was the
owner of half-a-horse that was in active service, near
the Susquehanna River. This horse I owned jointly
with another friend of the slave, dedicating the animal
to the service of the Underground Rail Road.
It was customary for the agent at Havre de Grace,
bringing a fugitive to the river, to kindle a fire (as
it was generally in the night), to give notice to a
person living on the opposite side of the river.
This person well under stood the signal, and would come
across in his boat and receive the fugitive.
5. An aged
colored couple, residing in Brooklyn, came over to my
office, in New York City, and said that they had just
heard from Wilmington, N. C., that their two sons (about
twenty-five or twenty-six years of age), who were
slaves, were about to be sold, for one thousand dollars
each; and they hoped I should be able and willing to
assist them in raising the money.
I told them that I had scruples about putting money
into the hands of slave-holders, but I would give them
something that might be of as much value. I then
pointed out a way by which their sons might reach the
city.
In about three weeks, one of the young men came to my
office. Give me, said I, some particulars of your
escape. “I am,” said he, “a builder, and planned and
erected the hotel at Wilmington, and, some other houses.
I used to hire my time of my master, and was accustomed
to ride about the
[Page 685]
country attending to my business. I borrowed a
pass from a man about my size and complexion. I
then went to the rail road office, and asked for a
ticket for Fredericksburg. From there I came on
directly to Washington. I had not been questioned
before; but here, I was taken up and carried before a
magistrate. He examined me by the description in
my pass; complexion, height, etc., then read ‘and a scar
under his left knee.’ When I heard that, my heart
sank within me; for I had no scar there that I knew.
‘Pull up the boy’s trowsers,’ said the justice to the
constable. He did so, and said ‘here’s a scar!’
‘All right,’ said the justice, ‘no mistake, let him go.’
Glad was I. I got a ticket for Baltimore, and
there for another town, and finally reached here.”
You asked me to give an account of the sums that I have
expended for the Underground Rail Road, etc. I
must be excused from doing this, as if I could now
ascertain, I should not think it worth while to mention.
I must now conclude my narrative, by giving, with some
additions, an account of an interesting escape from
Slavery, which was written by my wife, more than fifteen
years ago, for Frederic Douglass’ paper.
[On page 177 the narrative of “The Fleeing Girl of
Fifteen ” is so fully written out, that it precludes the
necessity of reproducing a large portion of this story.]
In the evening a friend arrived, bringing with him a
bright, handsome boy, whom he called Joe.
Most heartily was “Joe” welcomed, and deep was
the thrill which we felt, as we looked upon him and
thought of the perils he had escaped. The next day
was Thanksgiving-day, and my house was thronged with
guests. In an upper room, with a comfortable fire,
and the door locked, sat “Joe,” still in boy’s
clothes, to be able to escape at the first intimation of
danger, but with a smile and look of touching gratitude,
whenever any one of the family who was in the secret,
left the festive group to look in upon the interesting
stranger. Not one of us can ever forget the deep
abhorrence of Slavery, and thanksgiving to Almighty God,
that we felt that day as we moved among the guests, who
were wholly ignorant of the occupant of that upper room.
Some curiosity was indeed excited among; the little
grandchildren, who saw slices of turkey and plum pudding
sent up stairs. It was “Joe’s” first
Thanksgiving dinner in a free State.
As she brought nothing away with her, it was necessary,
the next day, to procure a complete wardrobe for a girl,
which was carefully packed for her to take with her.
The second day after “Joe’s” arrival, the
Rev. Mr. Freeman, pastor of a colored church in
Brooklyn, agreed to accompany her to her uncle Brown’s
in Canada West, and we saw them depart, knowing the
danger that would beset both on the way. The
following is part of a letter from Mr. F., giving
an account of their journey. After stating that
they left New York,
[Page 686]
in the cars at five o’clock, P. M., and through the
providence of God, went on their way safely and
speedily, with none to molest or to make them afraid, he
says:
“On reaching Rochester, I began to ask myself
‘how shall we get over Niagara Falls?’ I was not
sure that the ears ran across the Suspension Bridge;
besides, I felt that we were in more danger here, than
we had been at any other place. Knowing that there
was a large reward offered for Joe’s
apprehension, I feared there might be some lurking spy
ready to pounce upon us. But when we arrived at
the Bridge, the. conductor said: ‘Sit still; this car
goes across.’ You may judge of my joy and relief
of mind, when I looked out and was sure that we were
over! Thank God, I exclaimed, we are safe in
Canada!
Having now a few minutes before the cars would start
again, I sat down and hastily wrote a few lines, to
inform friends at home of our safe arrival.
As soon as possible, I ran to the post-office with my
letter, paid the postage, and while I was waiting for my
change, the car bell rang. I quickly returned, and
in a few minutes, we were on our way to Chatham (200
miles West). That place we reached between seven
and eight o’clock, Saturday evening. When we got
out, we met a gentleman who asked me if I wanted a
boarding-house. I said yes; and he invited me to
go with him. I asked him if there was any way for
us to get to Dresden that night. He answered, ‘No,
it is a dark night, and a muddy road, and no conveyance
can be got to night.’ I soon found that we must
stay in Chatham until Monday morning.
On our way to the boarding-house, the gentleman said to
me: ‘ Is this your son with you?’ I answered, no; and
then I asked him, if he knew a man living in D., by the
name of Bradley. He replied that he was very well
acquainted with him, and then inquired if that young man
was Mr. Bradley’s brother. I said, no—not exactly a
brother. He must have thought it strange that I did not
give him a more definite answer to his question.
When we reached the house, we found several boarders in
the sitting room and a few neighbors. I had
already told him my name, but with regard to Joe,
I had not yet had a chance to explain, of course, was
‘introduced to those who were in the room, but Joe—well
, Joe took a seat,' and did not seem to be
troubled about an introduction. As the landlord
was going out of the room, I asked permission to speak
with him alone. He took me into another room, and
I said to him: ‘That young man, as you call him, is a
young woman, and has come dressed in this manner, all
the way from Washington City. She would be very
glad now to be able to change her clothes.’
He was greatly surprised, and would hardly believe that
it was so; but said, ‘I will call my wife.’ She
came, and I guess all the women in the house came with
her. They soon disappeared, and Joe with
them, who,
[Page 687]
after being absent a while, returned, and was introduced
as Miss Ann Maria Weems. The whole company
were on their feet, shook hands, laughed, and rejoiced,
declaring that this beat all they had ever seen before.
Chatham contains, I was told, more than three thousand
fugitives. The weather there, is not colder than
in New York.
The next morning was the Sabbath, but this I must pass
and hasten to D., the residence of Mr. Bradley.
We started early Monday morning. As a part of the
road was very bad, we did not reach there till a late
hour. As we were passing along, and getting near
to the place, we met two colored men who were talking
together—one on horseback, and the other on foot.
I inquired of them, if they could tell me how far it was
to Mr. Bradley’s. The man on
horseback said it was about a mile further, and then
proceeded to give directions. After he had done
this, he said: ‘I reckon I am the one that you want to
find, my name is Bradley.’ Well, I replied,
probably you are the man. Just then Ann
Maria turned her head around. As soon as he
saw her face, he exclaimed: ‘My Lord! Maria,
is that you? Is that you? My child, is it you?
We never expected to see you again! We had given you up;
O, what will your aunt say? It will kill her!
She will die! It will kill her.’
I told him, that as I was obliged to leave again soon,
I must proceed. ‘Well,’ said he, ‘you go on; I am
just going over to M., and will be back in a few
minutes.’ We started for his house, and he towards
M., but we had only gone a short distance, when
he overtook us, exclaiming: ‘I can’t go to M.,’
and began talking to Ann Maria, asking her
all about her friends and relatives, whom they had left
behind, and about his old master, and his wife’s
master,‘ from whom they had run away four years before.
As we approached the house, he said: ‘I will go and open
the gate, and have a good fire to warm you.’ When
he came up to the gate, he met his wife, who was
returning from a store or neighbor’s house, and he said
to her, “That’s Ann Maria coming yonder.’
She stopped until we came to the gate; the tears were
rolling from her eyes, and she exclaimed: ‘Ann
Maria, is it you?’ The girl leaped from the
wagon, and they fell on each other’s necks, weeping and
rejoicing. Such a scene never before witnessed.
She, who had been given up as lost, was now found!
She, who but a short time before, had been, as they
supposed, a slave for life, was now free.
We soon entered the house, and after the first gush of
feeling had some what subsided, they both began a
general inquiry about the friends they had left behind.
Every now and then, the aunt would break out: ‘My child,
you are here! Thank God, you are free! We were
talking about you to ‘day, and saying, we shall never
see you again; and now here you are ‘with us.’ I
remained about an hour and a half with them, took
dinner, ’and then started for home, rejoicing that I had
been to a land where colored men are free.
[Page 688]
This Mr. Bradley, who ran away with
himself and wife about four years ago from the
land of whips and chains, is the owner of two
farms, and is said to be worth three thousand
dollars. Can slaves take care of
themselves?"
You may well suppose that the receipt of this letter
gave us great pleasure, and called fourth
heartfelt thanksgiving to Him, who had watched
over this undertaking, and protected all
concerned in it. A bright and promising
girl had been rescued from the untold miseries
of a slave woman's life, and found a good home,
where she would have an opportunity to acquire
an education and be trained for a useful and
happy life. Mr. Bradley intended to
send for her parents, and hoped to prevail on
them to come and live with him.
| |
Truly yours, |
LEWIS TAPPAN |
ELIJAH F. PENNYPACKER.
Where name belongs to the history of the
Underground Rail Road, owed his peculiarly fine
nature to a mother of large physical
proportions, and correspondingly liberal mental
and spiritual endowments. She was a
natural sovereign in the sphere in which she
moved, and impressed her son with the qualities
which made his Anti-slavery life nothing but an
expression of the rules of conduct which
governed him in all other particulars.
Believing in his inmost soul in principles of
rectitude, all men believed in him, his "yea,"
or "nay" passing current whatever he went.
Tall, dignified, and commanding, he had that in
his face which inspired immediate confidence.
Said one who locked: "If that is not a good man,
there is no use in the Lord writing His
signature on human countenance." Even in
early youth, honors which he never sought, were
pressed upon him, as he gave assurance of
ability commensurate with his worth. He
was sent to the Legislature of Pennsylvania for
five sessions, where he became the personal
friend of the Governor, Joseph Ritner and
also of Thaddeus Stevens. At the
request of the latter, he consented to occupy
the position of Secretary to the Board of Canal
Commissioners, and two years after, by the
wishes of Mr. Ritner, took a seat in the
Canal Board, becoming a co-worker the
Thaddeus Stevens. Here ripened a
friendship, which afterward became of national
importance, for although a nature so positive as
that the Thaddeus Stevens could scarcely
be said to be under the influence of any other
mind, still, if there were those who exercised a
moral sway, sustaining this courageous
republican leader, at a higher level than he
might otherwise have attained, Elijah F.
Pennypacker was surely amongst them.
Almost antipodal as they were in certain
respects, each recognized the genuine ring of
the other, and admired and respected that which
was most true and noble. The purity,
simplicity and high-minded honor which
distinguished the younger, had its
[Page 689]
effect on the elder, even while he smiled at the
inflexibility which would not swerve one hair's
breadth from the line of right. The story
is often told, how, when this young man's
conscience stood bolt upright in the way of what
was deemed a desirable arrangement, Stevens
one day exclaimed: "It don't do, Pennypacker,
to be so d___d honest." Pennypacker
stood his ground, and the life-long respect
which Stevens ever after awarded, proved
that he at least, thought it did
do.
When it became clear to his mind, that a great battle
was to be fought between Liberty and Slavery in
America, Mr. Pennypacker felt it to be
his duty to turn aside from the sunny paths of
political preferment, into the shadows of
obscure life, and ally himself with the
misrepresented, despised and outcast
Abolitionists, ever after devoting himself
assiduously to the promotion of the cause of
Freedom. Notwithstanding his natural
modesty, here as elsewhere, he took a
conspicuous position. At home, in the
local Anti-slavery Society of his neighborhood,
he was for many year chosen president, as he was
also of the Chester county Anti-slavery Society,
and of the Pennsylvania State Anti-slavery
Society.
Soon after his retirement from public life, he united
himself with the Society of Friends, but was
much too radical to be an acceptable addition.
For a long time he was endured rather than
endorsed, and it was only when such anti-slavery
feelings as he cherished became generally
diffused throughout the Society, that he found
the unity he desired and expected.
Whatever may have been his trials here or
elsewhere, he found a rich reward for his
faithfulness in the intellectual and moral
growth which he attained by association with the
most advanced minds of the time, and he has
often been heard to say that no part of his life
has more fully and generously compensated than
that devoted to the Anti-slavery cause.
His home, near Phoenixville, Chester county, Pa., was
an important station on the Underground Rail
Road, the majority of fugitives proceeding
through the southern rural districts of Eastern
Pennsylvania, passing through his hands.
At all times he was deeply interested in their
welfare and in his hospitality towards them, had
the entire sympathy and co-operation of his
family, they, like himself, being earnest
abolitionists, but his more important duty of
influencing public sentiment in favor of
freedom, overshadowed his labors in this
department. In steadfastness and integrity
he stood beside Findley Coats and Thomas
Whitson, a trio who will long be remembered in
their native State.
So long as Dr. B. Fussell
resided in the
northern section of Chester county, he and
Elijah F. Pennypacker, were companions in
Anti-slavery and other reform labors, as well as
in business on the Underground Rail Road.
Differing widely in temperament and mental
structure, these two men were harmonious in
spirit, and a close bond of sympathy and
affection existed between them. It was a
mutual pleasure to work as brothers, and after-
[Page 690]
ward to rejoice together in labor accomplished.
One of the last visits which roused the flickering
animation of the dying physician, was from this friend
of more vigorous years, and the voice which gave fitting
expression to the worth of the departed, at his funeral,
was that of Elijah F. Pennypacker.
Like that of the highest
grade of men everywhere, his appreciation of woman has
ever been keen and true, and demanding the full rights
of humanity, he makes no distinction, either on account
of sex or color. In his own family, he has always
encouraged the pursuit of any occupation congenial to
the person choosing it; whether or not, it were a
departure from the routine of custom, and in educational
advantages he has ever demanded the widest possible
culture for all. Wherever known, he is estimated
as a pillar in the temperance cause. Gentle,
modest, courteous and benignant, he combines, in a
remarkable degree, strength and tenderness, courage and
sympathy. At one time, holding at bay the powers
of evil and baffling the most determined opponents by
his manly adherence to right; at another he may be found
yielding to impressions bidding him to seek the source
of some hidden private sorrow, and with delicate touch,
binding up a flowing wound, or offering himself as a
defender and protector of such as may need his brotherly
care Obedient to these impressions, he rarely errs
in his ministrations, and whether his errand be to
remonstrate with the evil doer, setting his sins clearly
and vividly before him, or to strengthen and encourage
suffering innocence, he is alike successful. Men,
whom he has warned in reproof when it cost the utmost
bravery to do so, have become his confiding friends, and
have been known afterward to entrust him with heavy
pecuniary responsibilities, and to point hi out to their
children as an example worthy of imitation. Those
whose grief's he has frequently softened, have laid upon
his head a crown of blessing whiter than the honors
which come with his silver hairs, and all with whom he
comes in contact in business, in duty, or in social
intercourse, acknowledge the presence, the wide
usefulness and influence of the upright man.
The memories of the choice spirits he used to meet in
the Anti-slavery gatherings; their mutual and kindly
greetings; the holy resolves which animated them and
made the time hours of exaltation, now serve to brighten
the pathway of his declining years, and to throw a halo
around the restfulness of his home, as in peace of mind
he looks abroad over his beloved country, to see
millions of enfranchised men beginning to avail
themselves of its pecuniary, educational and political
advantages, and beholds them starting on a career of
material and spiritual prosperity, with a rapidity
commensurate with the expansive force of the repressed
energies of a race.
STATION MASTERS ON THE ROAD
Elijah F. Pennypacker
William Wright
Dr. Bartholomew Fussell
Robert Purvis
[Page 691]
WILLIAM WRIGHT
MEMORIAL
WILLIAM WRIGHT,
a distinguished abolitionist of Adams county,
Pennsylvania, was born on the 21st of December, 1788.
Various circumstances conspired to make this unassuming
Quaker an earnest Abolitionist and champion of the
oppressed in every land and of every nationality and
color. His uncle, Benjamin Wright,
and cousin, Samuel B. Wright, were active members
of the old Pennsylvania Abolition Society, and at the
time of the emancipation of the slaves in this state
were often engaged in lawsuits with slave-holders to
compel them to release their bondmen, according to the
requirements of the law. William Wright
grew up under the influence of the teachings of these
relatives. Joined to this, his location caused him
to take an extraordinary interest in Underground Rail
Road affairs. He lived near the foot of the
southern slope of the South Mountain, a spur of the
Alleghenies which extends, under various names, to
Chattanooga, Tennessee. This mountain was followed
in its course by hundreds of fugitives until they got
into Pennsylvania, and were directed to William
Wright’s house.
In November, 1817, William Wright married
Phebe Wierman, (born on the 8th of
February, 1790,) daughter of a neighboring farmer, and
sister of Hannah W. Gibbons, wife of Daniel
Gibbons, a notice of whom appears elsewhere in
this work. Phebe Wright was the
assistant of her husband in every good work, and their
married life of forty-eight years was a long period of
united and efficient labor in the muse of humanity.
She still (1871) survives him. William and
Phebe Wright began their Underground Rail
Road labors about the year 1819. Hamilton
Moore, who ran away from Baltimore county,
Maryland, was the first slave aided by them. His
master came for him, but William Wright
and Joel Wierman, Phebe Wright’s
brother, who lived in the neighborhood, rescued him and
sent him to Canada.
In the autumn of 1828, as Phebe Wright,
surrounded by her little children, came out upon her
back porch in the performance of some house hold duty,
she saw standing before her in the shade of the early
November morning, a colored man without hat, shoes, or
coat. He asked if Mr. Wright lived
there, and upon receiving an affirmative reply, said
that he wanted work. The good woman, comprehending
the situation at a glance, told him to come into the
house, get warm, and wait till her husband came home.
He was shivering with cold and fright. When
William Wright came home the fugitive told
his story. He came from Hagerstown, Maryland,
having been taught the blacksmith’s trade there.
In this business. it was his duty to keep an account of
all the work done by him, which
[Page 692]
record he showed to his master at the end of the week.
Knowing no written character but the figure 5 he kept
this account by means of a curious system of
hieroglyphics in which straight marks meant horse shoes
put on, circles, cart-wheels fixed, etc. One day
in happening to see his master’s book he noticed that
wherever five and one were added the figure 6 was used.
Having practiced this till he could make it he ever
after used it in his ac counts. As his master was
looking over these one day, he noticed the new figure
and compelled the slave to tell how he had learned it.
He flew into a rage, and said, “I’ll teach you how to be
learning new figures,” and picking up a horse-shoe threw
it at him, but fortunately for the audacious chattel,
missed his aim. Notwithstanding his ardent desire
for liberty, the slave considered it his duty to remain
in bondage until he was twenty-one years old in order to
repay by his labor the trouble and expense which his
master had had in rearing him. On the evening of
his twenty-first anniversary he turned his face toward
the North star, and started for a land of freedom.
Arriving at Reisterstown, a village on the Westminster
turnpike about twenty-five miles from Baltimore and
thirty-five miles from Mr. Wright’s house,
he was arrested and placed in the bar-room of the
country tavern in care of the landlady to wait until his
captors, having finished some work in which they were
engaged, could take him back to his master. The
land lady, being engaged in getting supper, set him to
watch the cakes that were baking. As she was
passing back and forth he ostentatiously removed his
hat, coat, and shoes, and placed them in the bar-room.
Having done this, he said to her, “I will step out a
moment.” This he did, she sending a boy to watch
him. When the boy came out he appeared to be very
sick and called hastily for water. The boy ran in
to get it. Now was his golden opportunity.
Jumping the fence he ran to a clump of trees which
occupied low ground behind the house and concealing
himself in it for a moment, ran and continued to run, he
knew not whither, until he found himself at the
toll-gate near Petersburg, in Adams county. Before
this he had kept in the fields and forests, but now
found himself compelled to come out upon the road.
The toll-gate keeper, seeing at once that he was a
fugitive, said to him, “I guess you don’t know the
road.” “I guess I can find it myself,” was the
reply. “Let me show you,” said the man. “You
may if you please,” replied the fugitive. Taking
him out behind his dwelling, he pointed across the
fields to a new brick farm-house, and said, “Go there
and inquire for Mr. Wright.” The
slave thanked him and did as he was directed.
He remained with William Wright until
April, 1829. During this short time he
learned to read, write, and cipher as far as the single
rule of three, as it was then called, or simple
proportion. During his residence with William
Wright, nothing could exceed his kindness or
gratitude to the whole family. He learned to graft
trees, and thus rendered great assistance
[Page 693]
to William Wright in his necessary business.
When working in the kitchen during the winter he would
never allow Phebe Wright to perform any hard
labor, always scrubbing the floor and lifting heavy
burdens for her. Before he went away in the spring
he assumed a name which his talents, perseverance, and
genius have rendered famous in both hemispheres, that of
James W. C. Pennington. The initial W.
was for his benefactor's family, and C. for the
family of his former master. From William
Wright's he went to Daniel Gibbons, thence to
Delaware county, Pennsylvania, and from there to New
Haven, Conn., where, while performing the duties of
janitor at Yale College, he completed the studies of the
college course. After a few years, he went to
Heidelberg, where the degree of D. D. was conferred upon
him. He never forgot William Wright and his
family, and on his return from Europe brought them each
a present. The story of his escape and wonderful
abilities was spread over England. An American
acquaintance of the Wright family was astonished,
on visiting an Anti-slavery fair in London many years
ago, to see among the pictures for sale there, one
entitled, "William and Phebe Wright receiving
James W. C. Pennington." The Dr. died in
Florida, in1870, where he had gone to preach and assist
in opening schools amongst the Freemen.
In 1842 a party of sixteen slaves came to York, Pa.,
from Baltimore county, Md. Here they were taken in
charge by William Wright, Joel Fisher, Dr. Lewis,
and William Yocum. The last named was a
constable, and used to assist the Underground Rail Road
managers by pretending to hunt fugitives with the
kidnappers. Knowing where the fugitives were he
was enabled to hunt them in the opposite direction from
that in which they had gone, and thus give them time to
escape. This constable and a colored man of York
took this party one by one out into Samuel Willis
corn-field, near York, and hid them under the shocks.
The following night Dr. Lewis piloted them to
near his house, at Lewisburg, York county, on the banks
of the Conewago. Here they were concealed several
days, Dr. Lewis carrying provisions to them in
his saddle-bags. When the search for them had been
given up in William Wright’s neighborhood,
he went down to Lewisburg and in company with Dr.
Lewis took the whole sixteen across the Conewago,
they fording the river and carrying the fugitives across
on their horses. It was a gloomy night in
November. Every few moments clouds floated across
the moon, alternately lighting up and shading the river,
which, swelled by autumn rains, ran a flood. William
Wright and Dr. Lewis mounted men or
women behind and took children in their arms. When
the last one got over, the doctor, who professed to be
an atheist, exclaimed, “Great God! is this a Christian
land, and are Christians thus forced to flee for their
liberty?” William Wright guided this
party to his house that night and concealed them in a
neighboring forest until it was safe for them to proceed
on their way to Canada.
[Page 694]
Just in
the beginning of harvest of the year 1851, four men came off from
Washington county, Maryland. They were almost naked and
seemed to have come through great difficulties, their clothing being
almost entirely torn off. As soon as they came, William
Wright went to the store and got four pair of shoes. It
was soon heard that their masters and the officers had gone to
Harrisburg to hunt them. Two of them, Fenton and Tom,
were concealed at William Wright’s, and the other two,
Sam and one whose name has been forgotten, at Joel Wierman’s.
In a day or two, as William “fright, a number of carpenters,
and other workmen, among whom were Fenton and Tom,
were at work in the barn, a party of men rode up and recognized the
colored men as slaves of one of their number. The colored men
said they had left their coats at the house. William
Wright looked earnestly at them and told them to go to the house
and get their coats. They went off, and one of them was
observed by one of the family to take his coat hastily down from
where it hung in one of the outhouses, a few moments afterward.
After conversing a few moments at the barn, William Wright
brought the slave-holders down to the house, where be, his wife and
daughters engaged them in a controversy on the subject of slavery
which lasted about an hour. One of them seemed very much
impressed, and labored hard to convince his host that he was a good
master and would treat his men well. Finally one of the party
asked William Wright to produce the men. He
replied that he would not do that, that they might search his
premises if they wished to, but they could not compel him to bring
forth the fugitives. Seeing that they had been duped, they
became very angry and proceeded forthwith to search the house and
all the out houses immediately around it, without, however, finding
those whom they sought. As they left the house and went toward
the barn, William Wright, waving his hand toward the
former, said, “You see they are not anywhere there.” They then
went to the barn and gave it a thorough search. Between it and
the house, a little away from the path, but in plain sight, stood
the carriage-house, which they passed by without seeming to
notice. After they had gone, poor Tom was found in
this very house, curled up under the seats of the old-fashioned
family carriage. He had never come to the house at all, but
had heard the voices of his hunters from his hiding-place, during
their whole search. About two o’clock in the morning, Fenton
was found by William Wright out in the field. He
had run along the bed of a small water course, dry at that time of
year, until he came to a rye field amid whose high grain he hid
himself until he thought the danger was past. From William
Wright’s the slave-catchers went to Joel Wierman’s,
where, despite all that could be done, they got poor Sam,
took him off to Maryland and sold him to the traders to be taken far
south.
In 1856 William Wright was a delegate
from Adams county to the Convention at Philadelphia which nominated
John C. Fremont for Presi-
[Page 695]
dent of the United States. As the counties were
called in alphabetical order, he responded first among
the Pennsylvania delegation. It is thought that he
helped away during his whole life, nearly one thousand
slaves. During his latter years, he was aided in
the good work by his children, who never hesitated to
sacrifice their own pleasure in order to help away
fugitives.
His convictions on the subject of slavery seem to have
been born with him, to have grown with his growth, and
strengthened with his strength. He could not
remember when he first became interested in the subject.
William Wright closed his long and useful
life on the 25th of October, 1865. More fortunate
than his co-laborer, Daniel Gibbons, he
lived to see the triumph of the cause in which he had
labored all his life. His latter years were
cheered by the remembrance of his good deeds in the
cause of human freedom. Modest and retiring, he
would not desire, as he does not need, a eulogy.
His labors speak for themselves, and are such as are
recorded upon the Lamb’s Book of Life.
DR. BARTHOLOMEW
FUSSELL.
Dr. Fussell, whose death
occurred within the current year, was no ordinary man.
He was born in Chester county, Pa., in 1794, his
ancestors being members of the Society of Friends,
principally of English origin, who arrived in America
during the early settlement of Pennsylvania, some being
of the number, who, with William Penn, built
their homes on the unbroken soil, where Philadelphia now
stands.
He inherited all the bravery of these early pioneers,
who left their homes for the sake of religious freedom,
the governing principle of his life being a direct
antagonism to every form of oppression. Removing
in early manhood, to Maryland, where negro Slavery was
legally protected, he became one of the most active
opponents of the system, being a friend and co-laborer
of Elisha Tyson, known and beloved as "Father
Tyson" by all the slaves of the region, and to the
community at large, as one of them most philanthropic of
men.
While teaching school during the week, as a means of
self-education, and reading medicine at night, the young
student expended his surplus energy in opening a
Sabbath-school for colored persons, teaching them the
rudiments of knowledge, not for a few hours only, but
for the whole day, and frequently finding as many as
ninety pupils collected to receive the inestimable boon
which gave them the power of reading the Bible for
themselves. To the deeply religious nature of
these Africans, this was the one blessing they prized
above all others in his power to bestow, and the
overflowing gratitude they gave in return, was a memory
he cherished to the latest years of his life.
[Page 696]
After his graduation in medicine, being at one time
called up onto deliver an address before the Medical
Society of Baltimore, in the midst of a pro-slavery
audience, and before slave-holding professors and men of
authority, Dr. Fussell, with a courage scarcely
to be comprehended at this late day, denounced "the most
preposterous and cruel practice of Slavery, as replete
with the causes of disease," and expressed the hope that
the day would come "when Slavery and cruelty should have
no abiding place in the whole inhabitable earth; when
the philosopher and the pious Christian could use the
salutation of 'brother,' and the physician and divine be
as one man; when the rich and the poor should know no
distinction; the great and the small be equal in
dominion, and the arrogant master and his
menial slave should make a truce of friendship with
each other, all following the same law of reason, all
guided by the same light of Truth!"
As a matter of course, a spirit so thoroughly awake to
the welfare of humanity, would hail with joy and welcome
as a brother, the appearance of humanity, would hail a
joy and welcome as a brother, the appearance of such a
devoted advocate of freedom, as Benjamin Lundy;
and, with all the warmth of his nature, would give love,
admiration, and reverence to the later apostle of
immediate emancipation, William Lloyd Garrison.
It was one of the pleasures of Dr. Fussell's
life that he had been enabled to take the first number
of the "Liberator," and to continue a subscriber
without intermission, until the battle being ended, the
last number was announced.
He was himself, one of the most earnest workers in the
Anti-slavery cause, never omitting in a fearless manner,
to embrace an opportunity to protest against the
encouragement of a pro-slavery spirit.
Returning to Pennsylvania, to practice his profession,
his home became one of the havens where the hunted
fugitive from Slavery found food, shelter and rest.
Laboring in connection with the late Thomas Garrett,
of Wilmington, Del., and with many others, at available
points, about two thousand fugitives passed through his
hands, on their way to freedom, and amongst these, he
frequently had the delight of welcoming some of his old
Sabbath-school pupils. The mutual recognition was
sometimes touching in the extreme.
In later life, his anecdotes and reminiscences, told in the
vivid style, resulting from a remarkably retentive
memory, which could recall worked, tone, and gesture,
brought to life, some of the most interesting of his
experiences with these fleeing bondmen, whose histories
no romance could ever equal.
Being one of the signers of the "Declaration of
Sentiments," issued by the American Anti-slavery Society
in 1833, he had also the gratification of attending the
last meeting of the Pennsylvania Anti-slavery Society,
called to celebrate the downfall of Slavery in America,
and the dissolution of an organization whose purpose was
effected. There are those, who may remember how at
that time, in perfect forgetfulness of self, the
relation of
[Page 697]
the heroism of his friend, Elisha Tyson, seemed
to recall for a moment, the vigor of youth to render the
decrepitude of age almost majestic.
But it was not Slavery alone, which occupied the
thoughts and attention of this large-hearted man.
He was well known as an advocate of common school
education, of temperance, and of every other interest,
which, in his view, pertained to the welfare of man.
Unfortunately, he was addicted to the use of tobacco
from his youth. Having become convinced that it
was an evil, he, for the sake of consistency and as a n
example to others, resolutely abandoned the habit, at
the age of seventy. He was fond of accrediting his
resolve to a very aged relative, who, in remonstrating
with him upon the subject, replied to his remark, that a
sudden cessation from a practice so long indulged in,
might result in his death: "Well, die, then, and
go to heaven decently."
As a practitioner of medicine, he was eminently
successful, his intense sympathy with suffering, seeming
to elevate his faculties and give them unwonted vigor in
tracing the hidden causes of disease, and in suggesting
to his mind alleviating agencies. His patients
felt an unspeakable comfort in his presence, well
knowing that the best possible remedy which his
knowledge, his judgment or his experience suggested,
would be selected, let the difficulty and inconvenience
to himself be what it would. In cases where life
hung trembling in the balance, he would watch night
after night, feeding the flickering flame until he
perceived it brighten, and this in the abode of misery
just as freely as in the home of wealth. The
life-long affection of those whom he recalled, was his
reward where often none was sought or expected.
He believed in woman as only a thoroughly good man can,
and from early youth, he had been impressed with her
peculiar fitness for the practice of medicine. The
experience of a physician confirmed him in his
sentiments, and it became one of his most earnest
aspirations to open to her all the avenues to the study
of medicine. In the year 1840, he gave regular
instruction to a class of ladies, and it was through one
of these pupils, that the first female graduate in
America was interested in the study of medicine.
In 1846 he communicated to a few liberal-minded
professional men, a plan for the establishment of a
college of the highest grade for the medical education
of women. This long-cherished plan, hallowed to
him by the approbation of a beloved wife, was well
received. Others, with indomitable zeal, took up
the work, and finally, after a succession of
disappointments and discouragements from causes within
and without, the Woman's College, on North College
avenue, Philadelphia, starting from the germ of his
thought, entered on the career of prosperity it is so
well entitled to receive. Though never at any time
connected with the college, he regarded it success with
the mot affectionate interest, considering its
proposition as one of the most important results of his
life.
[Page 698]
Happy in having lived to see Slavery abolished, and
believing in the speedy elevation of woman to her true
dignity as joint sovereign with man, and in the
mitigation of the evils of war, intemperance, poverty,
and crime, which might be expected to follow such a
result, he rested from his labors and died in peace.
THOMAS SHIPLEY.*
Thomas Shipley one of the foremost in the early
generation of philanthropists who devoted their lives to
the extinction of human slavery, was born in
Philadelphia on the second of Fourth month, 1787.
He was the youngest of five children of William and
Margaret Shipley, his father having emigrated from
Uttoxeter, in Staffordshire, England, about the year
1750. From a very early period in the history of
the Society of Friends his ancestors had been members of
that body, and he inherited from them the strong sense
of personal independence, and the love of toleration and
respect for the rights of others which have ever
characterized that body of people.
Soon after his birth, his mother died, and he was thus
early deprived of the fostering care of a pious and
devoted parent, whose counsels are so important in
forming the youthful mind, and in giving a direction to
future life.
A few years after the death of his mother, his father
was removed, and Thomas was left an orphan before
he had attained his sixth year. After this affecting
event he was taken into the family of Isaac Bartram,
who had married his eldest sister. Here he
remained for several years, acquiring the common
rudiments of education, and at a suitable age was sent
to Westtown school; after remaining there for a little
more than a year, he met with an accident, which
rendered it necessary for him to return home; and s
[Page 699]
much attached to him, until he was placed as an
apprentice to the hardware business. While here,
he was entirely relieved of the affliction caused by the
fall, and was restored to sound health. About the
age of twenty-one, he entered upon the pursuits of the
business he had selected.
The exact time at which his attention was turned to the
subject of slavery cannot be ascertained, but it is
probable that a testimony against it was among his
earliest impressions as a member of the religious
Society of Friends. He joined the “Pennsylvania
Society for the Promoting the Abolition of Slavery,”
etc., in 1817, and the ardent interest which he took in
its objects, was evinced on many occasions within the
recollection of many now living. He was for many
years an active member of its Board of Education, and
took a prominent part in extending the benefits of
learning to colored children and youth.
The career of Thomas Shipley, as it was
connected with the interests of the colored community,
abounds in incidents which have rarely occurred in the
life of any individual. Being universally regarded
as their adviser and protector, he was constantly
solicited for his advice on questions touching their
welfare. This led him to investigate the laws
relating to this class of persons, in all their extended
ramifications. The knowledge he thus acquired,
together with his practical acquaintance with the
business and decisions of our courts, rendered his
opinion peculiarly serviceable on all matters affecting
their rights. Never did a merchant study more
closely the varied relations of business, and their
influence on his interests, than did Thomas
Shipley all those questions which concerned the
well-being of those for whom he was so warmly
interested. He had volunteered his services as
their advocate, and they could not have been more
faithfully served had they poured out the wealth of Crśsus
at the feet of the most learned counsel.
On every occasion of popular commotion where the safety
of the colored people was threatened, he was found at
his post, fearlessly defending their rights, and
exerting his influence with those in authority to throw
around them the protection of the laws. In the
tumultuous scenes which disgraced Philadelphia, in the
summer of 1835, in which the fury of the mob was
directed against the persons and property of the colored
inhabitants, he acted with an energy and prudence rarely
found combined in the same individual.
The mob had collected and organized to the number of
several hundred, and were marching through the lower
part of the city, dealing destruction in their course;
the houses of respectable and worthy colored citizens
were broken in upon, the furniture scattered to the
winds, all they possessed destroyed or plundered, and
they themselves subjected to the most brutal and savage
treatment. Defenceless infancy and decrepid age
were alike disregarded in the general devastation which
these ruffians had decreed should attend their course.
The color of the skin was the mark by which
[Page 700]
their vengeance was directed, and the cries and
entreaties of their innocent and defenceless victims
were alike disregarded in the accomplishment of their
ends. Already had several victims fallen before
the fury of the ruthless band. Law and order were
laid waste, and the officers of justice looked on, some
perhaps with dismay, and others with indifference, while
the rights of citizens were prostrated, and their
peaceful and quiet homes invaded by the hand of
violence. At such a time the voice of remonstrance
or entreaty, would have been useless, and had the avowed
friends of the colored man interfered in any public
manner, the effect would probably have been to increase
the fury of the storm, and to have directed the violence
of the mob upon themselves.
Under these perilous circumstances, Thomas
Shipley was determined to attempt an effort for
their relief. He could not look on and see those
for whom he was so deeply interested threatened almost
with extermination without an effort for their
preservation, and yet he was aware that his presence
amongst the mob might subject him to assassination,
without adding to the security of the objects of his
solicitude. He, therefore, determined to disguise
himself in such a manner as not to be recognized, and to
mingle amongst the rioters in order to ascertain their
objects, and if possible to convey such information to
the proper authorities as might lead to the arrest of
those most active in fomenting disorder.
Accordingly he left his house late in the evening,
attired so as to be completely disguised, and repaired
to the scene of tumult. By this time much mischief
had been done, and to add fresh fury to the multitude,
and to incite them to new deeds of blood, nothing was
wanting but some act of resistance on the part of their
victims, who, during the whole period, had conducted
themselves with a forbearance and patience highly
creditable to them as good citizens and upright
Christians. Such an occasion was about to occur,
and was prevented by the admirable coolness and
forethought of Thomas Shipley.
A number of colored men who had been driven to
desperation by the acts of the mob, and who had
relinquished the idea of protection from the civil
authorities, determined to resort to arms, to defend
themselves and their families from the further
aggressions of their persecutors. They accordingly
repaired to Benezet Hall, one of their
public buildings in South Seventh Street, with a supply
of fire arms and ammunition, determined to fire upon the
assailants, and maintain their post or die in the
attempt. This fact became known to the leaders of
the mob, and the cry was raised to march for the hall,
and make the attack. Thomas Shipley
who had mingled amongst the rioters, and apparently
identified himself with them, was now perfectly aware of
all their designs; he knew their numbers, he had seen
the implements of destruction which they were
brandishing about them, and he was aware that the
occurrence of such a conflict would be attended with the
most disastrous results, and might be the beginning of
hostilities which
[Page 701]
would terminate in the destruction of the weaker party,
or at least in a dreadful effusion of human blood.
Seeing the position in which the parties were now
placed, he left the ranks of the rioters, and ran at the
top of his speed to the house in which the colored
people were collected, awaiting the approach of their
enemy. As he drew near, they were about coming out
to meet their assailants, highly excited by continued
outrages, and determined to defend themselves or die.
At this unexpected moment, their protector drew nigh; he
raised his voice aloud, and addressed the multitude.
He deprecated the idea of a resort to physical force, as
being calculated to in crease their difficulties, and to
plunge them into general distress, and entreated them to
retire from the hall. His voice was immediately
recognized; the effect was electric; the whole throng
knew him as their friend; their fierce passions were
calmed by the voice of reason and admonition. They
could not disregard his counsels; he had come among
them, at the dead hour of night, in the midst of danger
and trial, to raise his warning voice against a course
of measures they were about to pursue. They
listened to his remonstrances, and retreated before the
mob had reached the building. At this juncture the
Mayor and his officers assembled in front of the hall,
and by prompt and energetic action succeeded in
dispersing the mob, and through the information
received, from Thomas Shipley, the
ringleaders were secured and lodged in prison.
The part which Thomas Shipley acted in
the trying scenes so often presented in our courts,
during this unhappy period, has invested his character
with a remarkable degree of interest. It is
probable that his connection with the Pennsylvania
Abolition Society was the means of enlisting his talents
and exertions in this important service.
The energy and zeal of our friend in his efforts for
the relief of those about to be deprived of their
dearest rights, soon distinguished him as the most
efficient member of the Society, in this department of
its duties. So intense was his interest in all
cases where the liberty of his fellow-man was at issue,
that, during a period of many years, he was scarcely
ever absent from the side of the unhappy victim, as he
sat before our judicial tribunals, trembling for his
fate. The promptings of interest, the pleasures
and allurements of the world, the quiet enjoyment of a
peaceful home, were all cheerfully sacrificed, when his
services were demanded in these distressing cases.
Often has he left the business, in which his pecuniary
interests were materially involved, to stand by the
unhappy fugitive in the hour of his extremity, with an
alacrity and a spirit which could only be
displayed by one animated by the loftiest principles and
the purest philanthropy.
Who, that has ever witnessed one of these trying
scenes, can forget his manly and honest hearing, as he
stood before the unrelenting and arrogant claimant,
watching with an eagle eye, every step of the process by
which he hoped to gain his victim? Who has not
been struck with his expressive
[Page 702]
glances toward the judge, when a doubtful point arose in
the investigation of the case? Who has not caught
the lively expression of delight which beamed from his
countenance, when a fact was disclosed which had a favor
able bearing on the liberty of the captive? Who
has not admired the sagacity with which his inquiries
were dictated, and the tact and acumen with which he
managed every part of his cause? His principle was
unhesitatingly to submit to existing laws, however
unjust their decrees might be, but to scan well the
bearing of the facts and principles involved in each
case, and to see that nothing was wanting in the chain
of evidence, or in the legal points in question, fully
to satisfy the requisitions of law. If a doubtful
point arose, he was unwearied in investigating it, and
devoted hours, days, and even weeks, in the collection
of testimony which he thought would have a favorable
influence on the prisoner.
Through his untiring vigilance, many victims have
escaped from the hand of the oppressor, whose title to
freedom, according to the laws of this commonwealth, was
undoubted, and many others, whose enslavement was at
least questionable.
The time and labor expended by Thomas Shipley
in protecting the interests of his colored clients,
would be almost incredible to those who were not aware
of his extraordinary devotion to the cause. The
only notice which can be found among his papers, of the
various slave cases in which he was engaged, is
contained in a memorandum book, which be commenced in
the summer of 1835. In this book he has noted, in
the order of their occurrence, such instances of
difficulty or distress as demanded his interference,
almost without a comment. I find from this book,
that his advice and assistance were bestowed in
twenty-five cases, from Seventh mo. 16th, to Eighth mo.
24th, 1836, a period of little more than a month.
A number of these cases required the writing of letters
to distant places; in some it was necessary for him to
visit the parties interested; and others demanded his
personal attendance at court. This perhaps, may be
considered as a fair average of the amount of labor
which he constantly expended in this department of his
benevolent efforts; and when we consider the time
occupied in the necessary duties of his ordinary
avocations, it must be evident that he possessed not
only extraordinary humanity, but uncommon activity and
energy, to have accomplished so much.
In the memorandum book referred to, under date of
Twelfth mo., 1835, I find the following note:
Spent eighteen days in the trial of A. Hemsley,
and his wife Nancy, and her three children,
arrested at Mount Holly, the husband claimed by
Goldsborough Price, executor of Isaac
Boggs, of Queen Ann’s county, Maryland, and the
wife and children by Richard D. Cooper, of the
same county. John Willoughby, agent
for both claimants. B. R. Brown and B.
Clarke, attorneys for the claimant, and D. P.
Brown, J. R. Slack, E. B. Cannon, and
G. W. Camblos, for defendants. After a full
[Page 703]
argument, in which a manumission was produced for Nancy,
from R. D. Cooper’s father, she and her children
were discharged, but her husband was remanded; on which
a certiorari was served on the judge, and a habcas
corpus placed in the sheriff’s hands.”
“Alexander was discharged by the Supreme Court,
at Trenton, Third mo. 5th. The circumstances of
the case, were briefly the following: The woman
and children had been regularly manumitted in Delaware
by the father of the claimant, while the title of the
father to freedom was less positive, though sufficiently
clear to warrant a vigorous effort on his behalf.
The first object of the counsel on the part of the
alleged fugitive, was to prove the manumission of the
mother and children, and, as it was thought, the
necessary documents for that purpose were collected and
arranged. After the trial had proceeded, however,
for a short time, the attorney for the defendants
discovered a defect in the testimony on this point; the
necessary papers, duly authenticated by the Governor or
Chief Justice of Delaware, were missing, and without
them it was impossible to make out the case. The
fact was immediately communicated to Thomas
Shipley - he saw that the papers must be had, and
that they could not be procured without a visit to
Dover, in Delaware. He at once determined to
repair thither in person, and obtain them. Without
the knowledge of the claimant’s counsel, who might have
taken advantage of the omission, and hurried-the ease to
a decision; he started on the evening of the sixth day,
and traveled as fast as possible to Dover, in the midst
of a season unusually cold and inclement. On the
next morning inquiries were made in all directions for
friend Shipley; it was thought strange that he
should desert his post in the midst of so exciting and
momentous a trial, and at a time when his presence
seemed to be particularly required. The counsel
for the prisoners, who were aware of his movements,
proceeded with the examination of witnesses as slowly as
possible, in order to allow time for procuring this
important link in the chain of testimony, and thus to
procrastinate the period when they should be called upon
to sum up the case.
Fortunately, on the evening of the day on which
Thomas Shipley set out upon his journey, it
was proposed to adjourn, and further proceedings were
postponed until Second day morning. At the meeting
of the court, in the morning, the expected messenger was
not there, and the ingenuity or the counsel was taxed
still farther to procrastinate the important period.
After three hours had been consumed in debate upon legal
points, he, who was so anxiously looked for, came
hurrying through the crowd, making his way toward the
bench. His countenance and his movements soon
convinced the wondering spectators that he was the
bearer of gratifying news, and in a few minutes, the
mystery of his absence was revealed, by the production
of a document which was the fruit of his effort.
The papers completely established the legal title of the
mother and children to their freedom, and
[Page 704]
placed them out of the reach of further persecution.
An attack of illness was the result of the extreme
exertion and fatigue endured by this devoted man, in his
earnest advocacy of the rights of these friendless
beings.
The freedom of the husband and father, was, however,
still in jeopardy. If the decision of the court
should be against him, he would be torn from the bosom
of his now joyful and emancipated family, and consigned
to a life of bondage. To avert this calamity, the
counsel for the prisoner suggested an expedient as
humane as it was ingenious. He proposed that a
writ of certiorari which would oblige the judge to
remove the case to the Supreme Court and a habeas corpus
from the Chief Justice of the State, should both be in
readiness when the decision of the judge should be
pronounced, in case that if it should be unfavorable,
the writs might be at once served, and the prisoner
remanded to the sheriff of the county, to be brought up
before the Supreme Court at Trenton for another trial.
To procure these writs, it was necessary to obtain the
signature of the chief justice of New Jersey, who
resided at Newark, and again Thomas Shipley
was ready to enter with alacrity into the service.
He saw the importance of the measure, and that it would
require prompt action, inasmuch as the decision of the
judge would probably be pronounced on the following day.
It fortunately happened that a friend was just about
leaving for Newark, in his own conveyance, and feeling
an interest in the case, he kindly invited friend
Shipley to accompany him. They left in the
after noon, traveled all night, and arrived at Newark by
daylight the following morning. The weary traveler
was unwilling, however, to retire to bed, although the
night was exceedingly cold and tempestuous, but he
proceeded at once to the house of the chief justice.
He called the worthy judge from his bed, offering the
importance of his business, and the necessity of speedy
action, as an apology for so unseasonable a visit.
Chief Justice Hornblower, on being informed of
the circumstances of the case, expressed his pleasure at
having it in his power to accede to his wishes and
treated him with a respect and kindness which the
disinterested benevolence of his mission was calculated
to inspire.
Having obtained the necessary papers, he left at once
for Mount Holly, where he arrived on the following day,
in time to place the writs in the hands of the sheriff,
just before the decision of Judge H. was
pronounced. Had he consulted his ease or
convenience, and deferred his visit to Newark a few
hours, or had he, as most men, under similar
circumstances would have done, reposed his weary limbs,
after a cold and dreary ride of eighty miles, in order
to enable him to return with renewed strength, he would
have arrived too late to render this meritorious effort
effectual. As it was, he was there in time.
The judge, according to the expectation of the friends
of the colored man, gave his decision in favor of the
slave-holders, and ordered poor Alexander to be
given up to the tender mercies of the exaspe-
[Page 705]
rated claimant. The decision sent a thrill of
indignation through the anxious and excited multitude,
which perhaps, was never equalled amongst the
inhabitants of that quiet town. The friends of
humanity had assembled from all parts of the country to
witness the proceedings in the case. Many of them
were personally acquainted with the prisoner; they knew
him to be a man of intelligence and integrity; he was an
industrious and orderly citizen, and was universally
respected in the neighborhood. He was now about to
be made a slave, and was declared to be the property of
another. The father was about to be torn from his
helpless children; the husband in defiance of the Divine
command, was to be wrested from the fond embrace of his
sorrowing wife, to spend his days in misery and toil.
And this was to be done before the eyes of those who had
a just regard for human rights, a hearty hatred of
oppression. Is it wonderful, that under such
circumstances, there should have been a deep abhorrence
for the perpetrators of this outrage upon humanity, and
a general sympathy for the innocent captive?
But it was decreed that those feelings of honest
indignation should be speedily supplanted by the warm
outpouring of public gratitude and joy. While the
feeling of the spectators was in this state of intense
interest and excitement, the judge, stern and inflexible
in his purposes, and the clan of greedy claimants ready
to seize upon their prey, the sheriff produced his writ
of certiorari and handed it to the court. It was
instantly returned, and the judge who sat unmoved, by a
scene to which he was not unaccustomed, and conceiving,
perhaps, that his official dignity was impugned,
persisted in his determination that the prisoner should
be handed over to the claimant. The prudence and
foresight of Thomas Shipley and his
friends had pro vided, however, for this anticipated
difficulty. Happily for the prisoner, he was yet
embraced under the provision of that constitution, which
secured to him the protection of a habeas corpus, and
this threw around him a shield which his enemies could
not penetrate. A writ of habeas corpus, signed by
the chief justice of the State and demanding the body of
the prisoner, before the Supreme Court at its next term,
was now produced!
The astonished judge found himself completely foiled.
He had exercised his authority to its utmost limit, in
support of the claims of his slave-holding friends, and
had given the influence of his station and character, to
bolster up the “patriarchal institution;” but it was all
in vain. Just as they supposed they had
achieved a victory, they were obliged with fallen
crests, to succumb to the dictates of a higher tribunal,
and to see their victim conveyed beyond their reach in
the safe keeping of the sheriff.
In the Third month, (March,) the case was brought up
before the Supreme Court for final adjudication.
In the meantime, Thomas Shipley adopted
vigorous measures to have the facts collected and
arranged. He procured the aid of an intelligent
and humane friend of the cause, who resided near
[Page 706]
Trenton, to attend, personally to the case, and secured
the legal services of Theodore Frelinghuysen,
well known as one of the most gifted and virtuous
statesmen of the age, and as a warm and zealous friend
of the oppressed. Under these happy auspices, the
case came before the Supreme Court, and gave rise to a
highly interesting and important argument; in which the
distinguished Frelinghuysen appeared as the
disinterested advocate of the prisoner, and urged upon
the court his claim to liberty, under the laws of New
Jersey, in a speech which was one of his most brilliant
and eloquent efforts, and added another to the many
laurels which his genius and philanthropy have achieved.
The opinion of Chief Justice Hornblower was
given at length, and is said to have displayed a
soundness and extent of legal knowledge, with a spirit
of mildness and humanity, well worthy of the highest
judicial tribunal of New Jersey.
By this decision, Alexander Helmsley was
declared to be a freeman, and returned with rejoicing
into the bosom of his family, and to the enjoyment of
the rights and privileges of a free citizen.
Thus terminated this interesting case, which for
several months agitated the public mind of Burlington
county, to an extent almost unequalled.
Such disinterested devotion to the defence of the
rights of the oppressed, had it been displayed only in
the instance recited, would be sufficient to enroll the
name of Thomas Shipley on the list of the
benefactors of his race: but when we consider
that, for a period of twenty years, his history abounds
in similar incidents, and that he uniformly stood forth
as the unflinching advocate of the opposed, regardless
of the sacrifices which he was obliged to make on their
behalf, we are disposed to view him as one of that noble
band whose lives have been consecrated to deeds of
charity and benevolence, and whose names will illumine
the moral firmament, so long as virtue and truth shall
command the homage of mankind.
Thomas Shipley was one of the founders of the
American Anti-Slavery Society, and was an active agent
in those stirring movements which soon aroused the
nation to a full consideration of the enormities of
Slavery. He was a prominent member of the
Anti-slavery Convention, which assembled in this city in
1833, and a signer of their declaration of sentiments.
During the last few years of his life, he was more
devotedly engaged in his abolition labors than at any
previous period. It was his constant desire to
diffuse the principles which had been so fearlessly
proclaimed by the Convention, and to encourage the
formation of Anti-slavery societies throughout the
sphere of his influence. He was one of the most
prominent members of the Philadelphia Anti-slavery
Society, which was formed through much opposition, in
1835, and he steadily adhered to its meetings,
notwithstanding the threats which were so loudly made by
the enemies of public order.
In the midst of the popular commotions and tumults,
which marked the
[Page 707]
progress of Anti-slavery principles, he stood calm and
unmoved. Having been long known as a firm friend
of the rights of the colored man, and being amongst the
most efficient public advocates of his cause, he was of
course subjected to the revilings which were so
liberally heaped upon the Abolitionists at that time.
His name was associated with that of Tappan, Birney,
Green, Jay, Garrison, and other leading
Abolitionists, who were singled out by slave-holders and
their abettors as fit subjects for the merciless attacks
of excited mobs.
In several attempts which were made in this city to
stir up the passions of the ignorant against the
advocates of human rights, his person and property were
openly threatened with assault. Such menaces
failed, however, to deter him from the steady
performance of what he believed to be a solemn duty.
Being fully satisfied of the truth of the principles
which he had espoused, he relied with unwavering
confidence upon Divine power for their ultimate triumph,
and for the protection of those who advocated them.
When his friends expressed their anxiety for his safety,
he always allayed their apprehensions, and evinced by
the firmness and benignity of his manner that he was
divested of the fear of man, and acted under the
influence of that spirit which is from above.
The active part which Thomas Shipley took in
Anti-slavery movements, did not diminish his interest in
the prosperity and usefulness of the old Pennsylvania
Society. He was a steady attendant on its
meetings, and exercised his wonted care on all subjects
connected with its interests.
A short time previous to his death, his services were
acknowledged by his fellow-members, by his election to
the office of president.
The incessant and fatiguing labors in which he was
engaged, had sensibly affected the vigor of a
constitution naturally delicate, and rendered him
peculiarly liable to the inroads of disease. He
was seized in the autumn of 1836, with an attack of
intermittent fever, which confined him to the house for
ten or twelve days, and very much reduced his strength;
while recovering from his attack, he experienced an
accession of disease which terminated his life in less
than twenty-four hours. But a few hours before his
death, he inquired of his physicians as to the probable
issue of his case; when informed of his critical
condition, he received the intelligence with composure,
and immediately requested Dr. Atlee, who was by
his side, to take down some directions in regard to his
affairs, on paper. In a few minutes after this, he
quietly lapsed into the sleep of death, in the morning,
on the 17th of Ninth month, 1836.
His last words were, "I died at peace with all mankind,
and hope that my trespasses may be as freely forgiven,
as I forgive those who have trespassed against me."
To all who knew him well, of whatever class in the
community, the tidings of this unexpected event brought
a personal sorrow. It was felt that
[Page 708]
a man of rare probity and virtue had gone to his reward.
But to the colored people the intelligence of his death
was at once startling and confounding. Their whole
community was bowed down in public lamentation, for
their warmest and most steadfast friend was gone.
They repaired in large numbers to the house of their
benefactor to obtain at last glance at his at his
lifeless body. Parents brought their little ones
to the house of morning, and as they gazed upon the
features of the departed, now inanimate in death, they
taught their infant minds the impressive lesson, that
before them were the mortal remains of one who had
devoted his energies to the disenthralment of their
race, and whose memory they should ever cherish with
gratitude and reverence. When the day arrived for
committing his remains to the grave the evidence of deep
and pervading sorrow among these wronged and outraged
people was strikingly apparent.
Thousands, whose serious deportment and dejected
countenances evinced that they were fully sensible of
their loss, collected in the vicinity of his dwelling,
anxious to testify their respect for his memory.
Theirs was not the gaze of the indifferent crowd, which
clusters around the abodes of fashion and splendor, to
witness the pomp and circumstance attendant on the
interment of the haughty or the rich. It was a
solemn gathering, brought together by the impulse of
feeling, to mingle their tears and lamentations at the
grave of one whom they had loved and revered as a
protector and a friend.
When the hearse arrived at the quiet burial place in
Arch street, where the Friends for many generations have
buried their dead, six colored men carried the body to
its last resting-place, and the silent tear of the son
of Africa over the grave of his zealous friend, was more
expressive of real affection than all the parade which
is sometimes brought so ostentatiously before the public
eye. In the expressive words of the leading
newspaper of the day, "Aaron Burr was lately
buried with the honors of war. Thomas Shipley
was buried with the honors buried with the honors of
war. Thomas Shipley was buried with the
honors of peace. Let the reflecting mind pause in
the honorable contrast."
As a public speaker Thomas Shipley was clear,
cogent, sometimes eloquent, and always impressive.
He never attempted oratorical effect, or studied
harangues. He generally spoke extemporaneously, on
the spur of the occasion, and what he said came warm
from the heart. It was the simple and unadorned
expression of his sentiments and feelings. He was,
however, argumentative and even logical, when the
occasion required it. When intensely interested,
his eye was full of deep and piercing expression.
Although his education had been limited, and his
pursuits afforded him but little leisure time, yet he
indulged his fondness for reading, and exhibited a
refined literary taste in his selections. He has
left amongst his books and papers eight manuscript
volumes of about one hundred and fifty pages each,
filled with selections, copied in his own handwriting,
and culled from the writings of many of the most gifted
authors, both in poetry and prose.
[Page 709]
These extracts are generally of a moral and religious
caste, and include scraps from Young, Milton,
Addison, Burns, Cowper, Watts, Akenside, Pope, Byron,
Hemans, and many others.
In the domestic and social circle, his conversation was
animated and instructive, and always tempered by that
kindness and amenity of manners which endeared him to
his family and friends.
He was no bigot in religion. While a firm
believer in the doctrines of the Gospel as maintained by
the orthodox Society of Friends, he yet held that
religion was an operative principle producing the fruits
of righteousness and peace, in all of whatever name, who
are sincere followers of our Lord Jesus
Christ. In conclusion we may add, that more
than most men he bore about with him the sentiment of
that old Roman, ""Nihil humanum alienum a me puto,"
while he added it to a higher thought of the Christian,
that he who loveth Go loveth his brother also. We
need not dwell upon the life of such a man.
To-day, after the lapse of more than a generation, his
memory is fresh and green in the hearts of those who
knew him, and who still survive to hand down to their
children the story of the trials of that eventful period
in our history.
To the Memory of
THOMAS SHIPLEY,
President of the Pennsylvania
Abolition Society,
Who died on the 17th of Ninth mo., 1836, a devoted
Christian and Philanthropist.
BY JOHN G. WHITTIER.
Gone to thy
Heavenly Father's rest -
The flowers of Eden round thee blowing!
And, on thine ear, the murmurs blest
Of Shiloah's waters softly flowing!
Beneath that tree of life which gives
To all the earth its healing leaves -
In the white robe of angels clad,
And wandering by that sacred river,
Whose streams of holiness make glad
The city of our God forever!
Gentlest of spirits! - not for thee
Our tears are shed, our sighs are given:
Why mourn to know thou art a free
Partaker of the joys of Heaven?
In Christian firmness unto death -
And beautiful as sky and earth,
When Autumn's sun is downward going,
The blessed memory of thy worth
Around thy place of slumber glowing! |
[Page 710]
But, wo for
us! - who linger still
With feebler strength and hearts less lowly,
And minds less steadfast to the will
Of Him, whose every work is holy!
For not like thine, is crucified
The spirit of our human pride:
And at the bonman's tale of woe,
And for the outcast and forsaken,
Not warm like thine, but cold and slow,
Our weaker sympathies awaken!
Darkly upon our struggling way
The storm of human hate is sweeping;
Hunted and branded, and a prey,
Our watch amidst the darkness keeping!
Oh! for that hidden strength which can
Nerve unto death the inner man!
Oh - for thy spirit tried and true
And constant in the hour of trial -
Prepared to suffer or to do
In meekness and in self-denial.
Oh, for that spirit meek
and mild,
Derided, spurned, yet uncomplaining -
By man deserted and reviled,
Yet faithful to its trust remaining.
Still prompt and resolute to save
From scourge and chain the hunted slave!
Unwavering in the truth's defence
E'en where the fires of hate are burning,
The unquailing eye of innocence
Alone upon the oppressor turning!
Oh, loved of thousands! to
thy grave,
Sorrowing of heart, thy brethren bore thee!
The poor man and the rescued slave
Wept as the broken earth closed o'er thee -
And grateful tears, like summer rain,
Quickened its dying grass again ! -
And there, as to some pilgrim shrine,
Shall come the outcast and the lowly,
Of gentle deeds and words of thine
Recalling memories sweet and holy!
Oh, for the death the
righteous die!
An end, like Autumn's day declining,
On human hearts, as on the sky,
With holier, tenderer beauty shining!
As to the parting soul were given
The radiance of an opening heaven!
As if that pure and blessed light
From off the eternal altar flowing,
Were bathing in its upward flight
The spirit to its worship going!
|
[Page 711]
ROBERT PURVIS
Was born in
Charleston, S. C. on the 4th day of August, 1810.
His father, William Purvis, was a native of Ross
county, in Northumberland, England. His mother was
a free-born woman, of Charleston. His maternal
grandmother was a Moor; and her father was an Israelite,
named Baron Judah. Robert Purvis and
his two brothers were brought to the north by their
parents in 1819. In Pennsylvania and New England
he received his scholastic education, finishing it at
Amherst College. Since that time his home has been
in Philadelphia, or in the vicinity of that city.
His interest in the Anti-slavery cause began in his
childhood, inspired by such books as "Sanford and
Merton," and Mr. Toney's Portraiture of Slavery,"
which his father put into his hands. His father,
though resident in a slave state, was never a
slaveholder; but was heartily an Abolitionist in
principle. It was Robert Purvis' good
fortune, before he attained his majority, to make the
acquaintance of that earnest and self-sacrificing
pioneer of freedom, Benjamin Lundy; and in
conjunction with him, was an early laborer in the
anti-slavery field. He was a member of the
Convention held in Philadelphia in 1833, which formed
the American Anti-slavery Society; and among the
signatures to its Declaration of Sentiments, the name of
Robert Purvis is to be seen; a record of which
his posterity to the latest generation may be justly
proud. During the whole period of that Society's
existence he was a member of it; and was also an active
member and officer of The Pennsylvania Anti-slavery
Society. To the cause of the slave's freedom he
gave with all his heart his money, his time, his
talents. Fervent in soul, eloquent in speech, most
gracious in manner, he was a favorite on the platform of
Anti-slavery meetings. High-toned in moral nature,
keenly sensitive in all matters pertaining to justice
and integrity, he was a most valuable coadjutor with the
leaders of an unpopular reform; and throughout the
Anti-slavery conflict, he always received, as he always
deserved, the highest confidence and warm personal
regard of his fellow-laborers.
His faithful labors in aiding fugitive slave cannot be
recorded within the limits of this sketch.
Throughout that long period of peril to all who dared to
"remember those in bonds as bound with them," his house
was a well-known station on the Underground Rail Road;
his horses and carriages, and his personal attendance,
were ever at the service of the travelers upon that
road. In those perilous duties his family heartily
sympathized with him, and cheerfully performed their
share.
He has lived to witness the triumph of the great cause
to which he devoted his youth and his manhood; to join
in the jubilee song of the American slave; and the
thanksgiving of the Abolitionists; and to testify tht
the work of his life has been one "whose reward is in
itself."
[Page 712]
JOHN HUNN. (handwritten
next to name "1818")
Almost within
the lion's den, in daily sight of the enemy, in the
little slave-holding State of Delaware, lived and
labored the freedom-loving, earnest and whole-souled
Quaker abolitionist, John Hunn. His
headquarters were at Cantwell’s Bridge, but, as
an engineer of the Underground Rail Road, his duties,
like those of his fellow-laborer Thomas
Garrett, were not confined to that section, but
embraced other places, and were attended with great
peril, constant care and expense. He was
well-known to the colored People far and near, and was
especially sought with regard to business pertaining to
the Underground Rail Road, as a friend who would never
fail to assist as far as possible in every time of need.
Through his agency many found their way to freedom, both
by land and water.
The slave-holders regarding him with much suspicion,
watched him closely, and were in the habit of “breathing
out threatenings and slaughter” very fiercely at times.
But Hunn was too plucky to be frightened by their
threats and menaces, and as one, commissioned by a
higher power to remember those in bonds as bound with
them he remained faithful to the slave. Men, women
or children seeking to be unloosed from the fetters of
Slavery, could not make their grievances known to
John Hunn without calling forth his warmest
sympathies. His house and heart were always open
to all such. The slave-holders evidently concluded
that Hunn could not longer be tolerated,
consequently devised a plan to capture him, on the
charge of aiding off a woman with her children.
[John Hunn and Thomas Garrett
were conjointly prosecuted in this case, and in the
sketch of the latter, the trial, conviction, etc., are
so fully referred to, that it is unnecessary to do more
than allude to it here].
These noted Underground Rail Road offenders being duly
brought before the United States District Court, in May,
1848, Judge Taney, presiding, backed by a
thoroughly pro-slavery sentiment, obviously found it a
very easy matter to convict them, and a still easier
matter to fine them to the extent of every dollar they
possessed in the world. Thousands of dollars were
swept from Hunn in an instant, and his family
left utterly destitute; but he was by no means
conquered, as he deliberately gave the court to
understand in a manly speech, delivered while standing
to receive his sentence. There and then he avowed
his entire sympathy with the slave, and declared that in
the future, as in the past, by the help of God,
he would never withhold a helping hand from the
down-trodden in the hour of distress. That this
pledge was faithfully kept by Hunn, there can be
no question, as he continued steadfast at his post until
the last fetter was broken by the great proclamation of
Abraham Lincoln.
He was not without friends, however, for even near by,
dwelt a few well tried Abolitionists. Ezekiel
Jenkins, Mifflin Warner, and one or
two others,
[Page 713]
whole-souled workers in the same cause with Hunn;
he was therefore not forgotten in the hour of his
extremity.
Wishing to produce a sketch worthy of his veteran, we
addressed him on the subject, but failed to obtain all
the desired material. His reasons, however, for
withholding the information which we desired were
furnished, and, in connection therewith, a few anecdotes
touching Underground Rail Road matters coming under his
immediate notice, which we here take great pleasure in
transcribing.
BEAUFORT, S. C. 11th mo. 7th, 1871.
WM.
STILL, DEAR FRIEND: - In thy first letter thee asked for my
photograph as well as for an opinion of the book about to be edited
by thyself. I returned a favorable answer and sent likeness,
as requested. I incidentally mentioned that, probably some of
my papers might be of service to thee. The papers alluded to
had no reference to myself; but consisted of anecdotes and short
histories of some of the fugitives from the hell of American
Slavery, who gave me a call, as engineer of the Underground Rail
Road in the State of Delaware, and received the benefit of my advice
and assistance.
I was twenty-seven years-old when I engaged in the
Underground Rail Road business, and I continued therein diligently
until the breaking up of that business by the Great Rebellion I then
came to South Carolina to witness the uprising of a nation of slaves
into the dignity and privileges of mankind.
Nothing can possibly have the same interest to me.
Therefore, I propose to remain where this great problem is in the
process of solution; and to give my best efforts to its successful
accomplishment. In this matter the course that I have pursued
thus far through life has given me solid satisfaction. I ask
no other reward for any efforts made by me in the cause, than to
feel that I have been of use to my fellow-men.
No other course would have brought peace to my mind;
then why should any credit be awarded to me; or how can I count any
circumstance that may have occurred to me, in the light of a
sacrifice? If a man pursues the only course that will bring
peace to his own mind, is he deserving of any credit therefor?
Is not the reward worth striving for at any cost? Indeed it is, as I
well know.
Would it be well for me, entertaining such sentiments,
to sit down and write an account of my sacrifices? I think
not. Therefore please hold me excused. I am anxious to
see thy book, and will forward the price of one as soon as I can
ascertain what it is.
Please accept my thanks for thy kind remembrance of me.
I am now fifty-three years old, but I well remember thy face in the
Anti-slavery Office in Fifth street, when I called on business of
the Underground Rail Road. Our mutual friend, S. D. Burris,
was the cause of much uneasiness to us in
[Page 714]
those times. It required much trouble, as well as
expense to save him from the slave-traders. I
stood by him on the auction-block; and when I stepped
down, they thought they had him sure. Indeed he
thought so himself for a little while. But we
outwitted them at last, to their great chagrin.
Those were stirring times, and the people of Dover,
Delaware, will long remember the time when S. D.
Burris was sold at public sale for aiding slaves to
escape from their masters, and was bought by the
Pennsylvania Anti-slavery Society. I remain very
truly thy friend,
JOHN HUNN
THE CASE OF MOLLY, A SLAVE,
BELONGING TO R___ B___, OF SMYRNA, DELAWARE.
BY JOHN HUNN, ENGINEER OF THE UNDERGROUND RAIL
ROAD.
Molly
escaped from her master's farm, in Cecil county, Maryland, and found
a place of refuge in the house of my cousin, John Alston,
near Middletown, Delaware. The man-hunters, headed by a
constable with a search warrant, took her thence and lodged her in
New Castle Jail. This fact was duly published in the county
papers, and her master went after his chattel, and having paid the
expenses of her capture took immediate possession thereof.
She was hand-cuffed, and, her feet being tied together,
she was placed in the wagon. Before she left the jail, the
wife of the sheriff gave her a piece of bread and butter, which her
master kicked out of her hand, and swore that bread and butter was
too god for her. After this act her master took a drink of
brandy and drove off.
He stopped at a tavern about four miles from New Castle
and took another drink of brandy. He then proceeded to Odessa,
then called Cantwell's Bridge, and got his dinner and more bandy,
for the day was a cold one. He had his horse fed, but gave no
food to his human chattel, who remained in the wagon cold and
hungry. After sufficient rest for himself and horse he started
again. He was now twelve miles from home, on a good read, his
horse was gentle, and he himself in a genial mood at the recovery of
his bond-woman. He yielded to the influence of the liquor he
had imbibed and fell into a sound sleep. Molly now
determined to make another effort for her freedom. She
accordingly worked herself gradually over the tail board of the
wagon, and fell heavily upon the frozen ground. The horse and
wagon passed on, and she rolled into the bushes, and waited for
deliverance from her bonds. This came from a colored man who
was passing that way. As he was neither a priest nor a Levite,
he took the rope from her feet and guided her to a cabin near at
hand, where she was kindly received. Her deliverer could not take
the hand-cuffs off, but promised to bring a person, during the
evening, who could perform that operation. He fulfilled his
promise, and brought her that night to my house, which was in sight
of the one whence she had been taken to New Castle Jail.
I had no fear for her safety, as I believed that her
master would not think
[Page 715]
of looking for her so near to the place where she had
been arrested. Molly remained with us
nearly a month; but, seeing fugitives coming and going
continually, she finally concluded to go further North.
I wrote to my friend, Thomas Garrett, desiring
him to get a good home for Molly. This he
succeeded in doing, and a friend from Chester county,
Pennsylvania, came to my house and took Molly
with him. She remaind in his family more than six
months.
In the mean time the Fugitive Slave Law was passed by
Congress, and several fugitives were arrested in
Philadelphia and sent back to their masters. Molly,
hearing of these doings, became uneasy, and finally
determined to go to Canada. She arrived safely in
the Queen’s Dominions, and felt at last that she had
escaped from the hell of American Slavery.
Molly described her master as an indulgent one
when sober, but when he was on a “spree” he seemed to
take great delight in tormenting her. He would
have her beaten unmercifully without cause, and then
have her stripes washed in salt water, then he would
have her dragged through the horse pond until she was
nearly dead. This last operation seemed to afford
him much pleasure. When he became sober he would
express regret at having treated her so cruelly. I
frequently saw this master of Molly’s, and was
always treated respectfully by him. He would have
his “sprees” after Molly left him.
AN ACCOUNT OF THE ESCAPE FROM
SLAVERY OF SAMUEL HAWKINS AND FAMILY, OF QUEEN ANNE’S COUNTY,
MARYLAND, ON THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD, IN THE STATE OF DELAWARE.
BY JOHN HUNN.
On the morning of the 27th of 12th month (December),
1845, as I was washing my hands at the yard pump of my
residence, near Middletown, New Castle county, Delaware,
I looked down the lane, and saw a covered wagon slowly
approaching my house. The sun had just risen, and
was shining brightly (after a stormy night) on the snow
which covered the ground to the depth of six inches.
My house was situated three quarters of a mile from the
road leading from Middletown to Odessa, (then called
Cantwell’s Bridge.) On a closer inspection I
noticed several men walking beside the wagon. This
seemed rather an early hour for visitors, and I could
not account for the circumstance. When they
reached the yard fence I met them, and a colored man
handed me a letter addressed to Daniel Corbit,
John Alston or John Hunn; I
asked the man if he had presented the letter to either
of the others to whom it was addressed; he said, no,
that he had not been able to see either of them.
The letter was from my cousin, Ezekiel Jenkins,
of Camden, Delaware, and stated that the travelers were
fugitive slaves, under the direction of Samuel D.
Burris (who handed me the note). The party
consisted of a man and his wife, with their six
children, and four fine-looking colored men, without
counting the pilot, S. D. Burris, who was a free
man, from Kent county, Delaware.
[Page 716]
This was
the first time that I ever saw Burris, and also the first
time that I had ever been called upon to assist fugitives from the
hell of American Slavery. The wanderers were gladly welcomed,
and made as comfortable as possible until breakfast was ready for
them. One man, in trying to pull his boots off, found they
were frozen to his feet; he went to the pump and filled them with
water, thus he was able to get them off in a few minutes.
This increase of thirteen in the family was a little
embarrassing, but after breakfast they all retired to the barn to
sleep on the hay, except the woman and four children, who remained
in the house. They were all very weary, as they had traveled
from Camden (twenty-seven miles), through a snowstorm; the woman and
four children in the wagon with the driver, the others walking all
the way. Most of them were badly frost-bitten, before they
arrived at my house. In Camden, they were sheltered in the
houses of their colored friends. Although this was my first
acquaintance with S. D. Burris it was not my last, as he
afterwards piloted them himself, or was instrumental in directing
hundreds of fugitives to me for shelter.
About two o'clock of the day on which these fugitives
arrived at my house, a neighbor drove up with his daughter in a
sleigh, apparently on a friendly visit. I noticed his
restlessness and frequent looking out of the window fronting the
road; but did not suppose, that he had come "to spy out the land."
The wagon and the persons walking with it, had been
observed from his house, and he had reported the fact in Middletown.
Accordingly, in half an hour, another sleigh came up, containing a
constable of Middletown, William Hardcastle, of Queen
Ann’s county, Maryland, and William Chesnut, of the
same neighborhood. I met them at the gate, and the constable
handed me an advertisement, wherein one thousand dollars reward was
offered for the recovery of three runaway slaves, therein described.
The constable asked me if they were in my house?
I said they were not! He then asked me if he might search the
house? I declined to allow him this privilege, unless he had a
warrant for that purpose. While we stood thus conversing, the
husband of the woman with the six children, came out of a house near
the barn, and ran into the woods. The constable and his two
companions immediately gave chase, with many halloos! After
running more than a mile through the snow, the fugitive came toward
the house; I went to meet him, and found him with his back against
the barn-yard fence, with a butcher’s knife in his hand. The
man hunters soon came up, and the constable asked me to get the
knife from the fugitive. This I declined, unless the constable
should first give me his pistol, with which he was threatening to
shoot the man. He complied with my request, and the fugitive
handed me the knife. Then he produced a pass, properly
authenticated, and signed by a magistrate of Queen Ann’s county,
Maryland, certifying that this man was free! and that his name
was Samuel Hawkins.
[Page 717]
William Hardcastle now advanced, and said
that he knew the man to be free; but that he was accused
of running away with his wife and children who were
slaves. He also said, that this man had two boys
with him, who belonged to a neighbor of his, named
Charles Wesley Glanding, and that the four other
children and mother belonged to Catharine Turner,
of Queen Ann’s county, Maryland. Hardcastle
further expressed his belief; that this man knew where
his wife and children were at that time, and insisted
that he should go before a magistrate in Middletown, and
be examined in regard thereto. He also expressed
doubts as to the genuineness of this pass, and wished
the man to go to Middletown on that account also.
As there was no other course to pursue under the
circumstances, I had my sleigh brought out, and we all
went to Middletown, before my friend, William
Streets, who was then in commission as a magistrate.
It was now after dark of this short winter’s day.
Soon after our arrival at the office of William
Streets, Hardcastle put his arm very
lovingly around the neck of the colored man, Samuel
Hawkins, and drew him into another room. In
a short time, Samuel came out, and told me that
Hardcastle had agreed, that if he, Hawkins,
would give up his two older boys, who belonged to
Charles Wesley Glanding; then he might
pursue his journey with his wife and four children.
I asked him if he believed Hardcastle would keep
his promise? He replied: “Yes! I do not think
master William would cheat me.” I assured
him that he would cheat him, and that the offer was made
for the purpose of not only getting the two older boys
(fourteen and sixteen years of age), but his wife and
other children to the office, when all of them would be
taken together to the jail, in New Castle.
Samuel thought differently, and at his request, I
wrote to my wife for the delivery of the family of
Samuel Hawkins to the constable. They
were soon forthcoming, and on their arrival at the
office, a commitment was made out for the whole party.
Samuel and his two older sons were hand-cuffed,
amidst many tears and lamentations, and they all went
off under charge of the man-hunters, to New Castle jail,
a distance of eighteen miles.
William Streets committed the whole party
as fugitives from Slavery, while the husband (Samuel),
was a free man. This was done on account of the
detestation of the wicked business, as much as on
account of his friend ship for me.
On their arrival at the jail, about midnight, the
sheriff was aroused, and the commitment shown to him;
after reading it, he asked Samuel if he was a
slave? He said no, and showed his pass (which had
been pronounced genuine by the magistrate). The
sheriff hereupon told them, that the commitment was not
legal, and would not hold them lawfully. It was
now first day (Sunday), and the man-hunters were in a
quandary.
The constable finally agreed to go back and get another
commitment, if the sheriff would take the party into the
jail until his return; Hardcastle
[Page 718]
also urged the sheriff to adopt this plan.
Accordingly they were taken into the jail.
The sheriff's daughter had heard her father's
conversation with the constable, accordingly she sent
word on First-day morning, to my revered friend,
Thomas Garrett, of Wilmington, five miles distant,
in regard to the matter, inviting him to see the
fugitives. Early on Second day morning (Monday),
Thomas went over with John Wales, attorney
at law. The latter soon obtained a writ of habeas
corpus from Judge Booth of new Castle, which was
served upon the sheriff; who, therefore, brought the
whole party before Judge Booth, who discharged
them at once, as being illegally detained by the
sheriff. Thomas Garrett, with the consent
of the judge, then hired a carriage to take the woman
and four children over to Wilmington, Samuel and
the two older boys walked, so they all escaped from the
man-hunters. They went from Wilmington to Byberry,
and settled near the farm of Robert Purvis.
Samuel Hawkins and wife have since died, but their
descendants still live in that neighborhood, under the
name of Hackett.
Soon after the departure of
the fugitives from New Castle jail, the constable
arrived with new commitments from William Streets,
and presented them in due form to the sheriff; who
informed him that they had been liberated by order of
Judge Booth! A few hours after, William
Hardcastle arrived from Philadelphia, expecting to
take Samuel Hawkins and his family to Queen Ann's
county, Maryland. Judge of his disappointment at
finding they were beyond his control - absolutely gone!
They returned to Middletown in great anger, and
threatened to prosecute William Streets for his
participation in the affair.
After the departure of the Hawkins family from
Middletown, I returned home to see what had become of
S. D. Burris and his four men. I found them
taking some solid refreshment, preparatory to taking a
long walk in the snow. They left about nine P. M.,
for Wilmington. I sent by S. D. Burris a
letter to Thomas Garrett, detailing the arrest
and commitment of S. Hawkins and family to New
Castle jail. They all arrived safely in Wilmington
before daylight next morning. Burris waited
to hear the result of the expedition to New Castle; and
actually had the pleasure of seeing S. Hawkins
and family arrive in Wilmington.
Samuel Burris returned to my house early on
Third day morning, with a letter from Thomas Garrett,
giving me a description of the whole transaction.
My joy on this occasion was great! and I returned
thanks to God for this wonderful escape of so
many human beings from the charnel-house of Slavery.
Of course, this circumstance excited the ire of many
pro-slavery editors in Maryland. I had copies of
several papers sent me, wherein I was described as a man
unfit to live in a civilized community, and calling upon
[Page 719]
the inhabitants of Middletown to expel such a dangerous
person from that neighborhood! They also told
exactly where I lived, which enabled many a poor
fugitive escaping from the house of bondage, to find a
hearty welcome and a resting-place on the road to
liberty. Thanks be to God! for His goodness
to me in this respect. The trial which ensued from
the above, came off before Chief Justice
Taney, at New Castle. My revered friend,
Thomas Garrett, and myself, were there
convicted of harboring fugitive slaves, and were fined
accordingly, to the extent of the law; Judge
Taney delivering the sentence. A detailed
account of said trial, will fully appear in the memoirs
of our deceased friend, Thomas Garrett.
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