STILL'S
UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD RECORDS,
REVISED EDITION.
(Previously Published in 1879 with title: The Underground Railroad)
WITH A LIFE OF THE AUTHOR.
NARRATING
THE HARDSHIPS, HAIRBREADTH ESCAPES AND DEATH STRUGGLES
OF THE
SLAVES
IN THEIR EFFORTS FOR FREEDOM.
TOGETHER WITH
SKETCHES OF SOME OF THE EMINENT FRIENDS OF FREEDOM, AND
MOST LIBERAL AIDERS AND ADVISERS OF THE ROAD
BY
WILLIAM STILL,
For many years connected with the Anti-Slavery Office in Philadelphia, and Chairman of the Acting
Vigilant Committee of the Philadelphia Branch of the Underground Rail Road.

Illustrated with 70 Fine Engravings by Bensell, Schell and Others,
and Portraits from Photographs from Life.

Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant that has escaped from his master unto thee. - Deut. xxiii 16.

SOLD ONLY BY SUBSCRIPTION.

PHILADELPHIA:
WILLIAM STILL, PUBLISHER
244 SOUTH TWELFTH STREET.
1886

pp. 254 - 277

[Page 254]

"SAM" NIXON ALIAS DR. THOMAS BAYNE.

THE ESCAPE OF A DENTIST ON THE U. G. R. R. - HE IS TAKEN FOR AN IMPOSTOR - ELECTED A MEMBER OF CITY COUNCIL IN NEW BEDFORD - STUDYING MEDICINE, ETC.

     But few could be found among the Underground Rail Road passengers who had a stronger repugnance to the unrequited labor system, or the recognized terms of “master and slave,” than Dr. Thomas Bayne.  Nor were many to be found who were more fearless and independent in uttering their sentiments.  His place of bondage was in the city of Norfolk, Va., where he was held to service by Dr. C. F. Martin, a dentist of some celebrity.  While with Dr. Martin, “ Sam ” learned dentistry in all its branches, and was often required by his master, the doctor, to fulfil professional engagements, both at home and at a distance, when it did not suit his pleasure or convenience to appear in person.  In the mechanical department, especially, “Sam” was called upon to execute the most difficult tasks.  This was not the testimony of “Sam” alone; various individuals who were with him in Norfolk, but had moved to Philadelphia, and were living there at the time of his arrival, being invited to see this distinguished professional piece of property, gave evidence which fully corroborated his.  The master’s professional practice, according to “Sam's” calculation, was worth $3,000 per annum.  Full $1,000 of this amount in the opinion of “Sam” was the result of his own fettered hands.  Not only was “Sam” serviceable to the doctor in the mechanical and practical branches of his profession, but as a sort of ready reckoner and an apt penman, he was obviously considered by the doctor, a valuable “article.”  He would frequently have “Sam” at his books instead of a book-keeper.  Of course, “Sam” had never received,

[Pg. 255]
from Dr. M., an hour’s schooling in his life, but having perceptive faculties naturally very large, combined with much self-esteem, he could hardly help learning readily.  Had his master’s design to keep him in ignorance been ever so great, he would have found it a labor beyond his power.  But there is no reason to suppose that Dr. Martin was opposed to Sam’s learning to read and write.  We are pleased to note that no charges of ill-treatment are found recorded against Dr. M. in the narrative of “Sam.”
     True, it appears that he had been sold several times in his younger days, and had consequently been made to feel keenly, the smarts of Slavery, but nothing of this kind was charged against Dr. M., so that he may be set down as a pretty fair man, for aught that is known to the contrary, with the exception of depriving “Sam” of the just reward of his labor, which, according to St. James, is pronounced a “fraud.”  The doctor did not keep “Sam” so closely confined to dentistry and book-keeping that he had no time to attend occasionally to outside duties.  It appears that he was quite active and successful as an Underground Rail Road agent, and rendered important aid in various directions. Indeed, Sam had good reason to suspect that the slave—holders were watching him, and that it’ he remained, he would most likely find himself in “hot water up to his eyes.”  Wisdom dictated that he should “pull up stakes” and depart while the way was open.  He knew the captains who were then in the habit of taking similar passengers, but he had some fears that they might not be able to pursue the business much longer.  ‘In contemplating the change which he was about to make, “ Sam” felt it necessary to keep his movements strictly private.  Not even was he at liberty to break his mind to his wife and child, fearing that it would do them no good, and might prove his utter failure.  His wife's name was Edna and his daughter was called Elizabeth; both were slaves and owned by E. P. Tabb, Esq., a hardware merchant of Norfolk.
     No mention is made on the books, of ill-treatment, in connection with his wife’s servitude; it may therefore be inferred, that her situation was not remarkably hard.  It must not be supposed that “Sam” was not truly attached to his wife.  He gave abundant proof of true matrimonial devotion, notwithstanding the secrecy of his arrangements for flight.  Being naturally hopeful, he concluded that he could better succeed in securing his wife after obtaining freedom himself, than in undertaking the task beforehand.
     The captain had two or three other Underground Rail Road male passengers to bring with him, besides “Sam,” for whom, arrangements had been previously made-no more could be brought that trip.  At the appointed time, the passengers were at the disposal of the captain of the schooner which was to bring them out of Slavery into freedom.  Fully aware of the dangerous consequences should he be detected, the captain, faithful to his promise, secreted them in the usual manner, and set sail northward.  Instead of landing his passengers in Philadelphia, as was his intention, for some

[Pg. 256]
reason or other (the schooner may have been disabled), he landed them on the New Jersey coast, not a great distance from Cape Island.  He directed them how to reach Philadelphia.  Sam knew of friends in the city, and straightway used his ready pen to make known the distress of himself and partners in tribulation.  In making their way in the direction of their destined haven, they reached Salem, New Jersey, where they were discovered to be strangers and fugitives, and were directed to Abigail Goodwin, a Quaker lady, an abolitionist, long noted for her devotion to the cause of freedom, and one of the most liberal and faithful friends of the Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia.
     This friend’s opportunities of witnessing fresh arrivals had been rare, and perhaps she had never before come in contact with a “chattel” so smart as “Sam.”  Consequently she was much embarrassed when she heard his story, especially when he talked of his experience as a “Dentist.”  She was inclined to suspect that he was a “ shrewd impostor” that needed “ watching” instead of aiding.  But her humanity forbade a hasty decision on this point.  She was soon persuaded to render him some assistance, notwithstanding her apprehensions. While tarrying a day or two in Salem, “ Sam's” letter was received in Philadelphia.  Friend Goodwin was written to in the meantime, by a member of the Committee, directly with a view of making inquires concerning the stray fugitives, and at the same time to inform her as to how they happened to be coming in the direction found by her.  While the mind of the friend was much relieved by the letter she received, she was still in some doubt, as will be seen by the appended extract from a letter on the subject:

LETTER FROM A. GOODWIN.

     DEAR FRIEND: - Thine of the 22d came to hand yesterday noon.

*     *     *     *     *     *     *     *     *     *

     I do not believe that any of them are the ones thee wrote about, who wanted Dr. Lundy to come for them, and promised they would pay his expenses.  They had no money, the minister said, but were pretty well off for clothes.  I gave him all I had and more, but it seemed very little for four travelers - only a dollar for each - but they will meet with friends and helpers on the way.  He said they expected to go away to-morrow.  I am afraid, it's so cold, and one of them had a sore foot, they will not get away - it's dangerous staying here.  There has been a slave hunter here lately, I was told yesterday, in search of a woman; he tracked her to our Alms-house - she had lately been confined and was not able to go—he will come back for her and his infant—and will not wait long I expect.  I want much to get her away first—and if one had a C. C. Torney here no doubt it would be done; but she will be well guarded.  How much I wish the poor thing could be secreted in some safe place till she is able to travel Northward; but where that could be it's not easy to see.  I presume the Carolina freed people have arrived ere now.   I hope they will meet many friends, and be well provided for.  Mary Davis will be then paid— her cousins have sent her twenty-four dollars, as it was not wanted for the purchase money it was to he kept for them when they arrive.  I am glad thee did keep the ten for the fugitives.

[Pg. 257]

     Samuel Nixon is now here, just come—a smart young man—they will be after him soon.  I advise him to hurry on to Canada; he will leave here to-morrow, but don’t say that he will go straight to the city.  I would send this by him if he did.  1 am afraid he will loiter about and be taken—do make them go on fast—he has left.  I could not hear much he said—some who did don’t like him at all—think him an impostor—a great brag—said
he was a dentist ten years.  He was asked where he came from, but would not tell till he looked at the letter that lay on the table and that he had just brought back.  I don’t feel much confidence in him—don’t believe he is the one thee alluded to.  He was asked his name—he looked at the letter to find it out. Says nobody can make a better set of teeth than he can. He said they will go on to-morrow in the stage—he took down the number and street of the Anti-slavery office—you will be on your guard against imposition—he kept the letter thee sent from Norfolk. I had then no doubt of him, and had no objection to it. I now rather regret it.  I would send it to thee if I had it, but perhaps it is of no importance.
     He wanted the names taken down of nine more who expected to get off soon and might come here.  He told us to send them to him, but did not seem to know where he was going to.  He was well dressed in fine broad-cloth coat and overcoat, and has a very active tongue in his head.

     But I have said enough - don't want to prejudice thee against him, but only be on thy guard, and do not let him deceive thee, as I fear he has some of us here.

     In due time Samuel and his companions reached Philadelphia, where a cordial welcome awaited them.  The confusion and difficulties into which they had fallen, by having to travel an indirect route, were fully explained, and to the hearty merriment of the Committee and strangers, the dilemma of their good Quaker friend Goodwin at Salem was alluded to.  After a sojourn of a day or two in Philadelphia, Samuel and his companions left for New Bedford.  Canada was named to them as the safest place for all Refugees; but it was in vain to attempt to convince “Sam” that Canada or any other place on this Continent, was quite equal to New Bedford.  His heart was there, and there he was resolved to go—and there he did go too, bearing with him his resolute mind, determined, if possible, to work his way up to an honorable position at his old trade, Dentistry, and that too for his own benefit.

     Aided by the Committee, the journey was made safely to the desired haven, where many old friends from Norfolk were found.  Here our hero was known by the name of Dr. Thomas Bayne - he was no longer “Sam.”  In a short time the Dr. commenced his profession in an humble way, while, at the same time, he deeply interested himself in his own improvement, as well as the improvement of others, especially those who had escaped from Slavery as he himself had.  Then, too, as colored men were voters and, there fore, eligible to office in New Bedford, the Doctor's naturally ambitious and intelligent turn of mind led him to take an interest in politics, and before he was a citizen of New Bedford four years, he was duly elected a member of the City Council.  He was also an outspoken advocate of the

[Pg. 258]
cause of temperance, and was likewise a ready speaker at Anti-slavery meetings held by his race.  Some idea of his abilities, and the interest he took in the Underground Rail Road, education, etc., may be gathered from the appended letters:

     W. STILL: - I write you this to inform you that I has received my things and that you need not say any thing to Bagnul about them - I see by the Paper that the under ground Rail Road is in operation.  Since 2 weeks a go when Saless Party was betrayed by that Capt. whom we in mass. are so anxious to Learn his name - There was others started last Saturday night - They are all my old friends and we are waiting their arrival, we hope you will look out for them they may come by way of Salem, N. J. if they be not overtaken.  They are from Norfolk - Times are very hard in Canada 2 of our old friends has left Canada and come to Bedford for a living.  Every thing are so high and wages so low They cannot make a living (owing to the War) others are Expected shortly - let me hear from Sales and his Party  Get the Name of the Capt. that betrayed him let me know if Mrs. Goodwin of Salem are at the same place yet - John Austin are with us.  C. Lightfoot is well and remembers you and family.  My business increases more since I has got an office.  Send me a Norfolk Paper or any other to read when convenient.
     Let me hear from those People as soon as possible.  They consist of woman and child 2 or 3 men belonging to Marsh Bottimore, L. Slosser and Herman & Co - and Turner - all of Norfolk, Va.

     Direct to Box No. 516, New Bedford, Mass.  Don't direct my letters to my office.  Direct them to my Box 516.  My office is 66½ William St.  The same street the Post office is near the city market.

     The Doctor, feeling his educational deficiency in the enlightened city of New Bedford, did just what every uncultivated man should, devoted himself assiduously to study, and even applied himself to abstruse and hard subjects, medicine, etc., as the following letters will show:

     MY DEAR FRIEND:  - Yours of the 3d inst. reached me safely in the midst of my misfortune.  I suppose you have learned that my office and other buildings burned down during the recent fire.  My loss is $550, insured $350.
     I would have written you before, but I have been to R. I. for some time and soon after I returned before I examined the books, the fire took place, and this accounts for my delay.  In regard to the books I am under many obligations to you and all others for so great a piece of kindness, and shall ever feel indebted to you for the same.  I shall esteem them very highly for two reasons, first, The way in which they come, that is through and by your Vigilance as a colored man helping a colored man to get such knowledge as will give the lie to our enemies.  Secondly—their contents being just the thing I needed at this time. My indebtedness to you and all concerned for me in this direction is inexpressihle.  There are some books the Doctor says I must have, such as the Medical Dictionary, Physician's Dictionary. and a work on Anatomy.  These I will have to get, but any work that may be of use to a student of anatomy or medicine will be thankfully received. You shall hear from me again soon.

[Pg. 259]

     MR. WM. STILL :—Dear Sir—Dr. Powell called to see me and informed me that you had a medical lexicon (Dictionary) for me.  If you have such a book for me, it will be very thankfully received, and any other book that pertains to the medical or dental profession.  I am quite limited in means as yet and in want of books to prosecute my studies.  The books I need most at present is such as treat on midwifery, anatomy, &c.  But any book or books in either of the above mentioned cases will be of use to me.  You can send them by Express, or by any friend that may chance to come this way, but by Express will be the safest way to send them.  Times are quite dull.  This leaves me well and hope it may find you and family the same.  My regards to your wife and all others.

     Thus the doctor continued to labor and improve his mind until the war removed the hideous institution of Slavery from the nation; but as soon as the way opened for his return to his old home, New Bedford no longer had sufficient attractions to retain him.  With all her faults he conceived that “Old Virginia” offered decided inducements for his return.  Accordingly he went directly to Norfolk, whence he escaped.  Of course every thing was in the utmost confusion and disorder when he returned, save where the military held sway.  So as soon as the time drew near for reorganizing, elections, &e, the doctor was found to be an aspirant for a seat in Congress, and in “ running” for it, was found to be a very difficult candidate to beat.v Indeed in the first reports of the election his name was amongst the elected; but subsequent counts proved him to be among the defeated by only a very slight majority.
     At the time of the doctor’s escape, in 1855, he was thirty-one years of age, a man of medium size, and about as purely colored, as could readily be found, with a full share of self-esteem and pluck.

_______________

SUNDRY ARRIVALS.

FROM LOUDON CO., VA., NORFOLK, BALTIMORE, MD., PETERSBURG, VA., &C., ABOUT THE MONTH OF JUNE, 1855.

     Arrival 1st.  David Bennet & family
     Arrival 2d.   Henry Washington, alias Anthony Hanly, and Henry Stewart
     Arrival 3d.   William Nelson and wife, William Thomas, Louisa Bell, and Elias Jasper
     Arrival 4th.  Maria Joiner.
     Arrival 5th.  Richard Green and his brother George.
     Arrival 6th.  Henry Cromwell
     Arrival 7th.  Henry Bohm

[Pg. 260]
     Arrival 8th.  Ralph Whiting, James H. Forman, Anthony Atkinson, Arthur Jones, Isaiah Nixon, Joseph Harris, John Morris, Henry Hodges.
     Arrival 9th.  Robert Jones and wife.

     The first arrival to be here noticed consisted of DAVID BENNETT, and his wife Martha, with their two children, a little boy named George, and a nameless babe one month old.  This family journeyed from Loudon county, Va.  David, the husband, had been in bonds under Captain James Taylor.  Martha, the wife, and her two children were owned by GEORGE CARTER.  Martha's master was represented as a very barbarous and cruel man to the slaves.  He made a common practice of flogging females when stripped naked.  This was the emphatic testimony of Martha.  Martha declared that she had been so stripped, and flogged by him after her marriage.  The story of this interesting young mother, who was about twenty-seven years of age, was painful to the ear, particularly as the earnestness and intelligence of this poor, bruised, and mangled soul bore such strong evidence to the truthfulness of her statements.  During the painful interview the mind would in voluntarily picture this demon, only as the representative of thousands in the South using the same relentless sway over men and women; and this fleeing victim and her little ones, before escaping, only as sharers of a common lot with many other mothers and children, whose backs were daily subjected to the lash.  If on such an occasion it was hard to find fitting words of sympathy, or adequate expressions of indignation, the pleasure of being permitted to give aid and comfort to such was in part a compensation and a relief.  David, the husband of this woman, was about thirty-two years of age.  No further notice was made of him.

     ARRIVAL No. 2 consisted of Henry Washington, alias Anthony Hanly, and Henry Stewart.  Henry left Norfolk and a "very mild master," known by the name of "Seth March," out of sheer disgust for the patriarchal institution.  Directly after speaking of his master in such flattering terms he qualified the "mild," &c. by adding that he was excessively close in money matters.  In proof of this assertion, Henry declared, that out of his hire he was only allowed $1.50 per week to pay his board, clothe himself, and defray all other expenses; leaving no room whatever for him to provide for his wife.  It was, therefore, a never failing source of unhappiness to be thus debarred, and it was wholly on this account that he "took out," as he did, and at the time that he did.  His wife's name was "Sally."  She too was a slave but "had not been treated roughly."
     For fifty long years Henry had been in the grasp of this merciless system - constrained to toil for the happiness of others, to make them comfortable, rich, indolent, and tyrannical.  To say that he was like a bird out of a cage, conveys in no sense whatever the slightest idea of his delight in

[Pg. 261]
escaping from the prison house.  And yet, his pleasure was sadly marred by the reflection that his bosom companion was still in bondage in the gloomy prison-house.  Henry was a man of dark color, well made, and of a reflective turn of mind.  On arriving in Canada, he manifested his gratitude through Rev. H. Wilson, as follows—

     DEAR MR. STILL:—I am requested by Henry Washington to inform you that he got through safe, and is here in good business.  He returns to you his sincere thanks for your attention to him on his way.  I had the pleasure of receiving seven fugitives last week.  Send them on, and may God speed them in the flight.  I would like to have a miracle working power, that I could give wings to them all so that they could come faster than by Railroads either underground or above. 

     While he was thus hopefully succeeding in Canada, separated from his companion by many hundreds of miles, death came and liberated her from the yoke, as the subjoined letter indicates—

     MR. WILLIAM STILL: - Dear Sir—I have received a letter from Joseph G. Selden a friend in Norfolk, Va. informing me of the death of my wife, who deceased since I saw you here; he also informs me that my clothing will be forwarded to you by Jupiter White, who now has it in his charge.  You will therefore do me a great favor, if you will be so good as to forward them to me at this place St. Catharines, C. W.
     The accompanying letter is the one received from Mr. Selden which I send you, that you may see that it is all right.  You will please give my respects to Mrs. Still and family. 

     HENRY STEWART, who accompanied the above mentioned traveler to Canada, had fled a short while before from Plymouth, North Carolina.  James Monroe Woodhouse, a farmer, claimed Stewart as his property, and “hired him out” for $180 per annum.  As a master, Woodhouse was considered to be of the “moderate” type, according to Stewart's judgment.  But respecting money matters (when his slaves wanted a trifle), “he was very hard.  He did not flog, but would not give a slave a cent of money upon any consideration.”
     It was by procuring a pass to Norfolk, that Henry managed to escape.
Although a father and a husband, having a wife (Martha) and two children (Mary Ann and Susan Jane), he felt that his lot as a slave utterly debarred him from discharging his duty to them; that he could exercise no rights or privileges whatever, save as he might obtain permission from his master.  In the matter of separation, even although the ties of husband and wife, parents and children were most closely knit, his reason dictated that he would be justified in freeing himself if possible; indeed, he could not endure the pressure of Slavery any longer.  Although only twenty-three years of age, the burdens that he had been called upon to bear, made his natu-

[Pg. 262]
rally intelligent mind chafe to an unusual degree, especially when reflecting upon a continued life of Slavery.  When the time decided upon for his flight arrived, he said nothing to his wife on the subject, but secured his pass and took his departure for Norfolk.  On arriving there, he sought out an Underground Rail Road captain, and arranged with him to bring him to Philadelphia.  Whether the sorrow-stricken wife ever afterwards heard of her husband, or the father of his two little children, the writer is unable to say.  It is possible that this narrative may reveal to the mother and her offspring (if they are still living), the first ray of light concerning the missing one.  Indeed it is not unreasonable to suppose, that thousands of anxious wives, husbands and children, who have been scattered in every direction by Slavery, will never be able to learn as much of their lost ones as is contained in this brief account of Henry Stewart.

     ARRIVAL No. 3, brought William Nelson, his wife, Susan, and son, William Thomas, together with Louisa Bell, and Elias Jasper.  These travelers availed themselves of the schooner of Captain B. who allowed them to embark at Norfolk, despite the search laws of Virginia.  It hardly need be said, however, that it was no trifling matter in those days, to evade the law.  Captains and captives, in order to succeed, found that it required more than ordinary intelligence and courage, shrewdness and determination, and at the same time, a very ardent appreciation of liberty, without which, there could be no success.  The simple announcement then, that a party of this number had arrived from Norfolk, or Richmond, or Petersburg, gave the Committee unusual satisfaction.  It made them quite sure that there was pluck and brain somewhere.

     These individuals, in a particularly marked degree, possessed the qualities that greatly encouraged the efforts of the Committee.  William Nelson,
was a man of a dark chestnut color, medium size, with more than an ordinary degree of what might be termed “mother wit.”  Apparently, William possessed well settled convictions, touching the questions of morals and religion, despite the overflowing tide of corruption and spurious religious teachings consequent on the existing pro-slavery usages all around him.  He was a member of the Methodist Church, under the charge of the Rev. Mr. Jones.   For twenty years, William had served in the capacity of a “packer” under Messrs. Turner and White, who held a deed for William as their legal property.  While he declared that he had been very “tightly worked” he nevertheless admitted that he had been dealt with in a mild manner in some respects.

     For his board and clothing, William had been allowed $1.50 per week.  Truly a small sum for a hard-working man with a family—yet this was far more than many slaves received from their masters.  In view of receiving this small pittance, he had toiled hard—-doing over-work in order to make “buckle and strap meet.”  Once he had been sold on the auction-block.  A

[Pg. 263]
sister of his had also shared the same fate.  While seriously contemplating his life as a slave, he was soon led to the conclusion that it was his duty to bend his entire energies towards freeing himself and his family if possible.  The idea of not being able to properly provide for his family rendered him quite unhappy; he therefore resolved to seek a passage North, via the Underground Rail Road.  To any captain who would aid him in the matter, he resolved to offer a large reward, and determined that the amount should only be limited by his inability to increase it.  Finally, after much anxious preparation, agreement was entered into with Captain B., on behalf of himself, wife, child, and Louisa Bell, which was mutually satisfactory to all concerned, and afforded great hope to William.  In due time the agreement was carried into effect, and all arrived safely and were delivered into the hands of the Committee in Philadelphia.  The fare of the four cost $240, and William was only too grateful to think, that a Captain could be found who would risk his own liberty in thus aiding a slave to freedom.  The Committee gladly gave them aid and succor, and agreed with William that the Captain deserved all that he received for their deliverance. 
The arrival of William, wife, and child in Canada was duly announced by the agent at St. Catharines, Rev. H. Wilson, as follows:

     MR. WM. STILL: —My Dear Friend:—I am happy to announce the safe arrival of Thomas Russell with his wife and child.  They have just arrived.  I am much pleased with their appearance.  I shall do what I can for their comfort and encouragement.  They stopt at Elmira from Monday night till this morning, hoping that Lucy Bell would come up and join them at that place.  They are very anxious to hear from her, as they have failed of meeting with her on the way or finding her here in advance of them.  They wish to hear from you as soon as you can write, and would like to know if you have forwarded Lucy on, and if so, what route you sent her.  They send their kind respects to you and your family and many thanks for your kindness to them.
     They wish you to inquire after Lucy if any harm has befallen her after her leaving Philadelphia.  Please write promptly in my care.

     The man who came to us as Wm. Nelson, is now known only as “Thomas Russell.”  It may here be remarked, that, owing to the general custom of changing names, as here instanced, it is found difficult to tell to whom the letters severally refer.  Where the old and new names were both carefully entered on the book there is no difficulty, of course, but it was not always thus.

     Susan Bell, the wife of William, was about thirty years of age, of a dark color, rather above medium size, well-made, good-looking, and intelligent - quite equal to her husband, and appeared to have his affections undividedly.  She was owned by Thomas Baltimore, with whom she had lived for the last seven years.  She stated that during a part of her life she had been

[Pg. 264]
treated in a “mild manner.”  She had no complaint to make until after the marriage of her master.  Under the new wife and mistress, Susan
found a very marked change for the worse.  She fared badly enough then.  The mistress, on every trifling occasion for complaint, was disposed to hold the auction-block up to Susan, and would likewise influence her husband to do the same.  From the fact, that four of Susan’s sisters had been sold away to “parts unknown,” she was not prepared to relish these almost daily threats from her irritable mistress, so she became as anxious for a trip on the Underground Rail Road as was her husband.

     About one hundred miles away in the country, her father, mother, three brothers, and one sister were living; but she felt that she could not remain a slave on their account.  Susan’s owner had already fixed a price on her and her child, twenty-two months old, which was one thousand dollars.  From this fate she was saved only by her firm resolution to seek her freedom.

     LOUISA BELL was also of Wm. Nelson’s party, and a fair specimen of a nice-looking, wide awake woman; of a chestnut color, twenty-eight years of age.   She was the wife of a free man, but the slave of L. Stasson, a confectioner. The almost constant ringing in her ears of the auction-block, made her most miserable, especially as she had once suffered terribly by being sold, and had likewise seen her mother, and five sisters placed in the same unhappy situation, the thought of which never ceased to be most painful.  In reflecting upon the course which she was about to pursue in order to free herself from the prison-house, she felt more keenly than ever for her little children, and readily imagined how sadly she would mourn while thinking of them hundreds of miles distant, growing up only to be slaves.  And particularly would her thoughts dwell upon her boy, six years of age; full old enough to feel deeply the loss of his mother, but without hope of ever seeing her again.

     Heart-breaking as were these reflections, she resolved to leave Robert and Mary in the hands of God, and escape, if possible from her terrible thraldom.  Her plan was submitted to her husband; he acquiesced fully and promised to follow her as soon as an opportunity might present itself.  Although the ordeal that she was called upon to pass through was of the most trying nature she bravely endured the journey through to Canada.  On her arrival there the Rev. H. Wilson wrote on behalf of herself, and the cause as follows:

     DEAR MR. STILL:- I have just received your letters touching U. G. R. R. operations.  All is right.  Jasper and Mrs. Bell got here on Saturday last, and I think I dropt you a line announcing the fact.  I write again thus soon because two more by name of Smith, John and Wm., have arrived the present week and were anxious to have me inform you that they are safely landed and free in this refuge land.   They wish me to communicate their kind

[Pg. 265]
regards to you and others who have aided them.  They have found employment and are likely to do well.  The 5 of last week have gone over to Toronto.  I gave them letters to a friend there after furnishing them as well as I could with such clothing as they required.  I am afraid that I am burdening you too much with postage, but can't help doing so unless I fail to write at all, as my means are not half equal to the expenses to which 1 am subject.     

     ELIAS JASPER, who was also a fellow-passenger with Wm. Nelson and Co., was noticed thus on the Underground Rail Road: Age thirty-two years, color dark, features good, and gifted both with his tongue and hands.  He had worked more or less at the following trades: Rope-making, carpentering, engineering, and photographing.  It was in this latter calling that he was engaged when the Underground Rail Road movement first arrested his attention, and so continued until his departure.
     For several years he had been accustomed to hire his time, for which he had been required to pay $10 per month.  In acquiring the above trades he had been at no expense to his master, as he had learned them solely by his own perseverance, endowed as he was with a considerable share of genius.  Occasionally he paid for lessons, the money being earned by his over-work.  His master, Bayham, was a “retired gentleman."
     Elias had been sold once, and had suffered in various other ways, particularly from being flogged.  He left his wife, Mary, but no child.  Of his intention to leave Elias saw not how to impart to his wife, lest she should in some way let the “cat out of the bag.”  She was owned by a Miss Portlock, and had been treated “tolerably well,” having had the privilege of hiring her time.  She had $55 to pay for this favor, which amount she raised by washing, etc.  Elias was a member of the Methodist Church, as were all of his comrades, and well did they remember the oft-repeated lesson, “Servants obey your masters,” etc.  They soon understood this kind of preaching after breathing free air.  The market value of Elias was placed at $1200.

     ARRIVAL No. 4. MARIA JOINER.  Captain F. arrived, from Norfolk, with the above named passenger, the way not being open to risk any other on that occasion.  This seemed rather slow business with this voyager, for he was usually accustomed to bringing more than one.  However, as this arrival was only one day later than the preceding one noticed, and came from the same place, the Committee concluded, that they had much reason for rejoicing nevertheless.  As in the case of a great number among the oppressed of the South, when simply looking at Maria, no visible marks of ill usage in any way were discernible. Indeed, as she then appeared at the age of thirty-three, a fine, fresh, and healthy-looking mulatto-woman, nine out of every ten would have been impressed with the idea, that she had never been subjected to hard treatment; in other words, that she had derived her full share of advantages from the “Patriarchal Institution.”  The appearance of just such persons in Southern cities had often led Northerners, when trav-

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eling in those parts, to regard the lot of slaves as quite comfortable.  But the story of Maria, told in an earnest and intelligent manner, was at once calculated to dissipate the idea of a “comfortable” existence in a state of bondage.  She frankly admitted, however, that prior to the death of her old master, she was favorably treated, compared with many others; but, unfortunately, after his death, she had fallen into the hands of one of the old man’s daughters, from whom, she declared, that she had received continued abuse, especially when said daughter was under the influence of liquor.  At such times she was very violent.  Being spirited, Maria could not consent to suffer on as a slave in this manner.  Consequently she began to cogitate how she might escape from her mistress (Catharine Gordon), and reach a free State.  None other than the usual trying and hazardous ways could be devised— which was either to be stowed away in the hold of a schooner, or concealed amongst the rubbish of a steamer, where, for the time being, the extreme suffering was sure to tax every nerve even of the most valiant-hearted men.  The daily darkening prospects constrained her to decide, that she was willing to suffer, not only in adopting this mode of travel, but on the other hand, that she had better be dead than remain under so cruel a woman as her mistress.  Maria’s husband and sister (no other relatives are noticed), were naturally formidable barriers in the way of 'her escape.  Notwithstanding her attachment to them, she fully made up her mind to be free.  Immediately she took the first prerequisite step, which was to repair to a place of concealment with a friend in the city, and there, like the man at the pool, wait until her turn came to be conveyed thence to a free State.  In this place she was obliged to wait eight long months, enduring daily suffering in various ways, especially during the winter season.  But, with martyr-like faith, she endured to the end, and was eventually saved from the hell of Slavery.  Maria was appraised at $800.

     ARRIVAL No. 5.   RICHARD GREEN, alias Wm. Smith, and his brother George.  These young brothers fled from George Chambers of Baltimore.  The elder brother was twenty—five, the younger twenty-three.  Both were tall and well made and of a chestnut color, and possessed a good degree of natural ability.  When desiring to visit their parents, their request was positively refused by their owner. Taking offence at this step, both mutually resolved to run away at the earliest opportunity.  Thus in accordance with well premeditated plans, they set out and unobstructedly arrived in Philadelphia.  At first it was simply very pleasant to take them by the hand and welcome them; then to listen for a few moments to their intelligent narration of how they escaped, the motives that prompted them, etc.  But further inquiries soon brought out incidents of the most thrilling and touching nature—not with regard to hardships which they had personally experienced, but in relation to outrages which had been perpetrated upon their mother.  Such simple facts as were then written are substantially as follows: Nearly

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thirty years prior to the escape of Richard and his brother their mother was in very bad health, so much so that physicians regarded her incurable.  Her owner was evidently fully impressed with the belief that instead of being profitable to him, she might be an expense, which he could not possibly obviate, while he retained her as a slave. Now there was a way to get out of this dilemma.  He could emancipate her and throw the responsibility of her support upon herself.  Accordingly he drew up papers, called for his wife’s mother to witness them, then formally put them into the hands of the invalid slave woman (Dinah), assuring her at the same time, that she was free— being fully released as set forth in her papers.  “Take notice I have no more claim on you nor you on me from this time.”  Marvellous liberality!  After working the life out of a woman, in order that he should not have her to bury, he becomes hastily in favor of freedom.  He is, however, justified by the laws of Maryland.  Complaint, therefore, would simply amount to nothing. In the nature of the case Dinah was now free, but she was not wholly alone in the world.  She had a husband, named Jacob Green, who was owned by Nathan Childs for a term of years only, at the expiration of which time he was to be free.  All lived then in Talbot county, Md.  At the appointed time Jacob's bondage ended, and he concluded that he might succeed better by moving to Baltimore.  Indeed the health of his wife was so miserable that nothing in his old home seemed to offer any inducement in the way of a livelihood.  So if they moved to Baltimore.  After a time, under careful and kind treatment, the faithful Jacob was greatly encouraged by perceiving that the health of his companion was gradually improving signs indicated, that she might yet become a well woman.  The hopes of husband and wife, in this particular, were, in the lapse of time, fully realized.  Dinah was as well as ever, and became the mother of another child— a little boy.  Everything seemed to be going on happily, and they had no apparent reason to suspect any troubles other than such as might naturally have to be encountered in a state of poverty and toil.
     The unfettered boy was healthy, and made rapid advance in a few years.  That any one should ever claim him was never for a moment feared.
     The old master, however, becoming tired of country life, had also moved to Baltimore.  How, they knew not, but he had heard of the existence of this boy.
     That he might satisfy himself on this point, he one day very slyly approached the house with George.  No sooner was the old man within the enclosures than he asked Dinah, “ Whose child is that ‘I” pointing to the boy.  “Ask Jacob,” was the reply of the mother.  The question was then put to Jacob, the father of the boy.  “I did not think that you would ask such a question, or that you would request anything like that,” Jacob remarked,
naturally somewhat nervous, but he added, “ I have the privilege of having any one I please in my house.”  “Where is be from?” again demanded

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the master.  The father repeated, “I have a right to have,” etc., “ I am my own man,” etc.  “ I have found out whose he is," the hunter said.  “I am going presently to take him home with me.”  At this juncture be seized the little fellow, at the same time calling out, “Dinah, put his clothes on.”  By this time the father too had seized hold of the child.  Mustering courage, the father said, “Take notice that you are not in the country, pulling and hauling people about.”  “I will have him or I will leave my heart’s blood in the house,” was the savage declaration of the master.  In his rage he threatened to shoot the father.  In the midst of the excitement George called in two officers to settle the trouble.   “What are you doing here ?” said the officers to the slave-holder.  “I am after my property—this boy," he exclaimed.  “Have you ever seen it before?”  they inquired. “No,” said the slave-holder.  “Then how do you know that he belongs to you?”  inquired the officers.  “ I believe he is mine,” replied the slave-holder.
     All the parties concerned were then taken by the officers before an Alderman.  The father owned the child but the mother denied it.  The Alderman then decided that the child should be given to the father.
     The slave-holder having thus failed, was unwilling, nevertheless, to relinquish his grasp.  Whereupon he at once claimed the mother.  Of course he was under the necessity of resorting to the Courts in order to establish his claim.  Fortunately the mother had securely preserved the paper given her by her master so many years before, releasing her.  Notwithstanding this the suit was pending nearly a year before the case was decided.  Everything was so clear the mother finally gained the suit.  This decision was rendered only about two months prior to the escape of Richard and George.

     ARRIVAL No. 6.  HENRY CROMWELL.  This passenger fled from Baltimore county, Md.  The man that he escaped from was a farmer by the name of William Roberts, who also owned seven other young slaves.  Of his treatment of his slaves nothing was recorded.
     Henry was about six feet high, quite black, visage thin, age twenty—five.  He left neither wife, parents, brothers nor sisters to grieve after him.  In making his way North he walked of nights from his home to Harrisburg, Pa., and there availed himself of a passage on a freight tar coming to Philadelphia.

     ARRIVAL No. 7.  HENRY BOHM.  Henry came from near Norfolk, Va.  He was about twenty-five years of age, and a fair specimen of a stout man, possessed of more than ordinary physical strength.  As to whom he fled from, how he had been treated, or how he reached Philadelphia, the record book is silent.  Why this is the case cannot now be accounted for, unless the hurry of getting him off forbade sufficient delay to note down more of the particulars.

     ARRIVAL No. 8.  RALPH WHITING, JAMES H. FORMAN, ANTHONY ATKINSON, - ARTHUR JONES, ISAIAH NIXON, JOSEPH HARRIS, JOHN MORRIS and HENRY

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HODGES.  A numerous party like this had the appearance of business.  They were all young and hopeful, and belonged to the more intelligent and
promising of their race.  They were capable of giving the best of reasons for the endeavors they were making to escape to a free country.
     They imparted to the Committee much information respecting their several situations, together with the characters of their masters in relation to domestic matters, and the customs and usages under which they had been severally held to service—all of which was listened to with deep interest.  But it was not an easy matter, after having been thus entertained, to write out the narratives of eight such persons.  Hundreds of pages would hardly have contained a brief account of the most interesting portion of their histories.  It was deemed sufficient to enter their names and their forsaken homes, etc., as follows:
     “Ralph was twenty-six years of age, five feet ten inches high, dark, well made, intelligent, and a member of the Methodist Church.  He was claimed by Geo. W. Kemp, Esq., cashier of the Exchange Bank of Norfolk, Va.  Ralph gave Mr. Kemp the credit of being a ‘moderate man’ to his slaves.  Ralph was compelled to leave his wife, Lydia, and two children, Anna Eliza, and Cornelius.”
     “James was twenty-three years of age, dark mulatto, nearly six feet high, and of prepossessing appearance.  He fled from James Saunders, Esq.  Nothing, save the desire to be free, prompted James to leave his old situation and master.  His parents and two sisters he was obliged to leave in Norfolk.”
     Two brief letters from James, one concerning his “sweet-heart,” whom he left in Norfolk, the other giving an account of her arrival in Canada and marriage thereafter will, doubtless, be read with interest.  They are here given as follows:

     MR. STILL :—Sir—I take my pen in hand to write you theas few lines to let you know that I am well at present and hope theas few lines may find you the same.  Sir my object in writing to you is that I expect a young Lady by the name of Miss Mariah Moore, from Norfolk, Virginia.  She will leave Norfolk on the 13th of this month in the Steamship Virginia for Philadelphia you will oblige me very much by seeing her safely on the train of cars that leaves Philadelphia for the Suspension Bridge Niagara Falls pleas to tell the Lady to telegraph to me what time she will leave Philadelphia so i may know what time to meet her at the Suspension Bridge my Brother Isaac Forman send his love also his family to you and your family they are all well at present pleas to give my respects to Mr. Harry Londay, also Miss Margaret Cunigan, no more at present.

     When you telegraph to me direct to the International Hotel, Niagara Falls, N. Y.

     DEAR SIR:  - I take this opportunity of writing these few lines to you hoping that they may find you enjoying good health as these few lines leae me at present.  I thank you

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for your kindness.  Miss Moore arrived here on the 30th of June and I was down to the cars to receive her.  I thought I would have written to you before, but I thought I would wait till I got married. I got married on the 22d of July in the English Church Canada about 11 o'clock my wife sends all her love to you and your wife and all enquiring friends please to kiss your two children for her and she says she is done crying and I am glad to hear she enjoyed herself so well in Philadelphia give my respects to Miss Margaret Cuningham and I am glad to hear her sister arrived my father sends his respects to you no more at present but remain your friend,                 JAMES H. FORMAN.
     Direct your letter to the International Hotel, Niagara Falls.

     ANTHONY was thirty-six years of age, and by blood, was quite as nearly related to the Anglo-Saxon as the Anglo—African.  He was nevertheless, physically a fine specimen of a man.  He was about six feet high, and bore evidence of having picked up a considerable amount of intelligence considering his opportunities.  He had been sold three times.  Anthony was decidedly opposed to having to pass through this ordeal a fourth time, therefore, the more he meditated over his condition, the more determined he became to seek out an Underground Rail Road ‘agent, and make his way to Canada.
     Concluding that Josiah Wells, who claimed him, had received a thou sand times too much of his labor already, Anthony was in a fit state of mind to make a resolute effort to gain his freedom.  He had a wife, but no children.  His father, one sister, and two brothers were all dear to him, but all being slaves “one could not help the other,” Anthony reasoned, and wisely too.  So, at the command of the captain, he was ready to hear his part of the suffering consequent upon being concealed in the hold of a vessel, where but little air could penetrate.

     ARTHUR was forty-one years of age, six feet high—chestnut color, well made, and possessed good native faculties needing cultivation.  He escaped from a farmer, by the name of John Jones, who was classed, as to natural temperament, amongst “moderate slave—holders.”
     “ I wanted my liberty,” said Arthur promptly and emphatically, and he declared that was the cause of his escape.  He left his mother, two-sisters, and three brothers in Slavery.

     ISAIAH was about twenty-two, small of stature, but smart, and of a substantially black complexion.  He had been subjected to very hard treatment under Samuel Simmons who claimed him, and on this account he was first prompted to leave.  His mother and three brothers he left in bondage.

     JOSEPH was twenty-three years of age, and was, in every way, “likely looking.”  According to the laws of Slavery, he was the property of David Morris, who was entitled to be ranked amongst the more compassionate slave-holders of the South.  Yet, Joseph was not satisfied, deprived of his freedom.  He had not known hardships as many had, but it was not in him notwithstanding, to be contented as a slave.  In leaving, he had to “tear himself away” from his parents, three brothers, and two sisters.

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     HENRY escaped from S. Simmons of Plymouth, North Carolina, and was a fellow-servant with Isaiah.  Simmons was particularly distinguished for his tyrannical rule and treatment of his slaves—so Henry and Isaiah had the good sense to withdraw from under his yoke, very young in life; Henry being twenty-three.

     JOHN was about twenty-one years of age, five feet eight inches high, dark color, and well-grown for his years.  Before embarking, he had endured seven months of hard suffering from being secreted, waiting for an opportunity to escape.  It was to keep his master from selling him, that he was thus induced to secrete himself.  After he had remained away some months, he resolved to suffer on until his friends could manage to procure him a passage on the Underground Rail Road.  With this determined spirit he did not wait in vain.

     ARRIVAL No. 9. ROBERT JONES and wife :—In the majority of cases, in order to effect the escape of either, sad separations between husbands and wives were unavoidable.  Fortunately, it was not so in this case.  In journeying from the house of bondage, Robert and his wife were united both in sympathies and in struggles.  Robert had experienced “hard times” just in what way, however, was not recorded; his wife had been differently treated, not being under the same taskmaster as her husband.  At the time of their arrival all that was recorded of their bondage is as follows—

     August 2d, 1855, Robert Jones and wife, arrived from Petersburg, Va.  Robert is about thirty-five, chestnut color, medium size, of good manners,
intelligent, had been owned by Thomas N. Lee, “a very hard man.”  Robert left because he “wanted his liberty—always had from a boy.”  Eliza, his wife, is about forty years of age, chestnut color, nice-looking, and well-dressed.  She belonged to Eliza H, Richie, who was called a “ moderate woman ” towards her slaves.  Notwithstanding the limited space occupied in noting them on the record book, the Committee regarded them as being among the most worthy and brave travelers passing over the Underground Rail Road, and felt well satisfied that such specimens of humanity would do credit in Canada, not only to themselves, but to their race.

     ROBERT had succeeded in learning to read and write tolerably well, and had thought much over the condition and wrongs of the race, and seemed
to be eager to be where he could do something to lift his fellow-sufferers up to a higher plane of liberty and manhood.   After an interview with Robert and his wife, in every way so agreeable, they were forwarded on in the usual manner, to Canada.  While enjoying the sweets of freedom in Canada, he was not the man to keep his light under a bushel.  He seemed to have a high appreciation of the potency of the pen, and a decidedly
clear idea that colored men needed to lay hold of many enterprises with resolution, in order to prove themselves qualified to’ rise equally with other

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branches of the human family.  Some of his letters, embracing his views, plans and suggestions, were so encouraging and sensible, that the Committee
was in the habit of showing them to friendly persons, and indeed, extracts of some of his letters were deemed of sufficient importance to publish.  One alone, taken from many letters received from him, must here suffice to illustrate his intelligence and efforts as a fugitive and citizen in Canada.

     MR. WM. STILL:  - Dear Friend: -  I take this opportunity of writing you these few lines to inform you of my health, which is good at present, &c.  *    *    *    *
     I was talking to you about going to Liberia, then I saw you last, and did intend to start this fall, but I since looked at the condition of the colored people in Canada.  I thought I would try to do something for their elevation as a nation, to place them in the proper position to stand where they ought to stand. In order to do this, I have under taken to get up a military company amongst them.  They laughed at me to undertake
such a thing; but I did not relax my energies.  I went and had an interview with Major J. T. Gilepon, told him what my object was, he encouraged me to go on, saying that he would do all he could for the accomplishment of my object.  He referred to Sir Allan McNab, &c.     *     *     *     *      I  took with me Mr. J. H. Hill to see him - he told me that it should be done, and required us to write a petition to the Governor General, which has been done.     *     *     *     *     The company is already organized.  Mr. Howard was elected Captain; J. H. Hill 1st Lieutenant; Hezekiah Hill Ensign; Robert Jones, 1st Sergeant.  The company's name is, Queen Victoria's Rifle Guards.  You may, by this, see what I have been doing since I have been in Canada.  When we receive our appointments by the Government.  I will send by express, my daguerreotype in uniform.

_______________

    When this arrival made its appearance, it was at first sight quite evident that one of the company was a man of more than ordinary parts, both physically and mentally.  Likewise, taking them individually, their appearance and bearing tended largely to strengthen the idea that the spirit of freedom was rapidly gaining ground in the minds of the slaves, despite the

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efforts of the slave-holders to keep them in darkness.  In company with the three men, for whom the above large reward was offered, came a woman
by the name of ELIZA NOKEY.
     As soon as the opportunity presented itself, the Active Committee feeling an unusual desire to hear their story, began the investigation by inquiring as to the cause of their escape, etc., which brought simple and homely but earnest answers from each.  These answers afforded the best possible means of seeing Slavery in its natural, practical workings—of obtaining such testimony and representations of the vile system, as the most eloquent orator or able pen might labor in vain to make clear and convincing, although this arrival had obviously been owned by men of high standing.  The fugitives themselves innocently stated that one of the masters, who was in the habit of flogging adult females, was a “moderate man.”  Josiah Bailey was the leader of this party, and he appeared well-qualified for this position.  He was about twenty-nine years of age, and in no particular physically, did he seem to be deficient.  He was likewise civil and polite in his manners, and a man of good common sense.  He was held and oppressed by William H. Hughlett, a farmer and dealer in ship timber, who had besides invested in slaves to the number of forty head.  In his habits he was generally taken for a “moderate” and “fair” man, “though he was in the habit of flogging the slaves—females as well as males,” after they had arrived at the age of maturity.  This was not considered strange or cruel in Maryland.  Josiah was the “foreman” on the place, and was entrusted with the management of hauling the ship-timber, and through harvesting and busy seasons was required to lead in the fields.  He was regarded as one of the most valuable hands in that part of the country, being valued at $2,000.  Three weeks before he escaped, Joe was “stripped naked,” and “flogged” very cruelly by his master, simply because he had a dispute with one of the fellow-servants, who had stolen, as Joe alleged, seven dollars of his hard earnings.  This flogging, produced in Joe’s mind, an unswerving determination to leave Slavery or die: to try his luck on the Underground Rail Road at all hazards.  The very name of Slavery, made the fire fairly burn in his bones.  Although a married man, having a wife and three children (owned by Hughlett), he was
not prepared to let his affection for them keep him in chains—so Anna Maria, his wife, and his children Ellen, Anna Maria, and Isabella, were shortly widowed and orphaned by the slave lash.

     WILLIAM BAILEY was owned by John C. Henry, a large slave-holder, and a very “hard” one, if what William alleged of him was true.  His story certainly had every appearance of truthfulness.  A recent brutal flogging had “stiffened his back-bone,” and furnished him with his excuse for not being willing to continue in Maryland, working his strength away to enrich his master, or the man who claimed to be such.  The memorable flogging, however, which caused him to seek flight on the Underground Rail Road,

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was not administered by his master or on his master’s plantation.  He was hired out, and it was in this situation that he was so barbarously treated.  Yet he considered his master more in fault than the man to whom he was hired, but redress there was none, save to escape.
     The hour for forwarding the party by the Committee, came too soon to allow time for the writing of any account of Peter Pennington and Eliza Nokey.  Suffice it to say, that in struggling through their journey, their spirits never flagged; they had determined not to stop short of Canada.  They truly had a very high appreciation of freedom, but a very poor opinion of Maryland.

_______________

SLAVE TRADER HALL IS FOILED.

ROBERT M'COY alias WILLIAM DONAR

     In October, 1854, the Committee received per steamer, directly from Norfolk, Va., Robert McCoy and Elizabeth Saunders.  Robert had constantly been in the clutches of the negro-trader Hall, for the last sixteen years, previous to his leaving, being owned by him.  He had, therefore,
possessed very favorable opportunities for varied observation and experience relative to the trader’s conduct in his nefarious business, as well as for witnessing the effects of the auction-block upon all ages—rending asunder the dearest ties, despite the piteous wails of childhood or womanhood, parental or conjugal relations.  But no attempt will be made to chronicle the deeds of this dealer in human flesh.  Those stories fresh from the lips of one who had just escaped, were painful in the extreme, but in the very nature of things some of the statements are too revolting to be published.  In lieu of this fact, except the above allusions to the trader’s business, this sketch will only refer to Robert’s condition as a slave, and finally as a traveler on the Underground Rail Road.
     Robert was a man of medium size, dark mulatto, of more than ordinary intelligence.  His duties had been confined to the house, and not to the slave pen.  As a general thing, he had managed, doubtless through much shrewd ness, to avoid very severe outrages from the trader.  On the whole, he had fared “about as well” as the generality of slaves.
     Yet, in order to free himself from his “ miserable” life, he was willing, as he declared, to suffer almost any sacrifice.  Indeed, his conduct proved
the sincerity of this declaration, as he had actually been concealed five months in a place in the city, where he could not possibly avoid daily suffering of the most trying kind.  His resolve to be free was all this while maturing.  The trader had threatened to sell Robert, and to prevent it
Robert (thus) “took out.”  Successfully did he elude the keen scent and

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grasp of the hunters, who made diligent efforts to recapture him.  Although a young man—only about twenty-eight years of age, his health was by no means good.  His system had evidently been considerably shattered by Slavery, and symptoms of consumption, together with chronic rheumatism, were making rapid headway against the physical man.  Under his various ills, he declared, as did many others from the land of bondage, that his faith in God afforded him comfort and hope.  He was obliged to leave his wife, Eliza, in bonds, not knowing whether they should ever meet again on earth, but he was somewhat hopeful that the way would open for her escape also.
     After reaching Philadelphia, where his arrival had long been anticipated by the Vigilance Committee, his immediate wants were met, and in due order he was forwarded to New Bedford, where, he was led to feel, he would be happy in freedom.
     Scarcely had he been in New Bedford one month, before his prayers and hopes were realized with regard to the deliverance of his wife.  On hearing of the good news of her coming he wrote as follows—

     DEAR SIR:—i embrace this opertunity to inform you that i received your letter with pleasure, i am enjoying good health and hope that these few lines will find you enjoying the same blessing.  i rejoise to hear from you i feel very much indetted to you for not writing before but i have been so bissy that is the cause, i rejoise to heare of the arrival of my wife, and hope she is not sick from the roling of the sea and if she is not, pleas to send her on here Monday with a six baral warlian and a rifall to gard her up to my residance i thank you kindly for the good that you have don for me.  Give my respects to Mrs. Still, tell her i want to see her very bad and you also i would come but i am afraid
yet to venture, i received your letter the second, but about the first of spring i hope to pay you a visit or next summer.  i am getting something to do every day.  i will write on her arrivall and tell you more.  Mr. R. White sends his love to you and your famerly and says that he is very much indetted to you for his not writing and all so he desires to know wheather his cloths has arived yet or not, and if they are please to express them on to him or if at preasant by Mrs. Donar.  Not any more at preasent.   i remain your affectionate brother,

     By the same arrival, and similarly secreted, Elizabeth Frances, alias Ellen Saunders, had the good luck to reach Philadelphia.  She was a single young woman, about twenty-two, with as pleasant a countenance as one would wish to see.  Her manners were equally agreeable.  Perhaps her joy over her achieved victory added somewhat to her personal appearance.  She had, however, belonged to the more favored class of slaves.  She had neither been over-worked nor badly abused.  Elizabeth was the property of a lady a few shades lighter than herself, (Elizabeth was a mulatto) by the name of Sarah Shephard, of Norfolk.  In order the more effectually to profit by Elizabeth’s labor, the mistress resorted to the plan of hiring her out for a given sum per month.  Against this usage Elizabeth urged no complaint.  Indeed the only very serious charge she brought was to the effect, that her mistress

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sold her mother away from her far South, when she was a child only ten years old.  She had also sold a brother and sister to a foreign southern market.  The reflections consequent upon the course that her mistress had thus pursued, awakened Elizabeth to much study relative to freedom, and by the time that she had reached womanhood she had very decided convictions touching her duty with regard to escaping.  Thus growing to hate slavery in every way and manner, she was prepared to make a desperate effort to be free.  Having saved thirty-five dollars by rigid economy, she was willing to give every cent of it (although it was all she possessed), to be aided from Norfolk to Philadelphia.  After reaching the city, having suffered severely while coming, she was invited to remain until somewhat recruited.  In the healthy air of freedom she was soon fully restored, and ready to take her departure for New Bedford, which place she reached without difficulty and was cordially welcomed.  The following letter, expressive of her obligations for aid received, was forwarded soon after her arrival in New Bedford :

     MR. STILL:—Dear Sir—I now take my pen in my hand to inform you of my health which is good at present all except a cold I have got but I hope when these few lines reach you you may be enjoying good health.  I arrived in New Bedford Thursday morning safely and what little I have seen of the city I like it very much my friends were very glad to see me.  I found my sister very well.  Give my love to Mrs. Still and also your dear little children.  I am now out at service.  I do not think of going to Canada now.  I think I shall remain in this city this winter.  Please tell Mrs Still I have not met any person who has treated me any kinder than she did since I left.  I consider you both to have been true
friends to me.  I hope you will think me the same to you.  I feel very thankful to you indeed.  It might been supposed, out of sight out of mind, but it is not so.  I never forget my friends.  Give my love to Florence.  If you come to this city I would be very happy to see you.  Kiss your dear little children for me.  Please to answer this as soon as possible, so that I may know you received this. No more at present. I still remain your friend,

     ELIZA MCCOY— the wife of Robert McCoy, whose narrative has just been given—and who was left to wait in hope when her husband escaped soon followed him to freedom.  It is a source of great satisfaction to be able to present her narrative in so close proximity to her husband’s.  He arrived about the first of October—she about the first of November, following.  From her lips testimony of much weight and interest was listened to by several friends relative to her sufferings as a slave—on the auction-block, and in a place of concealment seven months, waiting and praying for an opportunity to escape.  But it was thought sufficient to record merely a very brief out— line of her active slave life, which consisted of the following noticeable features.
     Eliza had been owned by Andrew Sigany, of Norfolk—age about thirty eight—mulatto, and a woman whose appearance would readily command

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attention and respect anywhere outside of the barbarism of Slavery.  She stated that her experience as a sufferer in cruel hands had been very trying,
and that in fretting under hardships, she had “always wanted to be free.”  Her language was unmistakable on this point.  Neither mistress nor servant was satisfied with each other; ‘the mistress was so “ queer” and “ hard to please,” that Eliza became heartily sick of trying to please her—an angel
would have failed with such a woman.  So, while matters were getting no better, but, on the contrary, were growing worse and worse, Eliza thought
she would seek a more pleasant atmosphere in the North. In fact she felt that it would afford her no little relief to allow her place to be occupied by another.  When she went into close quarters of concealment, she fully understood what was meant and all the liabilities thereto.  She had pluck enough to endure unto the end without murmuring.  The martyrs in olden times who dwelt in “dens and caves of the earth,” could hardly have fared worse than some of these way-worn travelers.
     After the rest, needed by one who had suffered so severely until her arrival in Philadelphia, she was forwarded to her anxiously waiting husband in New Bedford, where she was gladly received.
     From the frequent arrivals from Virginia, especially in steamers, it may be thought that no very stringent laws or regulations existed by which of fenders, who might aid the Underground Rail Road, could be severely punished—that the slave-holders were lenient, indifferent and unguarded as to how this property took wings and In order to enlighten the reader with regard to this subject, it seems necessary, in this connection, to publish at least one of the many statutes from the slave laws of the South bearing directly on the aid and escape of slaves by vessels.  The following enactment is given as passed by the Legislature of Virginia in 1856:

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