STILL'S
UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD RECORDS,
REVISED EDITION.
(Previously Published in 1879 with title: The Underground Railroad)
WITH A LIFE OF THE AUTHOR.
NARRATING
THE HARDSHIPS, HAIRBREADTH ESCAPES AND DEATH STRUGGLES
OF THE
SLAVES
IN THEIR EFFORTS FOR FREEDOM.
TOGETHER WITH
SKETCHES OF SOME OF THE EMINENT FRIENDS OF FREEDOM, AND
MOST LIBERAL AIDERS AND ADVISERS OF THE ROAD
BY
WILLIAM STILL,
For many years connected with the Anti-Slavery Office in Philadelphia, and Chairman of the Acting
Vigilant Committee of the Philadelphia Branch of the Underground Rail Road.

Illustrated with 70 Fine Engravings by Bensell, Schell and Others,
and Portraits from Photographs from Life.

Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant that has escaped from his master unto thee. - Deut. xxiii 16.

SOLD ONLY BY SUBSCRIPTION.

PHILADELPHIA:
WILLIAM STILL, PUBLISHER
244 SOUTH TWELFTH STREET.
1886

pp. 200 - 223

[Pg. 200]

THE ESCAPE of HEZEKIAH HILL

(UNCLE of JOHN HENRY HILL)

     Impelled by the love of freedom Hezekiah resolved that he would work no longer for nothing; that he would never be sold on the auction block; that he no longer would obey the bidding of a master, and that he would die rather than be a slave.  This decision, however, had only been entertained

Pg. 201]

by him a short time prior to his escape.  For a number of years Hezekiah had been laboring under the pleasing thought that he should succeed in obtaining freedom through purchase, having had an understanding with his owner with this object in view.  At different times he had paid on account for himself nineteen hundred dollars, six hundred dollars more than he was to have paid according to the first agreement.  Although so shamefully defrauded in the first instance, he concluded to bear the disappointment as patiently as possible and get out of the lion's mouth as best he could.
     He continued to work on and save his money until he ha actually come within one hundred dollars of paying two thousand.  At this point instead of getting his free papers, as he firmly believed that he should, to his surprise one day he saw a notorious trader approaching the shop where he was at work.  The errand of the trader was soon made known.  Hezekiah simply requested time to go back to the other end of the shop to get his coat, which he seized and ran.  He was pursued but not captured.  This occurrence took place in Petersburg, Va., about the first of December, 1854.  On the night of the same day of his escape from the trader, Hezekiah walked to Richmond and was there secreted under a floor by a friend.  He was a tall man, of powerful muscular strength, about thirty years of age just in the prime of his manhood with enough pluck for two men.
     A heavy reward was offered for him, but the hunters failed to find him in this hiding place under the floor.  He strongly hoped to get away soon; on several occasions he made efforts, but only to be disappointed.  At different times at least two captains had consented to afford him a private passage to Philadelphia, but like the impotent man at the pool, some one always got ahead of him.  Two or three times he even managed to reach the boat upon the river, but had to return to his horrible place under the floor.  Some were under the impression that he was an exceedingly unlucky man, and for a time captains feared to bring him.  But his courage sustained him unwaveringly.
     Finally at the expiration of thirteen months, a private passage was procured for him on the steamship Pennsylvania, and with a little slave boy, seven years of age, (the son of the man who had secreted him) though seven years of age, (the son of the man who had secreted him) though placed in a very hard berth, he came safely to Philadelphia, greatly to the astonishment of the Vigilance Committee, who had waited for him so long that they had despaired of his ever coming.
     The joy that filled Hezekiah's bosom may be imagined but never described.  None but one who had been in similar straits could enter into his feelings.
     He had left his wife Louisa, and two little boys, Henry and Manuel.  His passage cost one hundred dollars.
     Hezekiah being a noted character, a number of the true friends were invited to take him by the hand and to rejoice with him over his noble

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struggles and his triumph; needing rest and recruiting, he was made welcome to stay, at the expense of the committee, as long as he might feel disposed so to do.  He remained several days, and then went on to Canada rejoicing.  After arriving there he returned his acknowledgement for favors received, &c., in the following letter:
 

[Pg. 203]

person and the article which they is to be sent on then I an send the parcel unless you do make an arrangement with some person, and assure them that they will receive the funds for delivering the parcel this Business cannot be accomplished.  it is in your power to try to make some provision for the article to be sent but it is not in my power to do so, the bundle has been on my hands now going on 3 years, and I have suffered a great deal of danger, and is still suffering the same.  I have understood Sir that there were no difficul about the mone that you had it in your possession Ready for the bundle whenever it is delivered.  But Sir as I have said I can do nothing now.  Sir I ask you please through sympathy and feelings on my part & his try to provide a way for the bundle to be sent and relieve me of the danger in which I am in.  you might succeed in making an arrangement with those on the New york Steamers for they does such things but please let me know the man that the arrangement is made with - please give me an answer by the bearer.

     At last, the long, dark night passed away, and this young slave safely made his way to freedom, and proceeded to Boston, where he now resides.  While the Committee was looked to for aid in the deliverance of this poor prayers - not until after his escape, was it possible so to do.  But his escape to freedom gave them a satisfaction which no words can well express.  At present, John Henry Hill is a justice of the peace in Petersburg.  Hezekiah resides at West Point, and James in Boston, rejoicing that all men are free in the United States, at last.

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FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND AND DELAWARE

ARCHER BARLOW, alias EMIT ROBINS

     This passenger arrived from Norfolk, Va. in 1853.  For the last four years previous to escaping, he had been under the yoke of Dr. George Wilson.  Archer declared that he had been "very badly treated" by the Doctor, which he urged as his reason for leaving.  True, the doctor had been good enough to allow him to hire this time, for which he required Archer to pay the moderate sum of $120 per annum.  As Archer had been "sickly" most of the time, during the last year, he complained that there was "no reduction" in his hire on this account.  Upon reflection, therefore, Archer thought if he had justice done him, he would be in possession of this "one hundred and twenty" himself, and all his other rights, instead of having to toil for another without pay; so he looked seriously into the matter of master and slave, and pretty soon resolved, that if others chose to make no effort to get away, for himself he would never be contented, until he was free.  When a slave reached this decision, he was in a very hopeful state.  He was near the Underground Rail Road, and was sure to find it, sooner or later.  At this thoughtful period, Archer was thirty-one years of age, a man of medium size, and belonged to the two leading branches of southern

[Pg. 204]

humanity, i. e., he was half white and half colored - a dark mulatto.  His arrival in Philadelphia, per one of the Richmond steamers, was greeted with joy by the Vigilance Committee, who extended to him the usual aid and care, and forwarded him on to freedom.  For a number of years, he has been a citizen of Boston.

-------------------------

SAMUEL BUSH, alias WILLIAM OBLEBEE

     This "piece of property" fled in the fall of 1853.  As a specimen of this article of commerce, he evinced considerable intelligence.  He was a man of dark color, although not totally free from the admixture of the "superior" southern blood in his veins; in stature, he was only ordinary.  For leaving, he gave the following reasons:  "I found that I was working for my master, for his advantage, and when I was sick, I had to pay just as much as if I were well - $7 a month.  But my master was cross, and said that he intended to sell me - to do better by me another year.  Times grew worse and worse, constantly.  I thought, as I had heard, that if I could raise thirty dollars I could come away."  He at once saw the value of money.  To his mind it meant liberty from that moment.  Theneforth he decided to treasure up every dollar he could get hold of until he could accumulate at least enough to get out of "Old Virginia."  He was a married man, and thought he had a wife and one child, but on reflection, he found out that they did not actually belong to him, but to a carpenter, by the name of Bailey.  The man whom Samuel was compelled to call master was named Hoyle.
     The Committee's interview with Samuel was quite satisfactory, and they cheerfully accorded to him brotherly kindness and material aid at the same time.

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JOHN SPENCER AND HIS SON WILLIAM, AND JAMES ALBERT

     These individuals escaped from the eastern shore of Maryland, in the Spring of 1853, but were led to conclude that they could enjoy the freedom they had aimed to find, in New Jersey.  They procured employment in the neighborhood of Haddonfield, some six or eight miles from Camden, New Jersey, and were succeeding, as they thought, very well.
     Things went on favorably for about three months, when to their alarm "slave hunters were discovered in the neighborhood" and sufficient evidence was obtained to make it quite plain that, John, William and James were the identical persons, for whom the hunters were in "hot

Pg. 205]

pursuit."  When brought to the Committee, they were pretty thoroughly alarmed and felt very anxious to be safely off to Canada.  While the Committee always rendered in such cases immediate protection and aid, they nevertheless, felt ,in view of the imminent dangers existing under the fugitive slave law, that persons disposed to thus stop by the way, should be very plainly given to understand, that if they were captured they would have themselves the most to blame.  But the dread of Slavery was strong in the minds of these fugitives, and they very fully realized their folly in stopping in New Jersey.  The Committee procured their tickets, helped them to disguise themselves as much as possible, and admonished the not to stop short of Canada.

-------------------------

HETTY SCOTT alias MARGARET DUNCANS and DAUGHTER PRISCILLA

     This mother and daughter had been the "chattels personal" of Daniel Coolby of Harvard, Md.  Their lot had been prompted them to escape was the fact that their master had "threatened to sell" them.  He had a right to do so; but Hetty was a little squeamish on this point and took great umbrage at her "kind master."  In this "disobedient" state of mind, she determined, if hard struggling would enable her, to defeat the threats of Mr. Daniel Coolby, that he should not much longer have the satisfaction of enjoying the fruit of the toil of herself and offspring.  She at once began to prepare for her journey.
     She had three children of her own to bring, besides she was intimately acquainted with a young man and a young woman, both slaves, to whom she felt that it would be safe to confide her plans with a view of inviting them to accompany her.  The young couple were ready converts to the eloquent speech delivered to them by Hetty of Freedom, and were quite willing to accept her as their leader in the emergency.  Up to the hour of setting out on their lonely and fatiguing journey, arrangements were being carefully completed, so that there should be no delay of any kind.  At the appointed hour they were all moving northward in good order.
     Arriving at Quakertown, Pa., they found friends of the slave, who welcomed them to their homes and sympathy, gladdening the hearts of all concerned.  For prudential reasons it was deemed desirable to separate the party, to send some one way and some another.  Thus safely, through the kind offices and aid of the friends at Quakertown, they were duly forwarded on to the Committee in Philadelphia.  Here similar acts of charity were extended to them, and they were directed on to Canada.

[Pg. 206]

ROBERT FISHER

THE PASSENGER AVAILS HIMSELF of HOLIDAY WEEK, BETWEEN CHRISTMAS AND NEW YEAR'S, TO MAKE  HIS NORTHERN TRIP.

     ROBERT was about thirty years of age, dark color, quite tall, and in talking with him a little while, it was soon discovered that Slavery had not crushed all the brains out of his head by a good deal.  Nor was he so much attached to his "kind-hearted master," John Edward Jackson, of Anne Arundel, Md., or his old fiddle, that he was contented and happy while in bondage.  Far from it.  The fact was, that he hated Slavery so decidedly and had such a clear common-sense-like view of the evils and misery of the system, that he declared he had as a matter of principle refrained from marrying, in order that he might have no reason to grieve over having added to the woes of slaves.  Nor did he wish to be encumbered, if the opportunity offered to escape.  According to law he was entitled to his freedom at the age of twenty-five.
     But what right had a negro, which white slave-holders were "bound to respect?"  Many who had been willed free, were held just as firmly in Slavery, as if no will had ever been made.  Robert had too much sense to suppose that he could gain anything by seeking legal redress.  This method, therefore, was considered out of the question.  But in the meantime he was growing very naturally in favor of the Underground Rail Road.  From his experience Robert did not hesitate to say that his master was "mean,"  "a very hard man,," who would work his servants early and late, without allowing them food and clothing sufficient to shield them from the cold and hunger.  Robert certainly had unmistakable marks about him, of having been used roughly.  He thought very well of Nathan Harris, a fellow-servant belonging to the same owner, and he made up his mind, if Nathan would join him, neither the length of the journey, the loneliness of night travel, the coldness of the weather, the fear of the slave-hunter, nor the scantiness of their means should deter him from making his way to freedom.  Nathan listened to the proposal, and was suddenly converted to freedom, and the two united during Christmas week, 1854, and set out on the Underground Rail Road.  It is needless to say that they had trying difficulties to encounter.  These they expected, but all were overcome, and they reached the Vigilance Committee, in Philadelphia safely, and were cordially welcomed.  During the interview, a full interchange of thought resulted, the fugitives were well cared for, and in due time both were forwarded on, free of cost.

[Pg. 207]
 

HANSEL WAPLES,

     This traveler arrived from Millsboro, Indian River, Delaware, where he was owned by Wm. E. Burton.  While Hansel did not really own himself, he had the reputation of having a wife and six children.  In June, some six months prior to her husband's arrival, Hansel's wife had been allowed by her mistress to go out on a begging expedition, to raise money to buy herself; but contrary to the expectation of her mistress she never returned.  Doubtless the mistress looked upon this course as a piece of the most high-banded stealing.  Hansel did not speak of his owner as being a hard man, but on the contrary he thought that he was about as "good" as the best that he was acquainted with.  While this was true, however, Hansel had quite good ground for believing that his master was about to sell him.  Dreading his fate he made up his mind to go in pursuit of his wife to a Free state.  Exactly where to look or how to find her he could not tell.
     The Committee advised him to "search in Canada."  And in order to enable him to get on quickly and safely, the Committee aided him with money, &c., in 1853.

-------------------------

ROSE ANNA TONNELL alias MARIA HYDE

     She fled from Isaac Tonnell of Georgetown, Delaware, in Christmas week, 1853.  A young woman with a little boy of seven years of age accompanied Rose Anna.  Further than the simple fact of their having thus safely arrived, except the expense incurred by the Committee, no other particulars appear on the records.

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MARY ENNIS alias LICIA HEMMIN.

     Mary arrived with her two children in the early Spring of 1854.
     The mother was a woman of about thirty-three years of age, quite tall, with a countenance and general appearance well fitted to awaken sympathy at first sight.  Her oldest child was a little girl seven years of age, named Lydia the other was named Louisa Caroline, three years of age, both promising in appearance.  They were the so called property of John Ennis, of Georgetown, Delaware.  For their flight they chose the dead of Winter.  After leaving they made their way to West Chester, and there found friends and security for several weeks, up to the time they reached Philadelphia.  Probably the friends with whom they stopped thought the weather too inclement for a woman with children dependent on her

Pg. 208]

support to travel.  Long before this mother escaped, thoughts of liberty filled her heart.  She was ever watching from an opportunity, that would encourage her to hope for safety, when once the attempt should be made.  Until, however, she was convinced that her two children were to be sold, she could not quite muster courage to set out on the journey.  This threat to sell proved in multitudes of instances, "the last straw on the camel's back."  When nothing else would start them this would.  Mary and her children were the only slaves owned by this Ennis, consequently her duties were that of "Jack of all trades;" sometimes in the field and sometimes in the barn, as well as in the kitchen, by which, it is needless to say, that her life was rendered servile to the last degree.
     To bind up the broken heart of such a poor slave mother, and to aid such tender plants as were these little girls, from such a wretched state of barbarism as existed in poor little Delaware, was doubly gratifying to the Committee.

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"SAM," "ISAAC," "PERRY," "CHARLES," AND "GREEN,"

[Pg. 209]
selves and their masters.  These queries they answered in their own way, with intelligence.  Upon the whole, their lot in Slavery had been rather more favorable then the average run of slaves.
     No record was made of any very severe treatment.  In fact, the notices made of them were very brief, and, but for the elaborate way in which they were described in the "Baltimore Sun," by their owners, their narratives would hardly be considered of sufficient interest to record.  The heavy rewards, beautiful descriptions, and elegant illustrations in the "Sun," were very attractive reading.  The Vigilance Committee took the "Sun" for nothing else under the sun but for this special literature, and for this purpose they always considered the "Sun" a cheap and reliable paper.
     A slave man or woman, running for life, he with a bundle on his back or she with a babe in her arms, was always a very interesting sight, and should always, be held in remembrance.  Like wise the descriptions given by slave-holders, as a general rule, showed considerable artistic powers and a most thorough knowledge of the physical outlines of this peculiar property.  In deed, the art must have been studied attentively for practical purposes.  When the advertisements were received in advance of arrivals, which was always the case, the descriptions generally were found so lifelike, that the Committee preferred to take them in preference to putting themselves to the labor of writing out new ones, for future reference.  This we think, ought not to be complained of by any who were so fortunate as to lose wayward servants, as it is but fair to give credit to all concerned.  True, sometimes some of these beautiful advertisements were open to gentle criticism.  The one at the head of this report, is clearly of this character.  For instance, in describing Isaac, Mr. Thomas B. Owings, represents him as being of a "very light color,"  "almost yellow,"  "might be called a yellow boy."  In the next breath he has no perceptible marks.  Now, if he is "very light," that is a well-known southern mark, admitted everywhere.  A hint to the wise is sufficient.  However, judging from what was seen of Isaac in Philadelphia, there was more cunning than "foolishness" about him.  Slaves sometimes, when wanting to get away, would make their owners believe that they were very happy and contented.  And, in using this kind of foolishness, would keep up appearances until an opportunity offered for an escape.  So Isaac might have possessed this sagacity, which appeared like nonsense to his master.  That slave-holders, above all others, were in the habit of taking special pains to encourage foolishness, loud self-respect, banjo playing, low dancing, etc., in the place of education,  virtue, self-respect and manly carriage, slave-holders themselves are witnesses.
     As Mr. Robert Dade was also a loser, equally with Mr. Thomas B. Owings, and as his advertisement was of the same liberality and high tone, it seems but fitting that it should come in just here, to give weight and com-

Pg. 210]

pleteness to the story.  Both Owings and Dade showed a considerable degree of southern chivalry in the liberality of their rewards.  Doubtless, the large sums thus offered awakened a live feeling in the breasts of old slave-hunters.  But it is to be supposed that the artful fugitives safely reached Philadelphia before the hunters got even the first scent on their track.  Up to the present hour, with the  owners all may be profound mystery; if so, it is to be hoped, that they may feel some interest in the solution of these wonders.  The articles so accurately described must now be permitted to testify in their own words, as taken from the records.

     GREEN MODOCK acknowledges that he was owned by William Dorsey, Perry by Robert Dade, Sam and Isaac by Thomas Owings, all farmers, and all "tough" and "pretty mean men."  Sam and Isaac had other names with them, but not such a variety of clothing as their master might have supposed.  Sam said he left because his master threatened to sell him to Georgia, and he believed that he meant so to do, as he had sold all his brothers and sisters to Georgia some time before he escaped.
     But this was not all.  Sam declared his master had threatened to shoot him a short while before he left.  This was the last straw on the camel's back.  Sam's heart was in Canada ever after that.  In traveling he resolved that nothing should stop him.  Charles offered the same excuse as did Sam  He had been threatened with the auction-block.  He left his mother free, but four sisters he left in chains.  As these men spoke of their tough owners and bad treatment in Slavery, they expressed their indignation at the idea that Owings, Dade and Dorsey had dared to rob them of their God-given rights.  They were only ignorant farm hands.  As they drank in the free air, the thought of their wrongs aroused all their manhood.  They were all young men, hale and stout, with strong resolutions to make Canada their future home.  The Committee encouraged them in this, and aided them for humanity's sake - Mr. Robert Dad's advertisement speaks for itself as follows:

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FROM RICHMOND AND NORFOLK, VA.

WILLIAM B. WHITE, SUSAN BROOKS and WILLIAM HENRY ATKINS. - STOWED AWAY IN THE STEAMSHIP CITY OF RICHMOND.

     But for their hope of liberty, their uncomfortable position could hardly have been endured by these fugitives.  William had been compelled to dig and delve, to earn bread and butter, clothing and luxuries, houses and land, education and ease for H. B. Dickinson, of Richmond.  William smarted frequently; but what could he do?  Complaint from a slave was a crime of the deepest dye.  So William dug away mutely, but continued to think nevertheless.  He was a man of about thirty-six years of age, of dark chestnut color, medium size, and of pleasant manners to say the least.  His owner was a tobacco manufacturer, who held some thirty slaves in his own right, besides hiring a great many others.  William was regularly employed by day in his master's tobacco factory.  He was likewise employed as one of the carriers of the Richmond Dispatch; the time allowed to fill the duties of this office, was however, before sunrise in the morning.  It is but just to state, in favor of his master, that William was himself the receiver of a part of the pay for this night work.  It was by this means William procured clothing and certain other necessaries.
     From William's report of his master, he was by no means among the worst of slave-holders in Richmond; he did not himself flog, but the overseer was allowed to conduct this business, when it was considered necessary.  For a long time William had cherished a strong desire to be free, and had gone so far on several occasions as to make unsuccessful attempts to accomplish this end.  At last he was only apprised of his opportunity to carry his wishes into practice a few moments before the hour for the starting of the Underground Rail Road train.
     Being on the watch, he hailed the privilege, and left without looking back.
     True he left his wife and two children, who were free, and a son also who was owned by Warner Toliver, of Gloucester county, Va.  We leave the reader to decide for himself, whether William did right or wrong, and who was responsible for the sorrow of both husband and wife caused by the husband's course.  The Committee received him as a true and honest friend of freedom, and as such aided him.

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SUSAN BROOKS.

     Susan was also a passenger on the same ship that brought Wm. B. White.  She was from Norfolk.  Her toil, body and strength were clamed by Thomas Eckels, Esq., a man of wealth and likewise a man of intemperance

Pg. 212]

Pg. 213]
 

WILLIAM HENRY ATKINS.

     William Henry was also a fellow-passenger on the same boat with William B. White and Ssuan Cooke.  These might be set down, as first-class Underground Rail Road travelers.
     Henry was a very likely-looking article.  He was quite smart, about six feet high, a dark mulatto, and was owned by a Baptist minister.
     For some cause not stated on the books, not long before leaving, Henry had received a notice from his owner, (the Baptist Minister) that he might hunt himself a new master as soon as possible.  This was a business that Henry had no relish for.  The owner he already had, he concluded bad enough in all conscience, and it did not occur to him that hunting another would mend the matter much.  So in thinking over the situation, he was "taken sick."  He felt the need of a little time to reflect upon matters of very weighty moment involving his freedom.  So when he was called upon one day to go to his regular toil, the answer was, "I am sick, I am not able to budge hardly."  The excuse took and Henry attended faithfully to his "sick business" for the time being, while on the other hand, the Baptist Minister waited patiently all the while for William to get well enough for hunting a new master.  What had to be done, needed to be done quickly, before his master's patience was exhausted.  William soon had matters arranged for traveling North.  He had a wife, Eliza, for whom he felt the greatest affection; but as he viewed matters at that time, he concluded that he could really do more for her in Canada than he could in Norfolk.  He saw no chance, either under the Baptist minister, or under a new master.  His wife was owned by Susan Langely.  When the hour arrived to start, as brave men usually do,  Henry having counted all the cost, was in his place on the boat with his face towards Canada.
     How he looked at matters on John Bull's side of the house, letters from Henry will abundantly revewal as follows:

		ST. CATHARINES, August 4, 1854.
		W. H. ACTKINS.

     MY DEAR SIR: - It is with plesure that I now take my pen to inform you that I am well at present and I hope that these few lines may find you injoying good health, and will you plese to be so kind as to send a leter down home for me if you plese to my wife, the reason that I beg the favor of you I have written to you several times and never recieve no answer, she don't no whar I am at I would like her to no, if it is posible elizaran Actkins, and when you write will you plese to send me all the news, give my respect to all the fambley and allso to Mr lundey and his fambley and tell him plese to send me those books if you plese the first chance you can git.  Mrs. Wood sends her love to Mr. Stillanswer this as soon as on hand, the boys all send their love to all, the reason why i sends for an answer write away i expect to live this and go up west nex mounth not why i sends for a answer write away i expect to live this and go up west nex mounth not to stay to get some land, I have no more at present, i remain your frield.

[Pg. 214]

    MR. WILLIAM STILL: - Dear Friend: - I take the liberty to address to you a few lines in behalf of my wife, who is still at Norfolk, Va.  I have heard by my friend Richmond Bohm, who arrived lately, that she was in the hands of my friend Henry Lovey( the same who had me in hand at the time I started).  I understood that she was about to make her start this month, and that she was only waiting for me to send her some means.  I would like for you to communicate the substance of this letter to my wife, through my friend Henry Lovey, and for her to come on as soon as she can.  I would like to have my wife write to me a few lines by the first opportunity.  She could write to you in Philadelphia, 31 North Fifth Street.  I wish to send my love to you & your family & would like for you to answer this letter with the least possible delay in the care of Hiram Wilson.

     P. S.  I would like for my friend Henry Lovey to send my wife right on to Philadelphia; not to stop for want of means, for I will forward means on to my friend Wm. Still.  My love to my father & mother, my friend Lovey & to all my inquiring friends.  If you cannot find it convenient to write, please forward this by the Boat.  H. W. A.

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FOUR ARRIVALS.

CHARLOTTE AND HARRIET ESCAPE IN DEEP MOURNING - MASTER IN THE SAME CAR HUNTING FOR THEM, SEES THEM, BUT DOES NOT KNOW THEM - WHITE LADY AND CHILD WITH A COLORED COACHMAN, TRAVELING - AT CHAMBERSBURG AT A HOTEL, THE PROPRIETOR DETECTS THEM AS U. G. R. R. PASSENGERS - THREE "LIKELY" YOUNG MEN FROM BALTIMORE - "FOUR LARGE AND TWO SMALL HAMS" - POLICE OFFICER IMPARTING INFORMATION AT THE ANTI-SLAVERY OFFICE - U. G. R. R. PASSENGERS TRAVELING WITH THEIR MASTERS' HORSES AND CARRIAGES - "BREAK DOWN" - CONFLICT WITH WHITE MEN - SIX PASSENGERS RIDING TWO HORSES, &c.

     About the 31st of May, 1856, an exceedingly anxious state of feeling existed with the active Committee in Philadelphia.  In the course of twenty-four arrivals had come to hand from different localities.  The circumstances connected with the escape of each party, being so unusual, there was scarcely ground for any other conclusion than that disaster was imminent, if not impossible to be averted.
     It was a day long to be remembered.  Aside from the danger, however, a more encouraging hour had never presented itself in the history of the Road.  The courage, which had so often been shown in the face of great danger, satisfied the Committee that there were heroes and heroines among these passengers, fully entitled to the applause of the liberty-loving citizens of Brotherly Love.  The very idea of having to walk for days and nights in succession, over strange roads, through by-ways, and valleys, over mountains, and marshes, was fitted to appeal the bravest hearts, especially where women and children were concerned.
     Being familiar with such cases, the Committee was delighted beyond.

[Pg. 215]

measure to observe how wisely and successfully each of these parties had managed to over come these difficulties

Party No. 1 consisted of Charlotte Giles and Harriet Eglin, owned by Capt. Wm. Applegarth and John Delahay.  Neither of these girls had any great complaint to make on the score of ill-treatment endured.
     So they contrived each to get a suit of mourning, with heavy black veils, and thus dressed, apparently absorbed with grief, with a friend to pass them to Baltimore depot (hard place as pass, except aided by n individual well known to the R. R. company), they took a direct course of Philadelphia.
     While seated in the car, before leaving Baltimore (where slaves and masters both belonged), who should enter but the master of one of the girls!  In a very excited manner, he hurriedly approached Charlotte and Harriet, who were apparently weeping.  Peeping under their veils, "What is your name," exclaimed the excited gentleman.  "Mary, sir," sobbed Charlotte.  "What is your name?" (to the other mourner) "Lizzie, sir," was the fait reply.  On rushed the excited gentleman as if moved by steam - through the cars, looking for his property; not finding it, he passed out of the cars, and to the delight of Charlotte and Harriet soon disappeared.  Fair business men would be likely to look at this conduct on the part of the two girls in the light of a "sharp practice."  In military parlance it might be regarded as excellent strategy.  Be this as it may, the Underground Rail Road passengers arrived safely at the Philadelphia station and were gladly received.
     A brief stay in the city was thought prudent lest the hunters might be on the pursuit.  They were, therefore, retained in safe quarters.
     In the meantime, Arrival No. 2 reached the Committee.  It consisted of a colored man, a white woman and a child, ten years old.  This case created no little surprise.  Not that quite a number of passengers, fair enough to pass for white, with just a slight tinge of colored blood in their veins, even sons and daughters of some of the F. F. V., had not on various occasions come over the U. G. R. R.  But this party was peculiar.  An explanation was

[Pg. 216]

sought, which resulted in ascertaining that the party was from Leesburg, Virginia; that David, the colored man, was about twenty-seven years of age, intelligent, and was owned, or claimed by Joshua Pusey.  David had no taste for Slavery, indeed, felt that it would be impossible for him to adapt himself to a life of servitude for the special benefit of others; he had, already, as he thought, been dealt with very wrongfully by Pusey, who had deprived him of many years of the best part of his life, and would continue thus wrong him, if he did not make a resolute effort to get away.  So after thinking of various plans, he determined not to run off as a slave with his "budget on his back," but to "travel as a coachman," under the "protection of a white lady."  In planning this pleasant scheme, David was not blind to the fact that neither himself nor the "white lady," with whom he proposed to travel, possessed either horse or carriage.

     But his master happened to have a vehicle that would answer for the occasion.  David reasoned that as Joshua, his so called master, had deprived him of his just dues for so many years, he had a right to borrow, or take without borrowing, one of Joshua's horses for the expedition.  The plan was submitted to the lady, and was approved, and a mutual understanding here entered into, that she should hire a carriage, and take also her little girl with them.  The lady was to assume the proprietorship of the horse, carriage and coachman.  In so doing all dangers would be, in their judgment, averted.  The scheme being all ready for execution, the time for departure was fixed, the carriage hired, David having secured his master Joshua's horse, and off they started in the direction of Pennsylvania.  White people being so accustomed to riding, and colored people to driving, the party looked all

[Pg. 217]

right.  No one suspected them, that they were aware of, while passing through Virginia.
     On reaching Chambersburg, Pa., in the evening, they drove to a hotel, the lady alighted, holding by the hand her well dressed and nice-looking little daughter, bearing herself with as independent an air as if she had owned twenty such boys as accompanied her as coachman.  She did not hesitate to enter and request accommodations for the night, for herself, daughter, coachman, and horse.  Being politely told that they could be accommodated, all that was necessary was, that the lady should show off to the best advantage possible.  The same duty also rested with weight upon the mind of David.
     The night passed safely and the morning was ushered  in the bright hopes which were overcast but only for a moment, however.  Breakfast having been ordered and partaken of, to the lady's surprise, just as she was in the act of paying the bill, the proprietor of the hotel intimated that he thought that matters "looked a little suspicious," in other words, he said plainly, that he "believed that it was an Underground Rail Road movement;" but being n obliging hotel-keeper, he assured her at the same time, that he "would not betray them."  Just here it was with them as it would have been on any other rail road when things threaten to come to a stand; they could do nothing more than make their way of the peril as best they could.  One thing they decided to do immediately, namely, to "leave the horse and carriage," and try other modes of travel.  They concluded to take the regular passenger cars.  In this way they reached Philadelphia.  In Harrisburg, they had sought and received instructions how to find the Committee in Philadelphia.
     What relations had previously existed between David and this lady in Virginia, the Committee knew not.  It looked more like the time spoken of in Isaiah, where it is said, "And a little child shall lead them," than any thing that had ever been previously witnessed on the Underground Rail Road.  The Underground Rail Road never practised the proscription governing other roads, on account of race, color, or previous condition.  All were welcome to its immunities, white or colored, when the object to be gained favored freedom, or weakened slavery.  As the sole aim apparent in this case was freedom for the slave the Committee received these travellers as Underground Rail Road passengers.
     Arrival No. 3.  Charles H. Ringold, Robert Smith, and John Henry Richards, all from Baltimore.  They ages ranged from twenty to twenty-four years.  They were in appearance of the class most inviting to men who were in the business of buying and selling slave.  Charles and John were owned by James Hodges, and Robert by Wm. H. Normis living in Baltimore.  This is all that the records contain of them.  The exciting and hurrying time when they were in charge of the Committee probably forbade the writing out of a more detailed account of them, as was often the case.

[Pg. 218]

     With the above three arrivals on hand, it may be seen how great was the danger to which all concerned were exposed on account of the bold and open manner in which these parties had escaped from the land of the peculiar institution.  Notwithstanding, a feeling of very great gratification existed in view of the success attending the new and adventurous modes of traveling.  Indulging in reflections of this sort, the writer on going from his dinner that day to the anti-slavery office, to his surprise found an officer awaiting his coming.  Said officer was of the mayor's police force.  Before many moments had been allowed to pass, in which to conjecture his errand, the officer, evidently burdened with the importance of his mission, began to state his business substantially as follows:
     "I have just received a telegraphic despatch from a slave-holder living in Maryland, informing me that six slaves had escaped from him, and that he had reason to believe that they were on their way to Philadelphia, and would come in the regular train direct from Harrisburg; furthermore I am requested to be at the depot on the arrival of the train to arrest the whole party, for whom a reward of $1300 is offered.  Now I am not the man for this business.  I would have nothing to do with the contemptible work of arresting fugitives.  I'd rather help them off.  What I am telling you is confidential.  My object in coming to the office is simply to notify the Vigilance Committee so that they may be on the look-out for them at the depot this evening and get them out of danger as soon as possible. This is the way I feel about them; but I shall telegraph back that I will be on the look-out."
     While the officer was giving this information he was listened to most attentively, and every word he uttered was carefully weighed.  An air of truthfulness, however, was apparent; nevertheless he was a stranger and there was cause for great cautiousness.  During the interview an unopened telegraphic despatch which had come to hand during the writer's absence, lay on the desk.  Impressed with the belief that it might shed light on the officer's story, the first opportunity that offered, it was seized, opened, and it read as follows:  (Copied from the original.)

WM. STILL, N. 5th St.: - I have sent via at two o'clock four large and two small hams.

     Here there was no room for further doubt, but much need for vigilance.  although the despatch was not read to the officer, not that his story was doubted, but purely for prudential reasons, he was nevertheless give to understand, that it was about the same party, and that they would be duly looked after.  It would hardly have been understood by the officer, had he been permitted to read it, so guardedly was it worded, it was indeed dead language to all save the initiated.  In one particular especially, relative to

[Pg. 219]
the depot where they were expected to arrive, the officer was in the dark, as his despatch pointed to the regular train, and of course to the depot at Eleventh and Market streets.  The Underground Rail Road despatch on the contrary pointed to Broad and Callowhill streets "Via," i.e. Reading.
     As notified, that evening the "four large and two small hams" arrived, and turned out to be of the very finest quality, jsut such as any trader would have paid the highest market price for.  Being mindful of the great danger of the hour, there was felt to be more occasion just then for anxiety and watchfulness, than for cheering and hurrahing over the brave passengers.  To provide for them in the usual manner, in view of the threatening aspect of affairs, could not be thought of.  In this critical hour it devolved upon a member of the Committee, for the safety of all parties, to find new and separate places of accommodation, especially for the six known to be pursued.  To be stored in other than private families would not answer.  Three or four such were visited at once; after learning of the danger much sympathy was expressed, but one after another made excuses and refused.  This was painful, for the parties had plenty of house room, were identified with the oppressed race, and on public meeting occasions made loud professions of devotion to the cause of the fugitive, &c.  The memory of the hour and circumstances is still fresh.
     Accommodations were finally procured for a number of the fugitives with a widow woman, (Ann Laws) whose opportunities for succor were far less than at the places where refusals had been met with.  But Mrs. L. was kind-hearted, and nobly manifested a willingness to do all that she could for their safety.  Of course the Committee felt bound to bear whatever expense might necessarily be incurred.  Here some of the passengers were kept for several days, strictly private, long enough to give the slave-hunters full opportunity tire themselves, and give up the chase in despair.  Some belonging to the former arrivals had also to be similarly kept for the same reasons.  Through careful management all were succored and cared for.  Whilst much interesting information was obtained from these several arrivals:  the incidents connected with their lives in Slavery, and when escaping were but briefly written out.  Of this fourth arrival, however, the following intelligence will doubtless be highly gratifying to the friends of freedom, wherever the labors of the Underground Rail Road may be appreciated.  The people round about Hagerstown, Maryland, may like to know how these "articles" got off so successfully, the circumstances of their escape having doubtless created some excitement in that region of the country.
     Arrival No. 4.  Charles Bird, George Dorsey, Angeline Brown, Albert Brown, Charles Brown and Jane Scott.

     CHARLES was twenty-four years of age, quite dark, of quick motion, and ready speech, and in every way appearing as though he could take care of

[Pg. 220]
himself.  He had occupied the condition of a farm laborer.  This calling he concluded to forsake, not because he disliked farming, but simply to get rid of David Clargart, who professed to own him, and compelled him to work without pay, "for nothing."  While Charles spoke favorably of Clargart as a man, to the extent, at all events, of testifying that he was not what was called a hard man, nevertheless Charles  was so decidedly opposed to Slavery that he felt compelled to look out for himself.  Serving another man on the no pay principle, at the same time liable to be flogged, and sold at the pleasure of another, Charles felt was worse than heathenish viewed in any light whatsoever.  He was prepared therefor to leave without delay.  He had four sisters in the hands of Clagart, but what could he do for them but leave them to Providence.
     The next on the list was GEORGE DORSEY, a comrade of Charles.  He was a young man, of medium size, mixed blood, intelligent, and a brave fellow as will appear presently.

     This party in order to get over the road as expeditiously as possible, availed themselves of their master's horses and wagon and moved off civilly and respectably.  About nine miles from home on the road, a couple of white men, finding their carriage broken down approached them, unceremoniously seized the horses by the reins and were evidently about to assume authority, supposing that the boys would surrender at once.  But instead of so doing, the boys struck away at them with all their might, and their large clubs, not even waiting to hear what these superior individuals wanted.  The

[Pg. 221]
effect of the clubs brought them prostrate in the road, in an attitude resembling two men dreaming, (it was in the night.)  The victorious passengers, seeing that the smashed up carriage could be of no further use to them, quickly conceived the idea of unhitching and attempting further pursuit on horseback.  Each horse was required to carry three passengers.  So up they mounted and off they galloped with the horses heads turned directly towards Pennsylvania.  No further difficulty presented itself until after they had traveled some forty miles.  Here the poor horses broke down, and had to be abandoned.  The fugitives were hopeful, but of the difficulties ahead they wot not; surely no flowery beds of ease awaited them.  For one whole week they were obliged to faire as they could, out in the woods, over the mountains, &c.  How they overcame the trials in this situation we cannot undertake to describe.  Suffice it to say, at the end of the time above mentioned they managed to reach Harrisburg and found assistance as already intimated.

     GEORGE and Angeline, (who was his sister) with her two boys had a considerable amount of white blood in their veins, and belonged to a wealthy man by the name of George Scheffer who was in the milling business.  They were of one mind in representing him as a hard man.  "He would often threaten to sell,, and was very hard to please."  George and Angeline left their mother and ten brothers and sisters.

     JANE was a well-grown girl, smart, and not bad-looking, with a fine brown skin, and was also owned by Schaeffer.
     Letters from the enterprising Charlotte and Harriet (arrival No. 1), brought the gratifying intelligence, that they had found good homes in Western New York, and valued their freedom highly.  Three out of quite a number of letters received from them from time to time are subjoined

     MR. WILLIAM STILL: - Dear Sir: - I am happy to tell you that Charlotte Gildes and myself have got along thus far safely.  We have had no trouble and found friends all the way along, for which we feel very thankful to you and to all your friends on the road since we left.  We reached Mr. Loguen's in Syracuse, on last Tuesday evening & on Wednesday two gentlemen from this community called and we went with them to work in their families.  What I wish you would do is to be so kind as to send our clothes to this place if they should fall into your hands.  We hope our uncle in Baltimore will get the letter Charlotte wrote to him last Sabbath, while we were at your house, concerning the clothes.  Perhaps the best would be to send them to Syracuse to the care of Mr. Loguen and he will send them to us.  This will more certainly ensure our getting them.  If you hear anything that would be interesting to Charlotte or me from Baltimore, please direct a letter to us to this place, to the care of Revd. Chas. Anderson, Sennett, Cayuga Co., N. Y.  Please give my love and Charlotte's to Mrs. Still, and thank her for her kindness to us while at your house.  Your affectionate friend,                HARRIET EGLIN

[Pg. 222]

SECOND LETTER.

     MR. WM. STILL: - My Dear Friend: - I have just received your note of 29th inst. and allow me dear sir, to assure you that the only letter I have written, is the one you received, an answer to which you sent me.  I never wrote to Baltimore, nor did any person write for me there, and it is with indescribable grief, that I hear what your letter communicates to me, of those who you say have gotten into difficulty on my account.  My Cousin Charlotte who came with me, got into a good place in this vicinity, but she could not content herself to stay here but just one week - she then went to Canada - and she is the one who by writing (if any one), has brought this trouble upon those to whom you refer to Baltimore.
     She has written me two letters from Canada, and by neither of them can I ascertain where she lives - her letters are mailed at Suspension Bridge, but she does not live there as her letters show.  In the first she does not even sign her name.  She has evidently employed some person to write, who is nearly as ignorant as herself.  If I knew where to find her I would find out what she has written.
     I don't know but she has told where I live, and may yet get me and my friends here, in trouble too, as she has some in other places.  I don't wish to have you trouble yourself about my clothes, I am in a place where I can get all the clothes I want or need.  Will you please write me when convenient and tell me what you hear about those who I fear are suffering as the result of their kindness to me?  May God, in some way, grant them deliverance.  Oh the misery, the sorrow, which this cursed system of Slavery is constantly bringing upon millions in this land of boasted freedom!
     Can you tell me where Sarah King is, who was at your house when I was there?  She was going to Canada to meet her husband.  Give my love to Mrs. Still & accept the same yourself.  Your much indebted & obliged friend,   HARRIET EGLIN.

     The "difficulty" about which Harriet expressed so much regret in the above letter, had reference to a letter supposed to have been written by her friend Charlotte to Baltimore about her clothing.  It had been intercepted, and in this way, a clue was obtained by one of the owners as to how they escaped, who aided them, etc.  On the strength of the information thus obtained, a well-known colored man named Adams, was straightway arrested and put in prison at the instance of one of the owners, and also a suit was at the same time instituted against the Rail Road Company for damages- by which steps quite a huge excitement was created in Baltimore.  As to the colored man Adams, the prospect looked simply hopeless.  Many hearts were sad in view of the doom which they feared would fall upon him for obeying a humane impulse (he had put the girls on the cars).  But with the Rail Road Company it was a different matter; they had money, power, friends, etc., and could defy the courts.  In the course of a few months, when the suit against Adams and the Railroad Company came up, the Rail Road Company proved in court, in defense, that the prosecutor entered the cars in search of his runaway, and went and spoke to the two young women in "mourning" the day they escaped, looking expressly for the identical parties, for which he was seeking damages before the court, and that he declared to the conductor, on leaving the cars, that the said "two

[Pg. 223]
girls in mourning, were not the ones he was looking after," or in other words, that "neither" belonged to him.  This positive testimony satisfied the jury, and the Rail Road Company and poor James Adams escaped by the verdict not guilty.  The owner of the lost property had the costs to pay of course, but whether he was made a wiser or better man by the operation was never ascertained.

THIRD LETTER

     MR. WM. STILL: - I am happy to tell you that I am well and happy.  I still live with Rev. Mr. Anderson in this place, I am learning to read and write.  I do not like to trouble you too much, but I would like to know if you have heard anything more about my friends in Baltimore who got into trouble on our account.  Do be pleased to write me if you can give me any information about them.  I feel bad that they should suffer for me.  I wish all my brethren and sisters in bondage, were as well off as I am.  The girl that came with me is in Canada, near the Suspension Bridge.  I was glad to see Green Murdock, a colored young man, who stopped at your house about six weeks ago, he knew my folks at the South.  He has got into a good place to work in this neighborhood.  Give my love to Mrs. Still, and believe me your obliged friend,      HARRIET EGLIN.
     P. S.  I Would like to know what became of Johnson,* the man whose foot was smashed by jumping off the cars, he was at your house when I was there.      H. E.

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