STILL'S
UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD RECORDS,
REVISED EDITION.
(Previously Published in 1879 with title: The Underground Railroad)
WITH A LIFE OF THE AUTHOR.
NARRATING
THE HARDSHIPS, HAIRBREADTH ESCAPES AND DEATH STRUGGLES
OF THE
SLAVES
IN THEIR EFFORTS FOR FREEDOM.
TOGETHER WITH
SKETCHES OF SOME OF THE EMINENT FRIENDS OF FREEDOM, AND
MOST LIBERAL AIDERS AND ADVISERS OF THE ROAD
BY
WILLIAM STILL,
For many years connected with the Anti-Slavery Office in
Philadelphia, and Chairman of the Acting
Vigilant Committee of the Philadelphia Branch of the Underground
Rail Road.
Illustrated with 70 Fine Engravings
by Bensell, Schell and Others,
and Portraits from Photographs from Life.
Thou shalt not deliver unto his
master the servant that has escaped from his master unto thee. -
Deut. xxiii 16.
SOLD ONLY BY SUBSCRIPTION.
PHILADELPHIA:
WILLIAM STILL, PUBLISHER
244 SOUTH TWELFTH STREET.
1886
pp. 223 - 254
[Pg. 223]
FROM VIRGINIA, MARYLAND, DELAWARE,
NORTH CAROLINA, WASHINGTON, D. C., AND SOUTH CAROLINA
JAMES BURRELL,
DANIEL WIGGINS,
WM. ROBINSON,
EDWARD PEADEN, AND WIFE,
ALEX. BOGGS,
SAMUEL SLATER,
HARRISON
BELL AND DAUGHTER, HARRIET ANN,
DANIEL DAVIS, alias
DAVID SMITH, JAMES STEWART, alias WILLIAM JACKSON,
HARRIET HALEY, alias ANN RICHARDSON,
ELIZABETH HALEY, alias SARAH
RICHARDSON, BENJ. DUNCANS,
alias GEORGE SCOTT, MOSES WINES,
SARAH SMITH, alias MILDRETH PAGE,
LUCY GARRET, alias JULIA WOOD,
ELLEN
FORMAN, alias ELIZABETH YOUNG, WM. WOODEN, alias WM.
NELSON, JAMES EDWARD HANDY, alias DENNIS CANNON,
JAMES
HENRY DELANY alias SMART STANLEY, JAMES HENRY BLACKSON,
GEORGE FREELAND,
MILES WHITE, LOUISA CLAYTON, LEWIS
SNOWDEN alias LEWIS WILLIAMS, WM. JOHNSON, JOHN HALL
alias JOHN SIMPSON.
In order to keep this volume
within due limits, in the cases to be noticed in this
chapter it will be impossible to state more than a few
of the interesting particulars that make up these
narratives. While some of these passengers might
not have been made in the prison house to drink of the
bitter cup as often as others, and in their flight might
not have been called upon to pass through as severe
perils as fell to the lot of others, nevertheless
---------------
* Johnson was an unfortunate young fugitive, who, while
escaping, beheld his master or pursuer in the cars, and
jumped therefrom, crushing his feet shockingly by the
bold act.
[Pg. 224]
justice sees to require, that, as far as possible, all
the passengers passing over the Philadelphia Underground
Rail Road shall be noticed.
JAMES BURRELL.
James was certainly justifiable in making his
escape, if for no other reason than on the score of
being nearly related to the chivalry of the South.
He was a mulatto (the son of a white man evidently),
about thirty-two years of age, medium size, and of an
agreeable appearance. He was owned by a maiden
lady, who lived at Williamsburg, but not requiring his
services in her own family, she hired him out by the
year to a Mr. John Walker, a manufacturer of
tobacco, for which she received $120 annually.
This arrangement was not satisfactory to James.
he could not see why he should be compelled to wear the
yoke like an ox. The more he thought over his
condition, the more unhappy was his lot, until as last
he concluded, that he could not stand Slavery any
longer. He had witnessed a great deal of the
hardships of the system of Slavery, and he had quite
enough intelligence to portray the horrors thereof in
very vivid colors. It was the auction-block horror
that first prompted him to seek freedom. While
thinking how he would manage to get away safely, his
wife and children were ever present in his mind.
He felt as a husband should towards his "wife Betsy,"
and likewise loved his "children, Walter and
Mary;" but these belonged to another man, who lived
some distance in the country, where he had permission to
see them only once a week. This had its pleasure,
it also had its painful influence. The weekly
parties were a never-failing source of unhappiness.
So when James' mind was fully made up to escape
from Slavery, he decided that it would not be best to
break the secret to his poor wife and children, but to
get off to Canada, and afterwards to try and see what he
could do for their deliverance. The hour fixed to
leave Virginia arrived, and he started and succeeded in
reaching Philadelphia, and the Committee. On
arriving he needed medicine, clothing, food, and a
carriage for his accommodation, all which were furnished
freely by the Committee, and he was duly forwarded to
Canada. From Canada, with his name changed, he
wrote as follows:
|
|
TORONTO,
March 28th, 1854. |
SIR,
MR.
STILL - It does me pleasure to
forward you this letter hopeing when this comes to hand
it may find your family well, as they leaves me at
present. I will also say that the friends are
well. Allow me to say to you that I arrived in
this place on Friday last safe and sound, and feeles
well under my safe arrival. Its true that I have
not been employed as yet but I lives hopes to be at work
very shortly. I likes this city very well, and I
am in hopes that there a living here for me as much so
as there for any one else. You will be please to
write. I am bording at Mr. Phillip's Centre
Street.
I have nothing more at present. Yours most
respectfull.
W. BOURAL.
DANIEL WIGGINS,
alias DANIEL ROBINSON.
Daniel fled from Norfolk, VA., where he had been
owned by the late Richard Scott. Only a few
days before Daniel escaped, his so-called owner
was summoned to his last account.
[Pg. 224]
While ill, just before the close of his career, he
often promised D. his freedom and also promised,
if restored, that he would make amends for the past, by
changing his ways of living. His son, who was very
reckless, he would frequently allude to and declared,
"that he," the son, "should not have his 'property.' "
These dying sentiments filled Daniel with great
hopes that the day of his enslavement was nearly at an
end. Unfortunately, however, death visited the old
master, ere he had made provision for his slaves.
At all events, no will was found. That he might
not fall a prey to the reckless son, he felt, that he
must nerve himself for a desperate struggle to obtain
his freedom in some other way, by traveling on the
Underground Rail Road. While he had always been
debarred from book learning, he was, nevertheless, a man
of some intelligence, and by trade was a practical
Corker.
He was called upon in his trying hour to leave his wife
with three children, but they were, fortunately, free.
Coming to the Committee in want, they cheerfully aided
him, and forwarded him on to Canada. Thence,
immediately on his arrival, he returned the following
grateful letter:
|
|
NEW BEDFORD,
Mass, March 22d, 1854. |
DEAR SIR:
- I am happy to inform you that I arrived in this place
this morning well and cheerful. I am, sir, to you
and others under more obligations for your kindly
protection of me than I can in any way express at
present. May the Lord preserve you unto the
eternal life. Remember my respects to Mr. Lundy
and family. Should the boat lay up please let me
know.
Yours respectfully,
DAVID ROBINSON
Please forward to Dr. H. Lundy, after you have
gotten through. With respects, &c.
D. R.
WM. ROBINSON,
alias THOS. HARRED.
William gave satisfactory evidence, at first sight,
that he was opposed to the unrequited labor system in
toto, and een hated still more the flogging
practices of the chivalry. Although he had reached
his twenty-eighth year, and was a truly fair specimen of
his race, considering his opportunities, a few days
before William left, the overseer on the
plantation attempted to flog him, but did not succeed.
William's manhood was aroused, and he flogged the
overseer soundly, if what he averred was true. The
name of William's owner was John G. Beale, Esq.,
of Fauquier county, Va. Beale was
considered to be a man of wealth, and had invested in
Slave stock to the number of seventy head.
According to William's account of Beale,
he was a "hard man and thought no more of his black
people than he did of dogs." When William
entered upon the undertaking of freeing himself from
Beale's barbarism, he had but one dollar and
twenty-five cents in his possession; but he had physical
strength and a determined mind, and being heartily sick
of slavery, he was willing to make the trial, even at
the cost of life. Thus hopeful, he prosecuted his
journey with suc-
[Pg. 225]
cess through strange regions of country, with but little
aid or encouragement before reaching Philadelphia.
This feat, however, was not performed without getting
lost by the way. On arriving, his shoes were gone,
and his feet were severely travel-worn. The
Committee rendered needed aid, etc., and sent William
on to Canada to work for himself, and to be recognized
as a subject of Great Britain.
EDWARD PEADEN AND WIFE
HARRIET, AND SISTER SELIA. This man and his
wife and wife's sister were a nice-looking trio, but
they brought quite a sad story with them: the sale of
their children, six in number. The auction block
had made such sad havoc among the, that no room was left
to hope, that their situation would ever be improved by
remaining. Indeed they had been under a very
gloomy cloud for some time previous to leaving, fearing
that the auction block was shortly to be their doom.
To escape this fate, they were constrained to "secrete
themselves for one month," until an opportunity offered
them to secure a passage on a boat coming to
Philadelphia. Edward (the husband), was
about forty-four yeas of age, of a dark color, well
made, full face, pleasant countenance, and talked
fluently. Dr. Price claimed him as his
personal property, and exacted all his hire and labor.
For twelve years he had been hired out for $100 per
annum. Harriet, the wife of Edward,
belonged to David Baines, of Norfolk. Her
general appearance indicated, that nature had favored
her physically and mentally, although being subjected to
the drudgery of Slave life, with no advantages for
development, she was simply a living testimony to the
crushing influence of Slavery- with a heart never free
from the saddened recollection of the auction block, on
which all of her children had been sacrificed, "one by
one." Celia, the sister, also belonged to D.
Baines, and was kept hired out - was last in the
service of the Mayer of Norfolk. Of her story
nothing of any moment was recorded. On their
arrival in Philadelphia, as usual they were handed over
to the Committee, and their wants were met.
WILLIAM DAVIS.
All that the records contain of William is as
follows: He left Emmitsburg, Md., the previous
Friday night, where he had been held by Dr. James
Shoul. William is thirty-two years of
age, dark color, rather below medium stature. With
regard to his slave life, he declared that he had been
"roughly used." Besides, for some time before
escaping he felt that his owner was in the "nothing of
trading" him off. The fear that this apprehended
notion would be carried into execution, was that
prompted him to leave his master.
ALEXANDER BOGGS, alias
JOHNSON HENSON. This subject was under the
ownership of a certain John Emie, who lived about
three miles from Baltimore. Mr. Emiehad
only been in possession of the wayward Alexander
three weeks, having purchased him of a trader named
Dennit or $550. This was not the first time,
however, that he had experienced the
[Pg. 227]
trouble of changing masters, in consequence of having
been sold. Previously to his being disposed of by
the trader Dennit, he had been owned by
Senator Merrick, who had the misfortune to fail in
business, in consequence whereof, his slaves had all to
be sold and Alexander with the rest, away from
his wife, Caroline and two children, James and
Eliezer.
This was a case
that appealed for sympathy and aid, which were
cheerfully rendered by the Committee. Alexander
was about fifty years of age, of dark color. On
the Records no account of cruel treatment is found,
other than being sold, &c.
JOHN BROWN, alias JACOB
WILLIAMS, arrived from Fredericktown, Md., where
he had been working under the yoke of Joseph Postly.
John was a young an of twenty-nine years of age.
Up to the hour of his escape, his lot hand been that of
an ordinary slave. Indeed, he had much less to
complain of with reference to usage than most slaves;
the only thing in this respect the records contain, is
simply a charge, that his master threatened to sell him.
But this did not seem to have been the motive which
prompted John to take leave of his master.
Although untutored, he had mind enough to comprehend
that Postly had no right to oppress him, and
wrong him out of his hire. John concluded
that he would not stand such treatment any longer, and
made up his mind to leave for Canada. After due
examination the Committee, finding his story reasonable,
gave him the usual assistance, advice and instruction,
and sent him on Canada-ward.
SAMUEL SLATER, alias
PATTERSON SMITH, came from a place called Power
Bridge, Md. He gave a satisfactory account of
himself, and was commended for having wisely left his
master, William Martin, to earn his bread by the
sweat of his own brow. Martin had held up
the vision of the auction-block before Sam; this
was enough. Sam saw that it was time for
him to be getting out of danger's way without delay, so
he presumed, if others could manage to escape, he could
too. And he succeeded. He was a stout man,
about twenty-nine years of age, of dark complexion.
No particular mention of ill treatment is found on the
Records.
After arriving in Canada, his heart turned with deep
interest and affection to those left in the
prison-house, as the following letter indicates.
MY DEAR
FRIEND: - yours of the 15th came
to hand and I was glad to hea from you and your dear
family were well and the reason that I did not write
sooner I expected get a letter from my brother in
pennsylvania but I have not received any as yet when I
wrote last I directed my letter to philip
scott minister of the asbury church baltimore and
that was the reason that I thought it strange I did not
get an answer but I did not put my brother name to it I
made arrangements before I left home with a family of
smiths that I was to write to and the letter that I
enclose in this I want you to direct it to D
Philip scott in his care for mrs.
cassey Jackson Duke Jacksons
wife and she will give to Priana smith or
Sarah Jane Smith those are the
persons I wish to write to I wish you to write
[Pg. 228]
on as quick as you
can and let them know that there is a lady
coming on by the name of mrs. Holonsworth
and she will call and see you and you will find
her a very interesting and inteligent person one
worthy of respect and esteem and a high
reputation I must now bring my letter to a close
no more at present but remain your humble
servant. |
|
|
PATTERSON SMITH |
In my letters I did not write to my friends how they
shall write to me but i the letter that you
write you will please to tell them how they
shall write to me.
HARRISON
BELL and daughter, HARRIET
ANN. Father and daughter were
fortunate enough to escape together from
Norfolk, Va.
HARRISON was just in the prime of life, forty years of
age, stout made, good features, but in height
was rather below medium, was a man of more than
ordinary shrewdness, by trade he was a chandler.
He alleged that he had been used hard.
HARRIET ANN was a well-grown girl of pleasant
appearance, fourteen years of age. Father
and daughter had each different owners, one
belong to James Snyder, the other to
John G. Hodgson.
Harrison had
been informed that his children were to be sold;
to prevent this shocking fate, he was prompted
to escape. /several months previous to
finding a chance to make a safe flight, he
secreted himself with his children in Norfolk,
and so remained up to the day he left, a passage
having been secured for them on one of the boats
coming to Philadelphia. While the records
contain no definite account of other children,
it is evident that there were others, but what
became of them is not known.
If at the time of their arrival, it had been imagined
that the glorious day of universal freedom was
only about eight years off, doubtless much
fuller records would have been made of these
struggling Underground Rail Road passengers.
If Harrison's relatives and friends, who
suddenly missed him and his daughter Harriet
Ann in the Spring of 1854, are still
ignorant of his whereabouts, this very brief
account of their arrival in Philadelphia,
may be of some satisfaction to all concerned,
not excepting his old master, whom he had served
so faithfully.
The Committee finding them in need, had the pleasure of
furnishing them with food, material aid and a
carriage, with cheering words and letters of
introduction to friends on the road to Canada.
DANIEL DAVIS,
ALIAS DAVID
SMITH, ADAM NICHOLSON,
ALIAS JOHN WYNCOOP, REUBEN
BOWLES, ALIAS
CUNNIGAN, ARRIVED FROM HEDGEVILLE, VA.
DANIEL was only about
twenty, just at a capital age to make a bold
strike for freedom. The appearance and air
of this young aspirant for liberty indicated
that he was not of the material to be held in
chains. He was a man of medium size,
well-built, dark color, and intelligent.
Hon. Charles J. Fortner, M. C. was the
reputed owner of this young fugitive, but the
honorable gentleman having no use for his
services, or because he may |
[Pg. 229]
have profited more by hiring
him out, Daniel was placed in the employ
of a farmer, by the name of Adam Quigley.
It was at this time he resolved that he would
not be a slave any longer. He declared
that Quigley was a "very mean man," one
for whom he had no respect whatever.
Indeed he felt that the system of Slavery was an
abomination in any form it might be viewed.
While he was yet so young, he had pretty clear
views with regard to Slavery, and remembered
with feelings of deep indignation, how his
father had been sold when he himself was a boy,
just as a horse might have been sold; and how
his mother was dragging her chains in Slavery,
up to the hour he fled. Thus in company
with his two companions he was prepared for any
sacrifice.
ADAM'S tale is soon told;
all that is on the old record in addition to his
full name, is in the following words: "Adam
is dark, rugged and sensible, and was owned by
Alexander Hill, a drunkard, gambler, &c.
REUBEN had been hired out to
John Sabbard near Hedgeville. Startled
at hearing that he was to be sold, he was led to
consider the propriety of seeking flight via the
Underground Rail Road. These three young
men were all fine specimens of farm hands, and
possessed more than average common sense,
considering the oppression they had to labor
under. They walked the entire distance
from Hedgeville, Va., to Greenville, Pa.
There they took the cars and walked no more.
They appeared travel-worn, garments dirty, and
forlorn; but the Committee had them cleanly
washed, hair cut and shaved, change of clothing
furnished &c., which at once made them look like
very different men. Means were
appropriated to send them on free of cost.
JAMES STEWART
alias WM. JACKSON.
James had been made acquainted with the Peculiar
Institution in Fauquier county, Va. Being
of sound judgment and firm resolution, he became
an enemy to Slavery at a very early age; so much
so, that by the time he was twenty-one he was
willing to put into practice his views of the
system by leaving it and going where all men are
free. Very different indeed were these
notions, from those held by his owner, Wm.
Rose, who believed in Slavery for the black
man. So as James could neither
enjoy his freedom nor express his opinion in
Virginia, he determined, that he had better get
a passage on the Underground Rail Road, and
leave the land of Slavery and the obnoxious
sentiments of his master. He, of course,
saw formidable difficulties to be encountered
all the way along in escaping, but these, he
considered, would be more easy for him to
overcome than it would be for him to learn the
lesson - "Servants, obey your masters."
The very idea made James sick. This
therefore, was the secret of his escape.
HARRIET HALEY,
alias ANN RICHARDSON,
and ELIZABETH
HALEY, alias
SARAH RICHARDSON. These travelers
succeeded in escaping from Geo. C. Davis
of Harford county, Md. In order to carry
out their plans, of Harford county, Md. In
order to carry out their plans, |
[Pg. 230]
they took advantage of
Whitsuntide, a holiday, and with marked
ingenuity and perseverance, they managed to
escape and reach Quakertown Underground Rail
Road Station without obstruction, where
protection and assistance were rendered by the
friends of the cause. After abiding there
for a short time, they were forwarded to the
Committee in Philadelphia. Their ages
ranged from nineteen to twenty-one, and they
were apparently "servants" of a very superior
order. The pleasure it afforded to aid
such young women in escaping from a condition so
loathsome as that of Slavery in Maryland, was
unalloyed.
BENJAMIN
DUNCANS, alias
GEORGE SCOTT. This individual was
in bonds under Thomas Jeffries, who was a
firm believer in the doctrine: "Servants, obey
your masters," and, furthermore, while laboring
"pretty hard" to make Benjamin a convert
to this idea, he had made Benjamin's lot
anything else than smooth. This treatment
on the part of the master made a wise and
resolute man of the Slave. For as he
looked earnestly into the fact, that he was only
regarded by his owner in the light of an ox, or
an ass, his manhood rebelled straightway, and
the true light of freedom told him, that he must
be willing to labor, and endure suffering for
the great prize, liberty. So, in company
with five others, at an appointed time, he set
out for freedom, and succeeded. The
others, alluded to, passed on to Canada direct.
Benjamin was induced to stop a few months
in Pennsylvania, during which time he occupied
himself in farming. He looked as if he was
well able to do a full day's work at this
occupation. He was about twenty-five years
of age, of unmixed blood, and wore a pleasant
countenance.
MOSES WINES.
Portsmouth, Va., lost one of her most
substantial laborers in the person of Moses,
and Madam Abigail Wheeler, a very "likely
article" of merchandise. "No complaint" as
to "ill treatment" was made by Moses
against "Miss Abigail." The truth
was, he admitted, that he had been used in a
"mild way." With some degree of pride, he
stated that he "had never been flogged."
But, for the "last fifteen years, he had been
favored with the exalted privilege of 'hiring'
his time at the 'reasonable' sum of $12 per
month." As he stood pledged to have this
amount always ready, "whether sick or well," at
the end of the mouth, his mistress "never
neglected to be in readiness to receive it" to
the last cent. In this way Moses
was taught to be exceedingly punctual. Who
would not commend such a mistress for the
punctuality, if nothing more? But as
smoothly as matters seemed to be going along,
the mischievous idea crept into Moses'
head, that he ought to have some of the money
claimed by his "kind" mistress, and at the same
time, the thought would often forcibly press
upon his mind that he might any day be sold.
In addition to this unpleasant prospect,
Virginia had just about that time passed a law
"prohibiting Slaves from hiring their time" -
also, a number of "new Police rules with
reference to Slaves |
[Pg. 231]
and free colored people," all
of which, the "humane Slave-holders" of that
"liberal State," regarded as highly essential
both for the "protection and safety of Master
and Slave." But the stupid-headed Moses
was not pleased with these arrangements.
In common with many of the Slaves, he smarted
severely under his heavy oppression, and felt
that it was similar to an old rule, which had
been once tried under Pharaoh - namely, when the
children of Israel were required to "make bricks
without straw." But Moses was not a
fit subject to submit to be ruled so inhumanly.
Despite the beautiful sermons he had often listened to
in favor of Slavery, and the many wise laws,
about alluded to, he could not reconcile himself
to his condition. The laws and
preaching were alike as "sounding brass, and
tinkling cymbals" to him. He made up his
mind, therefore, that he must try a free
country; that his manhood required him to make
the effort at once, even at the risk of life.
Father and husband, as he was, and loving his
wife, Grace, and son, Alphonso,
tenderly as he did, he nevertheless felt himself
to be in chains, and that he could do but little
for them by remaining. He conceived that,
if he could succeed in gaining his freedom, he
might possibly aid them away also. With
this hope in him, he contrived to secure a
private passage on the steamship City of
Richmond, and in this way reached Philadelphia,
but not without suffering fearfully the entire
journey through, owing to the narrowness of the
space into which he was obliged to be stowed in
order to get away.
Moses was a man of medium size, quite dark, and
gave promise of being capable of taking care of
himself in freedom. He had seen much of
the cruelties of Slavery inflicted upon others
in various forms, which he related in a way to
make one shudder; but these incidents were not
recorded in the book at the time.
SARAH
SMITH alias
MILDRETH PAGE, and
her daughter, nine years of age. Sarah
and her child were held to service by the
Rev. A. D. Pollock, a resident of
Wilmington, Del. Until about nine months
before she escaped from the Reverend gentleman,
she was owned by Mrs. Elizabeth Lee of
Fauquier Co., Va., who had moved with Sarah
to Wilmington. How Mr. Pollock came
by Sarah is not stated on the records;
perhaps by marriage; be that as it may, it was
owing to ill treatment from her mistress that
Sarah "took out" with her child.
Sarah was a woman of becoming manners, of a
dark brown complexion, and looked as though she
might do a fair share of housework, if treated
well. As it required no great effort to
escape from Wilmington, where the watchful
Garrett lived, she reached the Committee in
Philadelphia without much difficulty, received
assistance and was sent on her way rejoicing.
LUCY GARRETT,
alias JULIA WOOD.
John Williams, who was said to be a "very
cruel man," residing on the Western Shore of
Va., claimed |
[Pg. 232]
Lucy as his chattel
personal. Julia, having a lively
sense of his meanness stood much in fear of
being sold; having seen her father, three
sisters, and two brothers, disposed of at
auction, she was daily on the lookout for her
turn to come next. The good spirit of
freedom made the way plain to her by which an
escape could be effected. Being about
nineteen years of age, she felt that she had
served in Slavery long enough. She
resolved to start immediately, and did so, and
succeeded in reaching Pennsylvania. Her
appearance recommended her so well, that she was
prevailed upon to remain and acept a situation
in the family of Joseph A. Dugdale, so
well known in reformatory circles, as an ardent
friend of humanity. While in his family
she gave great satisfaction, and was much
esteemed for uprightness and industry. But
this place was not Canada, so, when it was
deemed best, she was sent on.
ELLEN
FORMAN, alias
ELIZABETH YOUNG. Ellen had
formerly been owned by Dr. Thomas, of the
Eastern Shore of Maryland, but about one year
before escaping, she was bought by a lady living
in Baltimore known by the name of Mrs.
Johnson. Ellen was about thirty years
of age, of slender stature, and of a dark brown
complexion. The record makes no mention of
cruel treatment or very hard usage, as a slave.
From traveling, probably, she had contracted a
very heavy cold, which threatened her with
consumption. the Committee cheerfully
rendered her assistance.
WILLIAM
WOODEN, alias
WILLIAM NELSON. While Delaware was
not far from freedom, and while Slavery was
considered to exist there comparatively in a
mild form, nevertheless, what with the
impenetrable ignorance in which it was the wont
of pro-slavery whites to keep the slaves, and
the unwillingness on the part of slave-holders
generally to conform to the spirit of progress
going on in the adjacent State of Pennsylvania,
it was wonderful how the slaves saw through the
thick darkness thus prevailing, and how
wide-awake they were to escape.
It was from this State, that William Wooden
fled. True, Williamwas said to
belong to Judge Wooden, of Georgetown,
Del., but, according to the story of his
"chattel," the Judge was not of the class who
judged righteously. He had not only
treated William badly, but he had
threatened to sell him. This was the
bitter pill which constrained William to
"take out." The threat seemed hard at
first, but its effect was excellent for this
young man; it was the cause of his obtaining his
freedom at the age of twenty-three.
William was a tall, well-built man, of dark
complexion and promising. No further
particulars concerning him are on the records.
JAMES EDWARD
HANDY, alias DANIEL
CANON. At Seaford, Delaware
James was held in bonds under a Slave-holder
called Samuel Lewis who followed farming.
Lewis was not satisfied with working
James hard and keeping all his earnings, but
would insolently talk occasionally of handing
him "over to the trader." This "stirred
James' blood" and aroused |
[Pg. 233]
his courage to the "sticking
point." Nothing could induce him to
remain. He had the name of having a wife
and four children, but according to the Laws of
Delaware, he only had a nominal right in them.
They were "legally the property of Capt.
Martin." Therefore they were all left
in the hands of Capt. Martin. The
wife's name was
HARRIET DELANEY
alias SMART STANLEY.
James Henry Delaney came as fellow-traveler
with James Edward. He had experienced
oppression under Capt. Martin, and as a
witness, was prepared to testify, that Martin
"ill-treated his Slaves, especially with regard
to the diet, which was very poor."
Nevertheless James was a stout,
heavy-built young man of twenty-six years of
age, and looked as if he might have a great deal
of valuable work in him. He was a single
man.
JAMES HENRY
BLACKSON.
James Henry had
only reached twenty-five, when he came to the
"conclusion, that he had served long enough
under bondage for the benefit of Charles
Wright." This was about all of the
excuse he seemed to have for escaping. He
was a fine specimen of a man, so far as physical
strength and muscular power were concerned.
Very little was recorded of him.
GEORGE FREELAND.
It was only by the most indomitable resolution
and perseverance, that Freeland threw off
the yoke. Capt. John Pollard of
Petersburg, Va., held George to service.
As a Slave-holder, Pollard belonged to
that class who did not believe in granting
favors to Slaves. On the contrary, he was
practically in favor of wringing every drop of
blood from their bodies.
George was a spare-built man, about twenty-five
years of age, quite dark, but had considerable
intelligence. He could read and write very
well, but how he acquired these arts is not
known. In testifying against his master,
George used very strong language.
He declared that Pollard "thought no more
of his servants than if they had been dogs.
He was very mean. He gave nothing to his
servants. He has given me only one pair of
shoes the last ten years." After
careful inquiry, George learned that he
could get a private passage on the City of
Richmond, if he could raise the passage money.
This he could do cheerfully. He raised
"sixty dollars" for the individual who has to
"secrete him on the boat." In leaving the
land of Slave auctions, whips and chains, he was
obliged to leave his mother and father and two
brothers in Petersburg. Pollard had
been offered $1,500 for George.
Doubtless he found, when he discovered George
had gone, that he had "overstood the
market." This was what produced action
prompt and decisive on the part of George.
So the old adage, in this case, was verified -
"It's an ill wind that blows nobody any good."
On arriving in Canada, George did not forget to
express gratitude to those who aided him on his
road there, as the following note will show: |
[Pg. 234]
|
|
SINCATHANS, canada west. |
Brother Still: - I im brace this
opportunity of pening you a few lines to in form
you that I am well at present & in hopes to find
you & family well also I hope that god Will
Bless you & and your family & if I never should
meet you in this world I hope to meet you in
glory. Remember my love to Brother
Brown & tell him that I am well & hearty
tell him to writ Thomas word that I am
well at present you must excuse me I will Rite
when I return from the west. |
|
|
GEORGE W. FREELAND. |
Send your Letters in the name of
John
Anderson.
MILES
WHITE. This passenger owed service
to Albert Kern, of Elizabeth City, N. C.
At least Kern, through the oppressive
laws of that State, claimed Miles as his
personal property. Miles, however,
thought differently, but he was not at liberty
to argue the case with Kern; for on the
"side of the oppressor there was strength."
So he resolved, that he would adopt the
Underground Rail Road plan. As he was only
about twenty-one years of age, he found it much
easier to close his affairs with North Carolina,
than it would have been had he been encumbered
with a family. In fact, the only serious
difficulty he had to surmount was to find a
captain with whom he could secure a safe passage
North. To his gratification it was not
long before his efforts in this direction were
crowned with success. A vessel was being
loaded with singles, the captain of which was
kind enough to allow Miles to
occupy a very secure hiding-place thereon.
In course of time, having suffered to the extent
usual when so closely conveyed, he arrived in
Philadelphia, and being aided, was duly
forwarded by the Committee.
JOHN HALL,
alias
JOHN SIMPSON. John
fled from
South Carolina. In this hot-bed of Slavery
he labored and suffered up to the age of
thirty-two. For a length of time before he
escaped, his burdens were intolerable; but he
could see no way to rid himself of them, except
by flight. Nor was he by any means certain
that an effort in this direction would prove
successful. In planning the route which he
should take to travel North he decided, that if
success was for him, his best chance would be to
wend his way through North Carolina and
Virginia. Not that he hoped to find
friends or helpers in these States. He had
heard enough of the cruelties of Slavery in
these regions to convince him, that if he should
be caught, there would be no sympathy or mercy
shown. Nevertheless the irons were
piercing him so severely, that he felt
constrained to try his luck, let the
consequences be what they might, and so he set
out for freedom or death. Mountains of
difficulties, and months of suffering and
privations by land and water, in the woods, and
swamps of North Carolina and Virginia, were
before him, as his experience in traveling
proved. But the hope of final victory and
his daily sufferings before he started, kept him
from faltering, even when starvation and death
seemed to be staring him in the face. For
several months he was living in dens and caves
of the earth. |
[Pg. 235]
Ultimately, however, the morning of his ardent
hopes dawned. How he succeeded in finding
a captain who was kind enough to afford him a
secret hiding-place on his boat, was not noted
on the records. Indeed the incidents of
his story were but briefly written out.
Similar cases of thrilling interest seemed
almost incredible, and the Committee were
constrained to doubt the story altogether until
other testimony could be obtained to verify the
statement. In this instant, before the
Committee were fully satisfied, they felt it
necessary to make inquiry of trustworthy
Charlestonians to ascertain if John were
really from Charleston, and if he were actually
owned by the man that he represented as having
owned him, Dr. Philip Mazyck, by name;
and furthermore, to learn if the master was
really of the brutal character given him.
The testimony of thoroughly reliable persons,
who were acquainted with master and slave, so
far as this man's bondage in Charleston was
concerned, fully corroborated his statement, and
the Committee could not but credit his story;
indeed they were convinced, that he had been one
of the greatest of sufferers and the chief of
heroes. Nevertheless his story was not
written out, and can only be hinted at.
Perhaps more time was consumed in its
investigation and in listening to a recital of
his sufferings than could well be spared;
perhaps it was thought, as was often the case,
unless full justice could be given him, the
story would be spoiled; or perhaps the appalling
nature of his sufferings rendered the pen
powerless, and made the heart too sick for the
task. Whether it was so or not in this
case, it was not unfrequently so in other
instances, as is well remembered. It will
be necessary, in the subsequent pages of this
work, to omit the narratives of a great many
who, unfortunately, were but briefly noted on
the books at the time of their arrival. In
the eyes of some, this may prove disappointing,
especially in instances where these pages are
turned to with the hope of gaining a clue to
certain lost ones. As all, however, cannot
be mentioned, and as the general reader will
look for incidents and facts which will most
fittingly bring out the chief characteristics in
the career and escape of bondsmen, the
reasonableness of this course must be obvious to
all.
--------------------------
CHARLES
GILBERT.
FLEEING FROM DAVIS A NEGRO TRADER,
SECRETED UNDER A HOTEL, UP A TREE, UNDER A FLOOR, IN A
THICKET, ON A STEAMER.
In 1854
Charles was owned in the city of Richmond by
Benjamin Davis, a notorious negro trader.
Charles was quite a "likely-looking
article," not too black or too white, but rather
of a nice "ginger-bread color." Davis was
of opinion that this "artidcle" must bring him a
tip top
-------------------------
|
[Pg. 236]
price. For two or three
months the trader advertised Charles for
sale in the papers, but for some reason or other
Charles did not command the high price
demanded.
While Davis was thus daily trying to sell Charles,
Charles was contemplating how he might
escape. Being uncommonly shrewd he learned
something about a captain of a schooner from
Boston, and determined to approach him with
regard to securing a passage. The captain
manifested a disposition to accommodate him for
the sum of ten dollars, provided Charles
could manage to get to Old Point Comfort, there
to embark. The Point was about one hundred
and sixty miles distant from Richmond.
A man of ordinary nerve would have declined this
condition unhesitatingly. On the other
hand it was not Charles' intention to let
any offer slide; indeed he felt that he must
make an effort, if he failed. He could not
see how his lot could be made more miserable by
attempting to flee. In full view of all
the consequences he ventured to take the
hazardous step, and to his great satisfaction he
reached Old Point Comfort safely. In that
locality he was well known, unfortunately too
well known, for he had been raised partly there,
and, at the same time, many of his relatives and
acquaintances were still living there.
These facts were evidently well known to the
trader, who unquestionably had snares set in
order to entrap Charles should he seek
shelter among his relatives, a reasonable
supposition. Charles had scarcely
reached his old home before he was apprised of
the fact that the hunters and watch dogs of
Slavery were eagerly watching for him.
Even his nearest relatives, through fir of
consequences had to hid their faces as it was
from him. None dare offer him a night's
lodging, scarcely a cup of water, lest such an
act might be discovered by the hunters, whose
fiendish hearts would have found pleasure in
neting out the most dire punishments to those
guilty of thus violating the laws of Slavery.
The prospect if not utterly hopeless, was
decidedly discouraging. The way to Boston
was entirely closed. A "reward of $200"
was advertised for his capture. For the
first week after arriving at Old Point he
entrusted himself to a young friend by the name
of E. S. The fear of the pursuers
drove him from his hiding-place at the
expiration of the week. Thence he sought
shelter neither with kinfolks, Christians, nor
infidels, but in this hour of his calamity he
made up his mind that he would try living under
a large hotel for a while. Having watched
his opportunity, he managed to reach Higee
hotel, a very large house without a cellar,
erected on pillars three or four feet above the
ground. One place alone, near the cistern,
presented some chance for a hiding-place,
sufficient to satisfy him quite well under the
circumstances. This dark and gloomy spot
he at once willingly occupied rather than return
to Slavery. In this refuge he remained
four weeks. Of course he could not live
without food; but to |
[Pg. 237]
communicate with man or woman
would inevitably subject him to danger.
Charles' experience in the neighborhood of
his old home left no ground for him to hope that
he would be likely to find friendly aid anywhere
under the shadow of Slavery. In
correspondence of these fears he received his
food from the "slop tub," securing this diet in
the darkness of night after all was still and
quiet and around of hotel. To use his own
language, the means thus obtained were often
"sweet" to his taste.
One evening, however, he was not a little alarmed by
the approach of an Irish boy who came under the
hotel to hunt chickens. While prowling
around in the darkness he appeared to be making
his way unconsciously to the very spot where
Charles was reposing. How to meet the
danger was to Charles' mind at first very
puzzling, there was no time now to plan.
As quick as thought he feigned the bark of a
savage dog accompanied with a furious growl and
snarl which he was confident would frighten the
boy half out of his senses, and cause him to
depart quickly from his private apartment.
The trick succeeded admirably, and the emergency
was satisfactorily met, so far as the boy was
concerned, but the boy's father hearing the
attack of the dog, swore that he would kill him.
Charles was a silent listener to the
treat, and he saw that he could no longer remain
in safety in his present quarter. So that
night he took his departure for Bay Shore; here
he decided to pass a day in the woods, but the
privacy of this place was not altogether
satisfactory to Charles' mind; but where
to find a more secure retreat he could not, -
dared not venture to ascertain that day.
It occurred to him, however, that he would be
much safer up a tree than hid in the bushes and
undergrowth. He therefore climbed up a
large acorn tree and there passed an entire day
in deep medication. No gleam of hope
appeared, yet he would not suffer himself to
think of returning to bondage. In this
dilemma he remembered a poor washer-woman named
Isabella, a slave who had charge of a wash
house. With her he resolved to
seek succor. |
[Pg. 238]
Leaving the woods he proceeded,to the wash-house and was
kindly received by Isabella, but what to do with
him or how to afford him any protection she could see no
way whatever. The schooling which Charles
had been receiving a number of weeks in connection with
the most fearful looking-for of the threatened wrath of
the trader made it much easier for him than for her to
see how he could be provided for. A room and
comforts he was not accustomed to. Of course he
could not expect such comforts now. Like many
another escaping from the relentless tyrant, Charles
could contrive methods which to his venturesome mind
would afford hope, however desperate they might appear
to others. He thought that he might be safe under
the floor. To Isabella the idea was new,
but her sympathies were strongly with Charles,
and she readily consented to accommodate him under the
floor of the wash-house. Isabella and a
friend of Charles, by the name of John
Thomas, were the only persons who were cognizant of
this arrangement. The kindness of these friends,
manifested by their Willingness to do anything in their
power to add to the comfort of Charles, was proof
to him that his efforts and sufferings had not been
altogether in vain. He remained under the floor
two weeks, accessible to kind voices and friendly
ministrations. At the end of this time his repose
was again sorely disturbed by reports from without that
suspicion had been awakened towards the wash-house.
How this happened neither Charles nor his friends
could conjecture. But the arrival of six officers
whom he could hear talking very plainly in the house,
whose errand was actually to search for him, convinced
him that he had never for a single moment been in
greater danger. The officers not only searched the
house, but they offered his friend John Thomas
$25 if he would only put them on Charles’
track. John professed to know nothing;
Isabella was equally ignorant. Discouraged with
their efforts on this occasion, the officers gave up the
hunt and left the house. Charles, however,
had had enough of the floor accommodations. He
left that night and returned to his old quarters under
the hotel. Here he stayed one week, at the
expiration of which time the need of fresh air was so
imperative, that he resolved to go out at night to
Allen’s cottage and spend a day in the woods.
He had knowledge of a place where the undergrowth and
bushes were almost impenetrable. To rest and
refresh himself in this thicket he felt would be a great
comfort to him. Without serious difficulty he
reached the thicket, and while pondering over the all
absorbing matter as to how he should ever manage to make
his escape, an old man approached. Now while
Charles had no reason to think that he was sought by
the old intruder, his very near approach admonished him
that it would neither be safe nor agreeable to allow him
to come nearer. Charles remembering that
his trick of playing the dog, when previously in danger
under the hotel, had served a good end, thought that it
would work well in the thicket. So he again tried
his power at growling and barking
[Pg. 239]
hideously for a. moment or two, which at once caused the
man to turn his course. Charles could hear
him distinctly retreating, and at the same time cursing
the dog. The owner of the place had the reputation
of keeping “bad dogs,” so the old man poured out a
dreadful threat against “ Stephens’ dogs,” and
was soon out of the reach of the one in the thicket.
Notwithstanding his success in
frightening off the old man, CHARLES felt that the
thicket was by no means a safe place for him. He con
cluded to make another change. This time he sought a
marsh; two hours’ stay there was sufficient to satisfy
him, that that too was no place to tarry in, even fora
single night. He, therefore, left immediately. A third
time, he returned to the hotel, where he remained only
two days. His appeals had at last reached the heart of
his mother—she could no longer bear to see him
struggling, and suffering, and not render him aid,
whatever the consequences might be. If she at first
feared to lend him a helping hand, she now resolutely
worked with a view of saving money to succor him. Here
the prospect began to brighten.
A passage was secured for him on a steamer bound for
Philadelphia. One more day, and night must elapse,
ere he could be received on board. The joyful
anticipations which now filled his breast left no room
for fear; indeed, he could scarcely contain himself; he
was drunk with joy. In this state of mind he
concluded that nothing would afford him more pleasure
before leaving, than to spend his last hours at the wash
house, “under the floor.” To this place he went
with no fear of hunters before his eyes.
Charles had scarcely been three hours in this place,
however, before three officers came in search of him.
Two of them talked with Isabella, asked her about her
“boarders,” etc.; in the meanwhile, one of them
uninvited, made his way up stairs. It so happened,
that Charles was in this very portion of the
house. His case now seemed more hopeless than
ever. The officer ’up stairs was separated from
him simply by a thin curtain. Women’s garments
hung all around. Instead of fainting or
surrendering, in the twinkling of an eye, Charles’
inventive intellect, led him to enrobe himself in female
attire. Here, to use his own language, a “thousand
thoughts ” rushed into his mind in a minute. The
next instant he was going down stairs in the presence of
the officers, his old calico dress, bonnet and rig,
attracting no further attention than simply to elicit
the following simple questions: “Whose gal are you ‘2” “Mr.
Cockling’s, sir.” “What is your name ‘I” “Delie,
sir.” “Go on then!” said one of the officers, and on
Charles went to avail himself of the passage on the
steamer which his mother had procured for him for the
sum of thirty dollars.
In due time, he succeeded in getting on the steamer,
but he soon learned, that her course was not direct to
Philadelphia, but that some stay would be made in
Norfolk, Va. Although disappointed, yet this being
a step in the right direction, he made up his mind to be
patient. He was delayed
[Pg. 240]
in Norfolk four weeks. From the time Charles
first escaped, his owner (Davis the negro
trader), had kept a standing reward of $550 advertised
for his recovery. This showed that Davis was
willing to risk heavy expenses for Charles as
well as gave evidence that he believed him still
secreted either about Richmond, Petersburg, or Old Point
Comfort. In this belief he was not far from being
correct, for Charles spent most of his time in
either of these three places, from the day of his escape
until the day that he finally embarked. At last, the
long looked-for hour arrived to start for Philadelphia.
He was to leave his mother, with no hope of ever seeing
her again, but she had purchased herself and was called
free. Her name was Margaret Johnson.
Three brothers likewise were ever in his thoughts, (in
chains), “Henry,” “Bill,” and “Sam,”
(half brothers). But after all the hope of freedom
outweighed every other consideration, and he was
prepared to give up all for liberty. To die rather
than remain a slave was his resolve.
Charles arrived per steamer, from Norfolk, on
the 11th day of November, 1854. The Richmond
papers bear witness to the fact, that Benjamin
Davis advertised Charles Gilbert, for
months prior to this date, as has been stated in this
narrative. As to the correctness of the story, all
that the writer has to say is, that he took it down from
the lips of Charles, hurriedly, directly after
his arrival, with no thought of magnifying a single
incident. On the contrary, much that was of
interest in the story had to be omitted. Instead
of being overdrawn, not half of the particulars were re
corded. Had the idea then been entertained, that the
narrative of this young slave-warrior was to be brought
to light in the manner and time that it now is, a far
more thrilling account of his adventures might have been
written. Other colored men who knew both Davis
and Charles, as well as one man ordinarily knows
another, rejoiced at seeing Charles in
Philadelphia, and they listened with perfect faith to
his story. So marvellous were the incidents of his
escape, that his sufferings in Slavery, previous to his
heroic struggles to throw off the yoke, were among the
facts omitted from the records. While this may be
regretted it is, nevertheless, gratifying on the whole
to have so good an account of him as was preserved.
It is need less to say, that the Committee took especial
pleasure in aiding him, and listening to so remarkable a
story narrated so intelligently by one who had been a
slave.
_______________
LIBERTY OR DEATH.
JIM BOW-LEGS, alias BILL PAUL.
In 1855 a traveler arrived with
the above name, who, on examination, was found to
possess very extraordinary characteristics. As a
hero and ad-
[Pg. 241]
venturer some passages of his history were most
remarkable. His schooling had been such as could
only be gathered on plantations under brutal overseers;
- or while fleeing, - or in swamps, - in prisons, - or
on the auction-block, etc.; in which condition he was
often found. Nevertheless in these circumstances
his mind got well stored with vigorous thoughts -
neither books nor friendly advisers being at his
command. Yet his native intelligence as it
regarded human nature, was extraordinary. His
resolution and perseverance never faltered. In all
respects he was a remarkable man. He was a young
man, weighing about one hundred and eighty pounds, of
uncommon muscular strength. He was born in the
State of Georgia, Oglethorpe county, and was owned by
Dr. Thomas Stephens, of Lexington. On
reaching the Vigilance Committee in Philadelphia, his
story was told many times over to one and another.
Hour after hour was occupied by friends in listening to
the simple narrative of his struggles for freedom.
A very full account of "Jim," was forwarded in a
letter to M. A. Shadd, the then Editress of the
"Provincial Freeman." Said account has been
carefully preserved, and is here annexed as it appeared
in the columns of the above named paper:
"I must now pass to a third adventurer. The one
to whom I allude, is a young man of twenty-six years of
age, by the name of 'Jim,' who fled from near
Charleston, S. C. Taking all the facts and
circumstances into consideration respecting the
courageous career of this successful adventurer for
freedom, his case is by far more interesting than any I
have yet referred to. Indeed, for the good of the
cause, and the honor of one who gained his liberty by
periling his life so frequently: - shot several times, -
making six unsuccessful attempts to escape from the far
South, - numberless times chased by bloodhounds, -
captured, imprisoned and sold repeatedly, - living for
months in the woods swamps and caves, subsisting mainly
on parched corn and berries, &c, &c., his narrative
ought, by all means, to be published, though I doubt
very much whether many could be found who could persuade
themselves to believe one-tenth part of this marvellous
story.
Through this poor Fugitive was utterly ignorant of
letters, his natural good sense and keen perception
qualified him to arrest the attention and interest the
heart in a most remarkable degree.
His master finding him not available, on account of his
absconding propensities, would gladly have offered him
for sale. He was once taken to Florida, for that
purposes; but, generally, traders being wide awake, on
inspecting him, would almost invariably pronounce him a
'd--n rascal,' because he would never fail to eye them
sternly, as they inspected him. The obedient and
submissive slave is always recognized by hanging his
head and looking on the ground, when looked at by a
slave-holder. This lesson Jim had never
learned, hence he was not to be trusted.
His head and chest, and indeed his entire structure, as
solid as a rock, indicated that he was physically no
ordinary man; and not being under the
[Pg. 242]
influence of the spirit of
"non-resistance," he had occasionally been found
to be a rather formidable customer.
His father was a full-blooded Indian, brother to the
noted Indian Chief, Billy Bowlegs; his
mother was quite black and of unmixed blood.
For five or six years the greater part of Jims
time was occupied in trying to escape, and in
being in prison for sale, to punish him for
running away.
His mechanical generous was excellent, so were his
geographical abilities. He could make
shoes or do carpenter's work very handily,
though he had never had the chance to learn.
As to traveling by night or day, he was always
road-ready and having an uncommon memory, could
give exceedingly good accounts of what he saw,
etc.
When he entered a swamp, and had occasion to take a nap
he took care first to decide upon the posture he
must take, so that if come upon unexpectedly by
the hounds and slave-hunters, he might know in
an instant which way to steer to defeat them.
He always carried a liquid, which he had
prepared, to prevent hounds from scenting him,
which he said had never failed. As soon as
the hounds came to the place where he had rubbed
his legs and feet with said liquid, they could
follow him no further, but howled and turned
immediately.
Quite a large number of the friends of the slave saw
this noble-hearted fugitive, and would sit long
and listen with the most undivided attention to
his narrative - none doubting for a moment, I
think, the entire truthfulness of his story.
Strange as his story was, there was so much
natural simplicity in his manner and
countenance, one could not refrain from
believing him."
-------------------------
SALT-WATER FUGITIVE
This was an
exceptional case, as this passenger did not
reach the Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia,
yet to exclude him on this account, would be
doing an injustice to history.
The facts in his case were incontestably established in
the Philadelphia Register in April, 1854, from
which the following thrilling account is taken;
The steamship, Keystone State, which arrived at this
port on Saturday morning, had just entered
Delaware Bay, when a man was discovered secreted
outside of the vessel and under the guards.
When brought from his hiding-place, he was found
to be a Fugitive Slave, who had secreted himself
there before the vessel left Savannah on
Wednesday, and had remained in that place from
the time of starting!
His position was such, that the water swept over and
around him almost constantly. He had some
bread in his pocket, which he intended for
[Pg. 243]
subsistence until he could
reach a land of liberty. It was saturated
with sea-water and dissolved to a pulp.
When our readers remember the high winds of Friday, and
the sudden change to cold during that night, and
the fact that the fugitive had remained in that
situation for three days and nights, we think it
will be conceded that he fully earned his
liberty, and that the "institution," which was
so intolerable that he was willing to run the
risk of almost certain death to escape from it
had no very great attractions for him. But
the poor man was doomed to disappointment.
The captain ordered the vessel to put into
Newcastle, where, the fugitive, hardly able to
stand, was taken on shore and incarcerated, and
where he now awaits the order of his owner in
Savannah. The following additional
particulars are from the same paper of the 21st.
The Keystone State case. - Our article yesterday
morning brought us several letters of inquiry
and offers of contributions to aid in the
purchase from his master of the unfortunate
inmate of Newcastle jail. In answer to the
former, we would say, that the steamer Keystone
State, left Savannah, at 9 A. M., last
Wednesday. It was about the same hour next
morning that the men engaged in heaving lead,
heard a voice from under the guards imploring
help. A rope was procured, and the man
relieved from his dangerous and suffering
situation. He was well cared for
immediately; a suit of dry clothes was furnished
him, and he was given his share of the contents
of the boat pantry. On arriving at
Newcastle, the captain had him placed in jail,
for the purpose, as we are informed, of taking
him back to Savannah.
To those who have offered contributions so liberally,
we answer, that the prospect is, that only a
small amount will be needed - enough to fee a
lawyer to sue out a writ of habeas corpus.
The salt water fugitive claims to be a free man,
and a native of Philadelphia. He gives his
name as Edward Davis, and says that he
formerly lived at No. 5 Steel's court, that he
was a pupil in Bird's school, on Sixth St. above
Lombard, and that he has a sister living at
Mr. Diamond's, a distiller, on South St.
We are not informed why he was in Georgia, from
which he took such an extraordinary means why he
was in Georgia, from which he took such an
extraordinary means to effect his escape.
If the above assertion be true, we apprehend
little trouble in restoring the man to his
former home. The claim of the captain to
take him back to Savannah, will not be listened
to for a moment by any court. The only
claim the owners of the "Keystone State" or the
captain can have on salt water Davis, is
for half passenger fare; he came half the way as
a fish. A gentleman who came form
Wilmington yesterday, assures us that the case
is in good hands at Newcastle.
[Pg. 244]
FULL PARTICULARS OF THE ABDUCTION, ENSLAVING AND ESCAPE
OF DAVIS, ATTEMPT TO REDUCE HIM TO SLAVERY AGAIN.
The case of the colored man
Davis, who made such a bold stroke to regain his
liberty, by periling his life on board the steamer
Keystone State, has excited very general attention.
He has given a detailed account of his abduction and
sale as a slave in the State of Maryland and Georgia,
and some of his adventures up to the time of reaching
Delaware. His own story is substantially as
follows:
He left Philadelphia on the 15th of September, 1851,
and went to Harrisburg, intending to go to
Hollidaysburg; took a canal boat for Havre de Grace,
where he arrived the next day. there he hired on
board the schooner Thomas and Edward (oyster boat), of
Baltimore. Went from Havre de Grace again.
He then hired to a Mr. Sullivan, who kept a
grocery store, to do jobs. While there, a
constable, named Smith, took him before a
magistrate named Graham, who fined him fifteen or
twenty dollars for violating the law in relation to free
negroes coming into the State. This fine he was
not able to pay, and Smith took him to Bell Air
prison. Sheriff Gaw wrote to Mr.
Maitland in Philadelphia, to whom he referred, and
received an answer that Mr. Maitland was dead and
none of the family knew him. He remained in that
prison nearly two months. He then had a trial in
court before Judge Grier (most unfortunate
name), who sentenced him to be sold to pay his fine and
expenses, amounting to fifty dollars.
After a few days and without being offered at public
sale, he was taken out of jail at two o'clock in the
morning and carried to Campbells slave pen, in
Baltimore, where he remained several months. While
there, he was employed to cook for some fifty or sixty
slaves, being told that he was working out his fine and
jail fees. After being there about six months, he
was taken out of prison, handcuffed by one Winters,
who took him and two or three others to Washington and
thence to Charleston, S. C. Here Winters
left them, and they were taken by steamboat to Savannah.
While on board the boat, he learned that himself and the
other two had been sold to Mr. William Dean of
Macon, where he stayed two days, and was taken from that
place to the East Valley Railroad.
Subsequently he was sent to work on the Possum Tail
Railroad. Here he was worked so hard, that in one
month he lost his health. The other two men taken
on with him, failed before he did. He was then
sent to Macon, and thence to the cotton plantation
again.
During the time he worked on the railroad he had
allowed him for food, one peck of corn meal, four pounds
of bacon, and one quart of molasses per week. He
cooked it himself at night, for the next day's sue.
He worked
[Pg. 245]
at packing cotton for four or five months, and in the
middle of November, 1852, was sent back to the railroad,
where he was again set to wheeling.
He worked at "task work" two moths, being obliged to
wheel sixteen square yards per day. At the
end of two months he broke down again, and was sick.
They tried one month to cure him, but did not succeed.
In July, 1853, he was taken to an infirmary in Macon.
Dr. Nottinghan and Dr. Harris, of that
institution, both stated that his was the worst case of
the kind they ever had. He told the story of his
wrongs to these physicians, who tried to buy him.
One of his legs was drawn up so that he could not walk
well, and they offered four hundred dollars for him,
which his aster refused. The doctors wanted him to
attend their patients, (mostly slaves). While in
Georgia he was frequently asked where he came from,
being found more intelligent than the common run of
slaves.
On the 12th of March he ran away from Macon and went to
Savannah. There he hid in a stable until Tuesday
afternoon at six o'clock, when he secreted himself on
board the Keystone State. At 9 o'clock the next
morning the Keystone State left with Davis
secreted, as we have before stated. With his
imprisonment in Newcastle, after being pronounced free,
our readers are already familiar. We subjoin the
documents on which he was discharged from his
imprisonment in Newcastle, and his subsequent
re-committal on the oath of Capt. Hardie.
COPY OF FIRST ORDER OF COMMITMENT.
New Castle county, ss., State
of Delaware. - To Wm. R. Lynam, Sheriff of said
county _____ Davis (Negro) is delivered to your
custody for further examination and hearing for
traveling without a pass, and supposed to be held a
Slave to some person in the State of Georgia.
[Seal]. Witness the hand and seal of John
Bradford, one of the Justices of the Peace for the
county of Newcastle, the 17th day of March, 1854.
JOHN BRADFORD, J. P.
Witnesses - Joanna Diamond, John H. Brady,
Martha C. Maguire.
COPY OF ORDER OF RE-COMMITMENT
New Castle county, ss., the
State of Delaware to Wm. R. Lynam, and to the
Sheriff or keeper of the Common Jail of said county,
Whereas _____ Davis hath this day been brought
before, the subscriber, one of the Justices of the
Peace, in and for the said county, charged upon the oath
of Ro-
[Pg. 246]
bert Hardie with being a runaway slave, and also
as a suspicious person, traveling without a pass, these
are therefore to command you, the said Wm. R. Lynam,
forthwith to convey and deliver into the custody of the
said Sheriff, or keeper of the said jail, the body of
the said Davis, and you the said Sheriff or
receiver of the body of the said Davis into your
custody in the said jail, and him there safely keep
until he be thence delivered by due course of the law.
Given under my hand and seal at New Castle this 21st
day of March, A. D., 1854.
JOHN BRADFORD, J. P.
On the fourth of April,
the Marshal of Macon called at the jail in Newcastle,
and demanded him as a fugitive slave, but the Sheriff
refused to give him up until a fair hearing could be had
according to the laws of the State of Delaware.
The Marshal has returned to Georgia, and will probably
bring the claimant on the next trip to the Keystone
State. The authorities of Delaware manifest no
disposition to deliver up a man whose freedom has been
so clearly proved; but every effort will be made to
reduce him again to slavery by the man who claims him,
in which, it seems, he has the hearty co-operation of
Capt. Hardie. A trial will be had before U. S.
Commissioner Guthrie, and we have every reason to
suppose it will be a fair one. The friends of
right and justice should remember that such a trial will
be attended with considerable expense, and that the
imprisoned man has been too long deprived of his liberty
to have money to pay for his own defence.
_________________
SAMUEL GREEN alias WESLEY KINNARD, August 28th, 1854.
TEN YEARS IN THE PENITENTIARY FOR HAVING A COPY OF UNCLE
TOM'S CABIN.
The passenger answering to the
above name, left Indian Creek, Chester Co., Md., where
he had been held to service or labor, by Dr. James
Muse. One week had elapsed from the time he
set out until his arrival in Philadelphia.
Although he had never enjoyed school privileges of any
kind, yet he was not devoid of intelligence. He
had profited by his daily experience as a slave, and
withal, had managed to learn to read and write a little,
despite law and usage to the contrary. Sam
was about twenty-five years of age and by trade, a
blacksmith. Before running away, his general
character for sobriety, industry, and religion, had
evidently been considered good, but in coveting his
freedom and running away to obtain it, he had sunk far
below the utmost limit of forgiveness or mercy in the
estimation of the slave-holders of Indian Creek.
During his intercourse with the Vigilance Committee,
while rejoicing over his triumphant fight, he gave, with
no appearance of excitement
[Pg. 247]
but calmly, and in a common-sense like manner, a brief
descripton of his master, which was entered on the
record book substantially as follows: "Dr.
James Muse is thought by the servants to be the
worst man in Maryland, inflicting whipping and all
manner of cruelties upon the servants."
While Sam gave reasons for this sweeping charge,
which left no room for doubt, on the part of the
Committee, of his sincerity and good judgment, it was
not deemed necessary to make note of more of the
doctor's character than seemed actually needed, in order
to show why "Sam" had taken passage on the
Underground Rail Road. For several years "Sam"
was hired out y the doctor at blacksmithing; in this
situation, daily wearing the yoke of unrequited labor,
through the kindness of Harriet Tubman (sometimes
called "Moses"), the light of the Underground
Rail Road and Canada suddenly illuminated his mind.
It was new to him, but he was quite too intelligent and
liberty-loving, not to heed the valuable information
which this sister of humanity imparted.
Thenceforth he was in love with Canada, and likewise a
decided admirer of the U. R. Road. Harriet
was herself, a shrewd and fearless agent, and well
understood the entire route from that part of the
country to Canada. The spring previous, she had
paid a visit to the very neighborhood in which "Sam"
lived, expressly to lead her own brothers out of
"Egypt." She succeeded. To "Sam" this
was cheering and glorious news, and he made up his mind,
that before a great while, Indian Creek should have one
less slave and that Canada should have one more citizen.
Faithfully did he watch an opportunity to carry out his
resolution. In due time a good Providence opened
the way, and to “Sam’s” satisfaction he reached
Philadelphia, having encountered no peculiar
difficulties. The Committee, perceiving that he
was smart, active, and promising, encouraged his
undertaking, and having given him friendly advice, aided
him in the usual manner. Letters of introduction
were given him, and he was duly forwarded on his way.
He had left his father, mother, and one sister behind.
Samuel and Catharine were the names of his
parents. Thus far, his escape would seem not to
affect his parents, nor was it apparent that there was
any other cause why the owner should revenge himself
upon them.
The father was an old local preacher in the Methodist
Church—much esteemed as an inoffensive, industrious man;
earning his bread by the sweat of his brow, and
contriving to move along in the narrow road allotted
colored people bond or free, without exciting a spirit
of ill will in the pro slavery power of his community.
But the rancor awakened in the breast of slave-holders
in consequence of the high-handed step the son had
taken, brought the father under suspicion and hate.
Under the circumstances, the eye of Slavery could do
nothing more than watch for an occasion to pounce upon
him. It was not long before the desired
opportunity presented itself. Moved by
parental affection, the old man concluded to pay a visit
to his
[Pg. 248]
boy, to see how he was faring in a distant land, and
among strangers. This resolution he quietly
carried into effect. He found his son in Canada,
doing well; industrious; a man of sobriety, and
following his father’s footsteps religiously. That
the old man’s heart was delighted with what his eyes saw
and his ears heard in Canada, none can doubt. But
in the simplicity of his imagination, he never dreamed
that this visit was to he made the means of his
destruction. During the best portion of his days
he had faithfully worn the badge of Slavery, had
afterwards purchased his freedom, and thus become a free
man. He innocently conceived the idea that he was
doing no harm in availing himself not only of his
God-given rights, but of the rights that he had also
purchased by the hard toil of his own hands. But
the enemy was lurking in ambush for him - thirsting for
his blood. To his utter consternation, not long
after his return from his visit to his son “a party of
gentlemen from the New Market district, went at night to
Green’s house and made search, whereupon was
found a copy of Uncle Tom’s Cabin, etc.” This was
enough - the hour had come, wherein to wreak vengeance
upon poor Green. The course pursued and the
result, may be seen in the following statement taken
from the Cambridge (Md.), “Democrat,” of April 29th,
1857, and communicated by the writer to the “Provincial
Freeman.”
SAM GREEN
The case of the State against
Sam Green (free negro) indicted for having
in his possession, papers, pamphlets and pictorial
representations, having a tendency to create discontent,
etc., among the people of color in the State, was tried
before the court on Friday last.
This case was of the utmost importance, and has created
in the public mind a great deal of interest - it being
the first case of the kind ever having occurred in our
country.
It appeared, in evidence, that this Green has a
son in Canada, to whom Green made a visit last
summer. Since his return to this county, suspicion
has fastened upon him, as giving aid and assisting
slaves who have since absconded and reached Canada, and
several weeks ago, a party of gentlemen from New Market
district, went at night, to Green’s house
and made search, whereupon was found a volume of “Uncle
Tom’s Cabin,” a map of Canada, several schedules of
routes to the North, and a letter from his son in
Canada, detailing the pleasant trip he had, the number
of friends he met with on the way, with plenty to eat,
drink, etc., and concludes with a request to his father,
that he shall tell certain other slaves, naming them, to
come on, which slaves, it is well known, did leave
shortly afterwards, and have reached Canada. The
case was argued with great ability, the counsel on both
sides displaying a great deal of ingenuity, learning and
eloquence. The first indictment was for the having
in possession the letter, map and route schedules.
[Pg. 249]
Notwithstanding the mass of
evidence given, to show the prisoner’s guilt, in
unlawfully having in his possession these documents, and
the nine-tenths of the community in which he lived,
believed that he had a hand in the running away of
slaves, it was the opinion of the court, that the law
under which he was indicted, was not applicable to the
case, and that he must, accordingly, render a verdict of
not guilty.
He was immediately arraigned upon another indictment,
for having in possession “Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” and tried;
in this case the court has not yet rendered a verdict,
but holds it under curia till after the Somerset
county court. It is to be hoped, the court will
find the evidence in this case sufficient to bring it
within the scope of the law under which the prisoner is
indicted (that of 1842, chap. 272), and that the
prisoner may meet his due reward—be that what it may.
That there is something required to be done by our
Legislators, for the protection of slave property, is
evident from the variety of constructions put upon the
statute in this case, and we trust, that at the next
meeting of . the Legislature there will be such
amendments, as to make the law on this subject,
perfectly clear and comprehensible to the understanding
of every one.
In the language of the assistant counsel for the State,
“ Slavery must be protected or it must be abolished.”
From the same sheet, of May 20th, the terrible doom of
Samuel Green, is announced in the
following words:
In the case of the State against Sam Green,
(free negro) who was tried at the April term of the
Circuit Court of this county, for having in his
possession abolition pamphlets, among which was “ Uncle
Tom’s Cabin,” has been found guilty by the court, and
sentenced to the penitentiary for the term of ten
years—until the 14th of May, 1867.
The son, a refugee in Canada, hearing the distressing
news of his father’s sad fate in the hands of the
relentless “gentlemen,” often wrote to know if there was
any prospect of his deliverance. The subjoined letter is
a fair sample of his correspondence:
Dear Sir I take my pen in hand
to Request a faver of you if you can by any means
without duin In-Jestus to your self or your Bisness to
grant it as I Bleve you to be a man that would
Sympathize in such a ones Condition as my self I Reseved
a letter that Stats to me that my Fater has ben Betraed
in the act of helping sum frend to Canada and the law
has Convicted and Sentanced him to the Stats prison for
10 yeares his White Frands ofered 2 thousen Dollers to
Redem him but they would not short three thousen. I am
in Canada and it is a Dificult thing to get a letter to
any of my Frands in Maryland so as to get prop per
infermation abot it—if you can by any means get any in
telligence from Baltimore City a bot this Event Plese do
so and Rit word and all so all the inform mation that
you think prop per as Regards the Evant and the best
mathod to Redeme him and so Plese Rite soon as you can
You will oblige your sir Frand and Drect your letter to
Salford P. office C. W.
SAMUEL GREEN,
[Pg. 250]
In this dark hour the friends
of the Slave could do but little more than sympathize
with this heart-stricken son and grey-headed father.
The aged follower of the Rejected and Crucified had like
Him to bear the “reproach of many,” and make his bed
with the wicked in the Penitentiary. Doubtless
there were a few friends in his neighborhood who
sympathized with him, but they were powerless to aid the
old man. But thanks to a kind Providence, the
great deliverance brought about during the Rebellion by
which so many captives were freed, also unlocked
Samuel Green’s prison doors and he was
allowed to go free.
After his liberation from the Penitentiary, we had from
his own lips narrations of his years of suffering—of the
bitter cup, that he was compelled to drink, and of his
being sustained by the Almighty Arm—but no notes were
taken at the time, consequently we have nothing more to
add concerning him, save quite a faithful likeness.
AN IRISH
GIRL'S DEVOTION TO FREEDOM.
IN LOVE WITH A SLAVE - GETS HIM OFF TO CANADA -
FOLLOWS HIM - MARRIAGE, &C.
Having dwelt on the sad
narratives of Samuel Green and his son in the preceding
chapter, it is quite a relief to be able to introduce a
traveler whose story contains incidents less painful to
contemplate. From the record book the following brief
account is taken:
“April 27, 1855. John
Hall arrived safely from Richmond, Va, per schooner,
(Captain B). One hundred dollars were paid for his
passage. In Richmond he was owned by James
Dunlap, a merchant. John had
[Pg. 251]
been sold several times, in consequence of which, he had
possessed very good opportunities of experiencing the
effect of change of owners. Then, too, the
personal examination made before sale, and the
gratification afforded his master when he (John),
brought a good price—left no very pleasing impressions
on his mind.
By one of his owners, named Burke, John
alleged that he had been “cruelly used.” When
quite young, both he and his sister, together with their
mother, were sold by Burke. From that time
he had seen neither mother nor sister—they were sold
separately. For three or four years the desire to
seek liberty had been fondly cherished, and nothing but
the want of a favorable opportunity had deterred him
from carrying out his designs. He considered
himself much “imposed upon” by his master, particularly
as he was allowed “no choice about living” as he
“desired.” This was indeed ill-treatment as John
viewed the matter. John may have wanted too much. He was
about thirty-five years of age, light complexion - tall
- rather handsome-looking, intelligent, and of good
manners. But notwithstanding these prepossessing
features, John’s owner valued him at only
$1,000. If he had been a few shades darker and
only about half as intelligent as he was, he would have
been worth at least $500 more. The idea of having
had a white father, in many instances, depreciated the
pecuniary value of male slaves, if not of the other sex.
John emphatically was one of this injured class;
he evidently had blood in his veins which decidedly
warred against submit-ting to the yoke. In
addition to the influence which such rebellious blood
exerted over him, together with a considerable amount of
intelligence, he was also under the influence and advice
of a daughter of old Ireland. She was heart and
soul with John in all his plans which looked
Canada-ward. This it was that “sent him away.”
It is very certain, that this Irish girl was not
annoyed by the kinks in John’s hair. Nor
was she overly fastidious about the small percentage of
colored blood visible in John's complexion.
It was, however, a strange occurrence and very hard to
understand. Not a stone was left unturned until
John was safely-on the Underground Rail Road.
Doubtless she helped to earn the money which was paid
for his passage. And when he was safe off, it is
not too much to say, that John was not a whit
more delighted than was his intended Irish lassie,
Mary Weaver. John had no sooner
reached Canada than Mary’s heart was there too.
Circumstances, however, required that she should remain
in Richmond a number of months for the purpose of
winding up some of her affairs. As soon as the way
opened for her, she followed him. It was quite
manifest, that she had not let a single opportunity
slide, but seized the first chance and arrived partly by
means of the Underground Rail Road and partly by the
regular train. Many difficulties were surmounted
before and after leaving Richmond, by which they earned
their merited success. From Canada, where they
anticipated entering upon the ma-
[Pg. 252]
trimonial career with mutual satisfaction, it seemed to
afford them great pleasure to write back frequently,
expressing their heartfelt gratitude for assistance, and
their happiness in the prospect of being united under
the favorable auspices of freedom. At least two or
three of these letters, bearing on particular phases of
their escape, etc., are too valuable not to be published
in this connection:
FIRST LETTER.
|
|
HAMILTON,
March 25th, 1856. |
MR. STILL: - Sir and
Friend - I take the liberty of addressing you with these
few lines hoping that you will attend to what I shall
request of you.
I have written to Virginia and have not received an
answer yet. I want to know of you can get any one
of your city to go to Richmond for me. If you can,
I will pay the expense of the whole. The person
that I want the messenger to see is a white girl.
I expect you know who I allude to, it is the girl that
sent me away. If you can get any one to go, you
will please write right away and tell me the cost, &c.
I will forward the money and a letter. Please use
your endeavors. Yours
Respectfully, JOHN
HALL.
Direct yours to Mr. Hill.
SECOND LETTER
|
|
HAMILTON, Sept. 15th, 1856. |
To MR. STILL, DEAR SIR: - I
take this opportunity of addressing these few lines
to you hoping to find you in good health I am
happy to inform you that Miss Weaver arrived here
on Tuesday last, and I can assure you it was indeed a
happy day. As for your part that you done I will
not attempt to tell you how thankful I am, but I hope
that you can imagine what my feelings are to you.
I cannot find words sufficient to express my gratitude
to you, I think the wedding will take place on Tuesday
next, I have seen some of the bread from your house, and
she says it is the best bread she has had since she has
been in America. Sometimes she has impudence
enough to tell me she would rather be where you are in
Philadelphia than to be here with me. I hope this
will be no admiration to you for no honest hearted
person ever saw you that would not desire to be where
you are, No flattery, but candidly speaking, you are
worthy all the praise of any person who has ever been
with you, I am now like a deserted Christian, but yet I
have 0asked so much, and all has been done yet I must
ask again, My love to Mrs. Still.
Dear Mr. Still I now ask you please to
exercise all your influence to get this young man
Willis Johnson from Richmond for me It is the young
man that Miss Weaver told you about, he is
in Richmond I think he is at the corner of Fushien
Street, & Grace in a house of one Mr.
Rutherford, there is several Rutherford in
the neighborhood, there is a church call’d the third
Baptist Church, on the R. H. side going up Grace street,
directly opposite the Baptist church at the corner, is
Mrs. Meads Old School at one corner, and
Mr. Ruthefords is at the other corner.
He can be found out by seeing Fountain Tombs who belongs
to Mr. Rutherford and if you should not
see him, there is James Turner who lives
at the Governors, Please to see Captain
Bayliss and tell him to take these directions and go
to John Hill, in Petersburgh, and he may
find him. Tell Captain Bayliss that
if he ever did me a friendly thing in his life which he
did do one friendly act, if he will take this on
himself, and if money should be lacking I will forward
any money that he may require, I hope you will
sympathize with the poor young fellow, and tell the
captain to do all in his power to get him and the costs
shall be paid. He lies now between death or
victory, for I know the man he belongs to would just as
soon kill him as not, if he catches him, I here enclose
to you a letter for Mr. Wm. C. Mayo, and please
to send it as directed. In this letter I have
asked him to send a box to you for me, which you will
please pay
[Pg. 253]
the fare of the express upon it, when you get it please
to let me know, and I will send you the money to pay the
expenses of the carriage clear through. Please to
let Mr. Mayo know how to direct a box to
you, and the best way to send it from Richmond to
Philadelphia. You will greatly oblige me by so
doing. In this letter I have enclosed a. trifle
for postage which you will please to keep on account of
my letters I hope you wont think hard of me but I simply
send it because I know you have done enough, and are now
doing more, without imposing in the matter I have done
it a great many more of our people who you have done so
much fore. No more from your humble and oldest
servant.
|
|
JOHN
HALL,
Norton's Hotel, Hamilton. |
THIRD LETTER
SIR:—I
take this opportunity of informing you that we are in
excellent health, and hope you are the same, I wrote a
letter to you about 2 weeks ago and have not yet had an
answer to it I wish to inform you that the wedding took
place on Tuesday last, and Mrs. Hall now
sends her best love to you, I enclose a letter which I
wish you to forward to Mr. Mayo, you will
see in his letter what I have said to him and I wish you
would furnish him with such directions as it requires
for him to send them things to you. I have told
him not to pay for them but to send them to you so when
you get them write me word what the cost of them are,
and I will send you the money for them. Mary
desires you to give her love to Mrs. Still.
If any letters come for me please to send to me at
Nortons Hotel, Please to let me know if you had a letter
from me about 12 days ago. You will please Direct
the enclosed to Mr. W. C. Mayo, Richmond, Va.
Let me know if you have heard anything of Willis
Johnson Mr. & Mrs. Hill send their
kind love to you, they are all well, no more at present
from your affect.,
|
|
JOHN
HALL,
Norton's Hotel |
FOURTH LETTER.
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HAMILTON,
December 23d, 1856. |
DEAR
SlR:—I am happy to inform you that
we are both enjoying good health and hope you are the
same. I have been expecting a letter from you for
some time but I suppose your business has prevented you
from writing. I suppose you have not heard from
any of my friends at Richmond. I have been longing
to hear some news from that part, you may think “Out of
sight and out of mind," but I can assure you, no matter
how far I may be, or in what distant land, I shall never
forget you, if I can never reach you by letters you may
be sure I shall-always think of you. I have found
a great many friends in my life, but I must say you are
the best one I ever met with, except one, you must know
who that is, 'tis one who if I did not consider a
friend, I could not consider any other person a friend,
and that is Mrs. Hall. Please to let
me know if the navigation between New York & Richmond is
closed. Please to let me know whether it would be
convenient to you to go to New York if it is please let
me know what is the expense. Tell Mrs.
Still that my wife would be very happy to receive a
letter from her at some moment when she is at leisure,
for I know from what little I have seen of domestic
affairs it keeps her pretty well employed, And I know
she has not much time to write but if it were but two
lines, she would be happy to receive it from her, my
reason for wanting you to go to New York, there is a
young man named Richard Myers and 1 should
like for you to see him. He goes on board the
Orono to Richmond and is a particular friend of mine and
by seeing him I could get my clothes from Richmond, I
expect to be out of employ in a few days, as the hotel
is about to close on the 1st January and I hope you will
write to me soon I want you to send me word how you and
all the family are and all the
[Pg. 254]
news you can, you must excuse my short letter, as it is
now near one o'clock and I must attend to business, but
I have not written half what I intended to, as time is
short, hoping to hear from you soon I remain yours
sincerely,
JOHN HALL.
Mr. and Mrs. Hill desire their best respects to
you and Mrs. Still.
It cannot be denied that this
is a most extraordinary occurrence. In some
respects it is without a parallel. It was,
however, no uncommon thing for white men (slave-holders)
in the South to have colored wives and children whom
they did not hesitate to live with and
acknowledge by their actions, with their means, and in
their wills as the rightful heirs of their substance.
Probably there is not a state in the Union where such
relations have not existed. Seeing such usages,
Mary
might have reasoned that she had as good a right to
marry the one she loved most as anybody else,
particularly as she was in a “ free country.”
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