STILL'S
UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD RECORDS,
REVISED EDITION.
(Previously Published in 1879 with title: The Underground Railroad)
WITH A LIFE OF THE AUTHOR.
NARRATING
THE HARDSHIPS, HAIRBREADTH ESCAPES AND DEATH STRUGGLES
OF THE
SLAVES
IN THEIR EFFORTS FOR FREEDOM.
TOGETHER WITH
SKETCHES OF SOME OF THE EMINENT FRIENDS OF FREEDOM, AND
MOST LIBERAL AIDERS AND ADVISERS OF THE ROAD
BY
WILLIAM STILL,
For many years connected with the Anti-Slavery Office in Philadelphia, and Chairman of the Acting
Vigilant Committee of the Philadelphia Branch of the Underground Rail Road.

Illustrated with 70 Fine Engravings by Bensell, Schell and Others,
and Portraits from Photographs from Life.

Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant that has escaped from his master unto thee. - Deut. xxiii 16.

SOLD ONLY BY SUBSCRIPTION.

PHILADELPHIA:
WILLIAM STILL, PUBLISHER
244 SOUTH TWELFTH STREET.
1886

pp. 358 - 398

[Pg. 358]

THE LAW OF TREASON, AS LAID DOWN BY JUDGE KANE.

     The following charge to the Grand Jury of the United States District Court, in reference to the Slave-hunting affray in Lancaster county, and preparatory to their finding bills of indictment against the prisoners, was delivered on Monday, September 28, by Judge Kane:
     "Gentleman of the Grand Jury: - It has been represented to me, that since we met last, circumstances have occurred in one of the neighboring counties in our District, which should call for your prompt scrutiny, and perhaps for the energetic action of the Court.  It is said, that a citizen of the State of Maryland, who had come into Pennsylvania to reclaim a fugitive from labor, was forcibly obstructed in the attempt by a body of armed men, assaulted, beaten and murdered; that some members of his family, who had accompanied him in the pursuit, were at the same time, and by the same party maltreated and grievously wounded; and that an officer of justice, constituted under the authority of this Court, who sought to arrest the fugitive, was impeded and repelled by menaces and violence, while proclaiming his character, and outrages, their asserted object, the denunciations by which they were preceded, and the simultaneous action of most of the guilty parties, evinced a combined purpose forcibly to resist and make nugatory a constitutional provision, and the statues enacted in pursuance of it; and it is added, in confirmation of this, that for some months back, gatherings of people, strangers, as well as citizens, have been held from time to time in the vicinity of the place of the recent outbreaks, at which exhortations were made and pledges interchanged to hold the law for the recovery of fugitive slaves as of no validity, and to defy its execution.  Such are some of the representations that have been made in my hearing, and in regard to which, it has become your duty, as the Grand Inquest of the District, to make legal inquiry.  Personally, I know nothing of the facts, or the evidence relating to them.  As a member of the Court, before which the accused persons may hereafter he arraigned and tried, I have sought to keep my mind altogether free from any impressions of their guilt or innocence, and even from an extra-judicial knowledge of the circumstances which must determine the legal character of the offence that has thus been perpetrated.  It is due to the great interests of public justice, no less than to the parties implicated in a criminal charge, that their cause should be in o wise and in no degree prejudged.  And in referring, therefore, to the representations which have been made to me, I have no other object than to point you to the reasons for my addressing you at this advanced period of our sessions, and to enable you

[Pg. 359]

to apply with more facility and certainty the principles and rules of law, which I shall proceed to lay before you.
     If the circumstances, to which I have adverted, have in fact taken place, they involve the highest crime known to our laws.  Treason against the United States in defined by the Constitution, Art. 3, Se. 3, cl. 1, to consist in "levying war against them, or adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort."  This definition is borrowed from the ancient Law of England, Stat. 25, Edw. 3, Stat. 5, Chap. 2, and its terms must be understood, of course, in the sense which they bore in that law, and which obtained here when the Constitution was adopted.  The expression, "levying war," so regarded, embraces not merely the act of formal or declared war, but any combination forcibly to revent or oppose the execution or enforcement of a provision of the Constitution, or of a public Statute, if accompanied or followed by an act of forcible opposition in pursuance of such combination.  This, in substance, has been the interpretation given to these words by the English Judges, and it has been uniformly and fully recognized and adopted in the Courts of the United States.  (See Foster, Hale and Hawkins, and the opinions of Iredell, Patterson, Chase, Marshall, and Washington, J. J., of the Supreme Court, and of Peters, D. J., in U. S. vs. Vijol, U. S. vs. Mitchell, U. S. vs. Fries, U. s. vs. Bollman and Swartwout, and U. S. vs. Burr.).
     The definition, as you will observe, includes two particulars, both of them indispensable elements of the offence.  There must have been a combination or conspiring together to oppose the law by force, and some actual force must have been exerted, or the crime of treason is not consummated.  The highest, or at least the direct proof of the combination may be found in the declared purposes of the individual party before the actual outbreak; or it may be derived from  the proceedings of meetings, in which he took part openly; or which he either prompted, or made effective by his countenance or sanction - commending, counselling and instigating forcible resistance to the law.  I speak, of course, of a conspiring to resist a law, not the more limited purpose to violate it, or to prevent its application and enforcement in a particular case, or against a particular individual.  The combination must be directed against the law itself.  But such direct proof of this element of the offence is not legally necessary to establish its existence.  The concert of purpose may be deduced from the concerted action itself, or it may be inferred from facts occurring at the time, or afterwards, as well as before.  Besides this, there must be some act of violence, as the result or consequence of the combining.
     But here again, it is not necessary to prove that the individual accused was a direct, personal actor in the violence.  IF he was present, directing, siding, abetting, counselling, or countenancing it, he is the law guilty of the forcible act.  Nor is even his personal presence indispensable.  Though he be absent at the time of its actual perpetration, yet, if he directed the act,

[Page 360]
devised, or knowingly furnished the means for carrying it into effect, instigated others to perform it, he shares their guilt.
     In treason there are no accessories.  There has been, I fear, an erroneous impression on this subject, among a portion of our people.  If it has been thought safe, to counsel and instigate others to acts of forcible oppugnation to the provisions of a statute, to inflame the minds of the ignorant by appeals to passion, and denunciations of the law as oppressive, unjust, revolting to the conscience, and not binding on the actions of men, to represent the constitution of the land as a compact of iniquity, when it were meritorious to violate or subvert, the mistake has been a grievous one; and they who have fallen into it may rejoice, if peradventure their appeals and their counsels have been hitherto without effect.  The supremacy of the constitution in all its provisions is at the very basis of our existence as a nation.  He, whose conscience, or whose theories of political or individual right, forbid him to support and maintain it in its fullest integrity, may relieve himself from the duties of citizenship, by divesting himself of its rights.  But while he remains within our borders, he is to remember, that successfully to instigate treason, is to commit it.  I shall not be supposed to imply in these remarks, that I have doubts of the law-abiding character of our people.  No one can know them well without the most entire reliance on their fidelity to the constitution.  Some of them may differ from the mass, as to the rightfulness or the wisdom of this or the other provision that is found in the federal compact, they may be divided in sentiment as to the policy of a particular statute, or of some provision in the statute; but it is their honest purpose to stand by the engagements, all the engagements, which bind them to their brethren of the other States.  They have but one country; they recognize no law of higher social obligation than its constitution and the laws made in pursuance of it; they recognize no higher appeal than to the tribunals it has appointed; they cherish no patriotism that looks beyond the union of the States.  That there are men here, as elsewhere, whom a misguided zeal impels to violations of law; that there are others who are controlled by false sympathies, and some who yield to readily and too fully to sympathies not always false, or if false, yet pardonable, and become criminal by yielding, that we have, not only in our jails and alms-houses, but segregated here and there in detached portions of the State, ignorant men, many of them without political rights, degraded in social position, and instinctive of revolt, all this is true.  It is proved by the daily record of our police courts, and by the ineffective labors of those good men among us, who seek to detach want from temptation, passion from violence, and ignorance from crime.
     But it should not be supposed that any of these represent the sentiment of Pennsylvania, and it would be to wrong our people sorely, to include them in the same category of personal, social, or political morals.  It is

[Page 361]
declared in the article of the constitution, which I have already cited, that 'no person shall be convicted of treason, unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court.'  This and the corresponding language in the act of Congress of the 30th of April, 1790, seem to refer to the proofs on the trial, and not to the preliminary hearing before the committing magistrate, or the proceeding before the grand inquest.  There can be no conviction until after arraignment on bill found.  The previous action in the case is not a trial, and cannot convict, whatever be the evidence or the number of witnesses.  I understand this to have been the opinion entertained by Chief Justice Marshall, 1 Burr's Trial, 195, and through it differs from that expressed by Judge Iredell on the indictment of Fries, (1 Whart. Am. St. Tr. 480), I feel authorized to recommend it to you, as within the terms of the Constitution, and involving no injustice to the accused.  I have only to add that treason against the United States, may be committed by any one resident or sojourning within its territory, and under the protection of its laws, whether he be a citizen or an alien.  (Fost. C. L. 183, 5. - 1 Hale 59, 60, 62.  1 Hawk. ch. 17, § 5, Kel. 38).
     Besides the crime of treason, which I have thus noticed, there are offences of minor grades, against the Constitution and the State, some or other of which may be apparently established by the evidence that will come before you.  These are embraced in the act of Congress, on the 30th of Sept., 1790, Ch. 9, Sec. 22, on the subject of obstructing or resisting the service of legal process, - the act of the 2d of March, 1831, Chap. 99, Sec. 2, which secures the jurors, witnesses, and officers of our Courts in the fearless, free, and impartial administration of their respective functions, - and the act of the 18th of September, 1850, Ch. 60, which relates more particularly to the rescue, or attempted rescue of a fugitive from labor.  These Acts were made the subject of a charge to the Grand Jury of this Court in November last, of which I shall direct a copy to be laid before you; and I do not deem it necessary to repeat their provisions at this time.
     Gentlemen of the Grand Jury: You are about to enter upon a most grave and momentous duty.  You will be careful in performing it, not to permit your indignation against crime, or your just appreciation of its perilous consequences, to influence your judgment of the guilt of those who may be charged before you with its commission.  But you will be careful, also, that no misguided charity shall persuade you to withhold the guilty from the retributions of justice.  You will inquire whether an offence has been committed, what was its legal character, and who were the offenders, - and this done, and this only, you will make your presentments according to the evidence and the law.  Your inquiries will not be restricted to the conduct of the people belonging to our own State.  If in the progress of them, you shall find, that men have been among us, who, under whatever mask of conscience or of peace, have labored to incite others to treasonable violence, and who, after

[Page 362]
arranging the elements of the mischief, have withdrawn themselves to await the explosion they had contrived, you will feel yourselves bound to present the fact to the Court, —and however distant may be the place in which the offenders may have sought refuge, we give you the pledge of the law, that its far-reaching energies shall be exerted to bring them up for trial, -if guilty, to punishment.  The offence of treason is not triable in this Court; but by an act of Congress, passed on the 8th of August, 1815, Chap. 98, it is made lawful for the Grand Jury, empanelled and sworn in the District Court, to take cognizance of all the indictments for crimes against the United States within the jurisdiction of either of the Federal Courts of the District.  There being no Grand Jury in attendance at this time in the Circuit Court, to pass upon the accusations I have referred to in the first instance, it has fallen to my lot to assume the responsible office of expounding to you the law in regard to them.  I have the satisfaction of knowing, that if the views I have expressed are in any respect erroneous, they must undergo the revision of my learned brother of the Supreme Court, who presides in this Circuit, before they can operate to the serious prejudice of any one; and that if they are doubtful even, provision exists for their re-examination in the highest tribunal of the country.”
     On the strength of Judge Kane's carefully drawn up charge the Grand Jury found true bills of indictment against forty of the Christiana offenders, charged with treason.  James Jackson, an aged member of the Society of Friends (a Quaker), and a well-known non-resistant abolitionist, was of this number.  With his name the blanks were filled up; the same form (with regard to these bills) was employed in the case of each one of the accused.  The following is a

COPY OF THE INDICTMENT.

                                                                                      Eastern District of Pennsylvania, ss.:

     The Grand Inquest of the United States of America, inquiring for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, on their oaths and affirmations, respectfully do present, that James Jackson, yeoman of the District aforesaid, owing allegiance to the United States of America, wickedly devising and intending the peace and tranquility of said United States, do disturb, and prevent the execution of the laws thereof within the same, to wit, a law of the United States entitled "An act respecting fugitives from justice and persons escaping from the service of their masters,"  approved February twelfth, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-three, and also a law of the United States, entitled "An act to amend, and supplementary to, the act entitled, An act respecting fugitives from justice and perons escaping from the service of their masters, approved February the twelfth, one thousand seven hundred

[Page 363]
and ninety-three,” which latter supplementary act was approved September eighteenth, one thousand eight hundred and fifty, on the eleventh day of September, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and fifty one, in the county of Lancaster, in the State of Pennsylvania and District aforesaid, and within the jurisdiction of this Court, wickedly and traitorously did intend to levy war against the United States within the same.  And to fulfill and bring to effect the said traitorous intention of him, the said James Jackson, he, the said James Jackson afterward, to wit, on the day and year aforesaid, in the State, District and County aforesaid, and within the jurisdiction of this Court, with a great multitude of persons, whose names, to this Inquest are as yet unknown, to a great number, to wit, to the number of one hundred persons and upwards, armed and arrayed in a war like manner, that is to say, with guns, swords, and other warlike weapons, as well offensive as defensive, being then and there unlawfully and traitorously assembled, did traitorously assemble and combine against the said United States, and then and there, with force and arms, wickedly and traitorously, and with the wicked and traitorous intention to oppose and prevent, by means of intimidation and violence, the execution of the said laws of the United States within the same, did array and dispose themselves in a war like and hostile manner against the said United States, and then and there, with force and arms, in pursuance of such their traitorous intention, he, the said James Jackson, with the said persons so as aforesaid, wickedly and traitorously did levy war against the United States.
     And further, to fulfill and bring to effect the said traitorous intention of him, the said James Jackson, and in pursuance and in execution of the said wicked and traitorous combination to oppose, resist and prevent the said laws of the United States from being carried into execution, he, the said James Jackson, afterwards, to wit, on the day and year first aforesaid, in the State, District and county aforesaid, and within the jurisdiction aforesaid, with the said persons whose names to this Inquest are as yet unknown, did, wickedly and traitorously assemble against the said United States, with the avowed intention by force of arms and intimidation to prevent the execution of the said laws of the United States within the same; and in pursuance and execution of such their wicked and traitorous combination, he, the said James Jackson, then and there with force and arms, with the said per sons to a great number, to wit, the number of one hundred persons and upwards, armed and arrayed in a warlike manner, that is to say, with guns, swords, and other warlike weapons, as well offensive as defensive, being then and there, unlawfully and traitorously assembled, did wickedly, knowingly, and traitorously resist and oppose one Henry H. Kline, an officer, duly appointed by Edward D. Ingraham, Esq., a commissioner, duly appointed by the Circuit Court of the United States, for the said district, in the execution of the duty of the office of the said Kline, he, the said Kline,

[Page 364]
being appointed by the said Edward Ingraham, Esq., by writing under his hand, to execute warrants and other process issued by him, the said Ingraham , in the performance of his duties as Commissioner, under the said laws of the United States, and then and there, with force and arms, with the said great multitude of persons, so as, aforesaid, unlawfully and traitorously assembled, and armed and arrayed in manner as aforesaid, he, the said, James Jackson, wickedly and traitorously did oppose and resist, and prevent the said Kline, from executing the lawful process to him directed and delivered by the said commissioner against sundry persons, then residents of said county, who had been legally charged before the said commissioner as being persons held to service or labor in the State of Maryland, and owing such service or labor to a certain Edward Gorsuch, under the laws of the said State of Maryland, had escaped therefrom, into the said Eastern district of Pennsylvania; which process, duly issued by the said commissioner, the said Kline then and there had in his possession, and was then and there proceeding to execute, as by law he was bound to do; and so the grand inquest, upon their respective oaths and affirmations aforesaid, do say, that the said James Jackson, in manner aforesaid, as much as in him lay, wickedly and traitorously did prevent, by means of force and intimidation, the execution of the said laws of the United States, in the said State and District.  And further, to fulfill and bring to effect, the said traitorous intention of him, the said James Jackson, and in further pursuance, and in the execution of the said wicked and traitorous combination to expose, resist, and prevent the execution of the said laws of the said United States, in the State and District aforesaid, he, the said James Jackson, afterwards, to wit, on the day and year first aforesaid, in the State, county, and district aforesaid, and within the jurisdiction of this court, with the said persons whose names to the grand inquest aforesaid, are as yet unknown, did, wickedly and traitorously assemble against the said United States with the avowed intention, by means of force and intimidation, to prevent the execution of the said laws of the United States in the State and district aforesaid, and in pursuance and execution of such, their wicked and traitorous combination and intention, then and there to the State, district, and county aforesaid, and within the jurisdiction of this court, with force and arms, with a great multitude of persons, to wit, the number of one hundred persons and upwards, armed and arrayed in a warlike manner, that is to say, with guns, swords, and other warlike weapons, as well offensive as defensive, being then and there un lawfully and traitorously assembled, he, the said James Jackson, did, knowingly, and unlawfully assault the said Henry H. Kline, he, the said Kline, being an officer appointed by writing, under the hand of the said Edward D. Ingraham, Esq., a commissioner under said laws, to execute warrants and other process, issued by the said commissioner in the performance of his duties as such; and he, the said James Jackson, did, then and there,

[Page 365]
traitorously, with force and arms, against the will of the said Kline, liberate and take out of his custody, persons by him before that time arrested, and in his lawful custody, then and there being, by virtue of lawful process against them issued by the said commissioner, they being legally charged with being persons held to service or labor in the State of Maryland, and owing such service or labor to a certain Edward Gorsuch, under the laws of the said State of Maryland, who had escaped therefrom into the said district; and so the grand inquest aforesaid, upon their oaths and affirmations, afore said, do say, that he, the said James Jackson, as much as in him lay, did, then and there, in pursuance and in execution of the said wicked and traitorous combination and intention, wickedly and traitorously, by means of force and intimidation, prevent the execution of the said laws of the United States, in the said State and district.
     And further to fulfill and bring to effect, the said traitorous intention of him, the said James Jackson, and in pursuance and in execution of the said wicked and traitorous combination to oppose, resist and prevent the said laws of the United States from being carried into execution, he, the said James Jackson, afterwards, to wit, on the day and year first aforesaid, and on divers other days, both before and afterwards in the State and district aforesaid, and within the jurisdiction of this court, with the said persons to this inquest as yet unknown, maliciously and traitorously did meet, conspire, consult, and agree among themselves, further to oppose, resist, and prevent, by means of force and intimidation, the execution of the said laws herein before specified .
     And further to fulfill, perfect, and bring to effect the said traitorous intention of him the said James Jackson, and in pursuance and execution of the said wicked and traitorous combination to oppose and resist the said laws of the United States from being carried into execution, in the State and district aforesaid, he, the said James Jackson, together with the other persons whose names are to this inquest as yet unknown, on the day and year first afore said, and on divers other days and times, as well before and after, at the district aforesaid, within the jurisdiction of said court, with force and arms, maliciously and traitorously did prepare and compose, and did then and there maliciously and traitorously cause and procure to be prepared and composed, divers books, pamphlets, letters, declarations, resolutions, addresses, papers and writings, and did then and there maliciously and traitorously publish and disperse and cause to be published and dispersed, divers other books and pamphlets, letters, declarations, resolutions, addresses, papers and writings; the said books, pamphlets, letters, declarations, resolutions, addresses, papers and writings, so respectively prepared, composed, published and dispersed, as last aforesaid, containing therein, amongst other things, incitements, encouragements, and exhortations, to move, induce and persuade persons held to service in any of the United States, by the laws

[Page 366]
thereof, who had escaped into the said district, as well as other persons, citizens of said district, to resist, oppose, and prevent, by violence and intimidation, the execution of the said laws, and also containing therein, instructions and directions how and upon what occasion, the traitorous purposes last aforesaid, should and might be carried into effect, contrary to the form of the act of Congress in such case made and provided, and against the peace and dignity of the United States.

      The abolitionists were leaving no stone unturned in order to triumphantly meet the case in Court.  During the interim many tokens of kindness and marks of Christian benevolence were extended to the prisoners by their friends and sympathizers; among these none deserve more honorable mention than the noble act of Thomsa L. Kane (son of Judge Kane, and now General), in tendering all the prisoners a sumptuous Thanksgiving dinner, consisting of turkey, etc., pound cake, etc., etc.  The dinner for the white prisoners, Messrs. Hanaway, Davis, and Scarlett, was served in appropriate style in the room of Mr. Morrison, one of the keepers. The U. S. Marshal, A. E. Roberts, Esq., several of the keepers, and Mr. Hanes, one of the prison officers, dined with the prisoners as their guests.  Mayor Charles Gilpin was also present and accepted an invitation to test the quality of the luxuries, thus significantly indicating that he was not the enemy of Freedom.
     Mrs. Martha Hanaway, the wife of the “traitor” of that name, and who had spent most of her time with her husband since his incarceration, served each of the twenty-seven colored “traitors” with a plate of the delicacies, and the supply being greater than the demand, the balance was served to outsiders in other cells on the same corridor.
     The pro-slavery party were very indignant over the matter, and the Hon. Mr. Brent thought it incumbent upon him to bring this high handed procedure to the notice of the Court, where he received a few crumbs of sympathy, from the pro-slavery side, of course.  But the dinner had been so handsomely arranged, and coming from the source that it did, it had a very telling effect.  Long before this, however, Mr. T. L. Kane had given abundant evidence that he approved of the Underground Rail Road, and was a decided opponent of the Fugitive Slave Law; in short, that he believed in freedom for all men, irrespective of race or color.
     Castnor. Hanaway was first to be tried; over him, therefore, the great contest was to be made.  For the defence of this particular case, the abolitionists selected J. M. Read, Thaddeus Stevens, Joseph S. Lewis and Theodore Cuyler, Esqs.  On the side of the Fugitive Slave Law, and against the “traitors,” were U. S. District Attorney, John W. Ashmead, Hon. James

[Page 367]
Cooper, James R. Ludlow, Esq., and Robert G. Brent, Attorney General of Maryland.  Mr. Brent was allowed to act as "overseer” in conducting matters on the side of the Fugitive Slave Law.  On this infamous enactment, combined with a corrupted popular sentiment, the pro-slavery side depended for success.  The abolitionists viewed matters in the light of freedom and humanity, and hopefully relied upon the justice of their cause and the power of truth to overcome and swallow up all the Pharaoh's rods of serpents as fast as they might be thrown down.
     The prisoners having lain in their cells nearly three months, the time for their trial arrived.  Monday morning, November 24th, the contest began.  The first three days were occupied in procuring jurors.  The pro-slavery side desired none but such as believed in the Fugitive Slave Law and in "Treason" as expounded in the Judge's charge and the finding of the Grand Jury.
     The counsel for the “Traitors” carefully weighed the jurors, and when found wanting challenged them; in so doing, they managed to get rid of most all of that special class upon whom the prosecution depended for a conviction. The jury having been sworn in, the battle commenced in good earnest, and continued unabated for nearly two weeks.  It is needless to say, that the examinations and arguments would fill volumes, and were of the most deeply interesting nature.
     No attempt can here be made to recite the particulars of the trial other than by a mere reference.  It was, doubtless, the most important trial that ever took place in this country relative to the Underground Rail Road passengers, and in its results more good was brought out of evil than can easily be estimated.  The pro-slavery theories of treason were utterly demolished, and not a particle of room was left the advocates of the peculiar institution to hope, that slave- hunters in future, in quest of fugitives, would be any more safe than Gorsuch.  The tide of public sentiment changed- Hanaway, and the other “traitors," began to be looked upon as having been greatly injured, and justly entitled to public sympathy and honor, while confusion of face, disappointment and chagrin were plainly visible throughout the demoralized ranks of the enemy.  Hanaway was victorious.
     An effort was next made to convict Thompson, one of the colored "traitors.”  To defend the colored prisoners, the old Abolition Society had retained Thaddeus Stevens, David Paul Brown, William S. Pierce, and Robert P. Kane, Esqs., (son of Judge Kane).  Stevens, Brown and Pierce were well-known veterans, defenders of the slave wherever and whenever called upon so to do.  In the present case, they were prepared for a gallant stand and a long siege against opposing forces.  Likewise, R. P. Kane, Esq., although a young volunteer in the anti-slavery war, brought to the work great zeal, high attainments, large sympathy and true pluck, while, in

[Page 368]
view of all the circumstances, the committee of arrangements felt very much gratified to have him in their ranks.
     By this time, however, the sandy foundations of "overseer" Brent and Co., (on the part of slavery), had been so completely swept away by the Hon. J. M. Read and Co., on the side of freedom, that there was but little chance left to deal heavy blows upon the defeated advocates of the Fugitive Slave Law.  Thompson was pronounced "not guilty."  The other prisoners, of course, shared the same good luck.  The victory was then complete, equally as much so as at Christina.  Underground Rail Road stock arose rapidly, and a feeling of universal rejoicing pervaded the friends of freedom from one end of the country to the other.
     Especially were slave-holders taught the wholesome lesson, that the Fugitive Slave Law was no guarantee against "red hot shot,” nor the charges of U.S. Judges and the findings of Grand Juries, together with the superior learning of counsel from slave-holding Maryland, any guarantee that “traitors” would be hung.  In every respect, the Underground Rail Road made capital by the treason. Slave-holders from Maryland especially were far less disposed to hunt their runaway property than they had hitherto been.  The Deputy Marshal likewise considered the business of catching slaves very unsafe.

-------------------------

WILLIAM AND ELLEN CRAFT
FEMALE SLAVE IN MALE ATTIRE, FLEEING AS A PLANTER, WITH HER HUSBAND AS HER BODY SERVANT.

     A quarter of a century ago, William and Ellen Craft were slaves in the State of Georgia.  With them, as with thousands of others, the desire to be free was very strong.  For this jewel they were willing to make any sacrifice, or to endure any amount of suffering.  In this state of mind they commenced planning.  After thinking of various ways that might be tried, it occurred to William and Ellen that one might act the part of master and the other the part of servant.
     Ellen being fair enough to pass for white, of necessity would have to be transformed into a young planter for the time being.  All that was needed, however, to make this important change was that she should be dressed elegantly in a fashionable suit of male attire, and have her hair cut in the style usually worn by young planters.  Her profusion of dark hair offered a fine opportunity for the change.  So far this plan looked very tempting.  But it occurred to them that Ellen was beardless.  After some mature reflection, they came to the conclusion that this difficulty could be very readily obviated by having the face muffled up as though the young planter was suffering badly with the face or toothache; thus they got rid of this trouble.  Straightway, upon further reflection, several other very serious difficulties

WILLIAM CRAFT             ELLEN CRAFT

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stared them in the face.  For instance, in traveling, they knew that they would be under the necessity of stopping repeatedly at hotels, and that the custom of registering would have to be conformed to, unless some very good excuse could be given for not doing so.
     Here they again thought much over matters and wisely concluded that the young man had better assume the attitude of a gentleman very much indisposed.  He must have his right arm placed carefully in a sling; that would be a sufficient excuse for not registering, etc.  Then he must be a little lame, with a nice cane in the left hand; he must have large green spectacles over his eyes, and withal he must be very hard of hearing and dependent on his faithful servant (as was no uncommon thing with slave-holders), to look after all his wants.
     William was just the man to act this part.  To begin with, he was very "likely-looking;" smart, active and exceedingly attentive to his young master - indeed he was almost eyes, ears, hands and feet for him.  William knew that this would please the slave-holders.  The young planter would have nothing to do but hold himself subject to his ailments and put on a bold air of superiority; he was not to deign to notice anybody.  IF, while traveling, gentlemen, either politely or rudely, should venture to scrape acquaintance with the young planter, in his deafness he was to remain mute; the servant was to explain.  In every instance when this occurred, as it actually did, the servant was fully equal to the emergency - none dreaming of the disguises in which the Underground Rail Road passengers were traveling.
     They stopped at a first-class hotel in Charleston, where the young planter and his body servant were treated, as the house was wont to treat the chivalry.  They stopped also at a similar hotel in Richmond, and with like results.
     They stopped at a first-class hotel in Charleston, where the young planter and his body servant were treated, as the house was wont to treat the chivalry.  They stopped also at a similar hotel in Richmond, and with like results.
     They knew that they must pass through Baltimore, but they did not know the obstacles that they would have to surmount in the Monumental City.  They proceeded to the depot in the usual manner, and the servant asked for tickets for his master and self.  Of course the master could have a ticket, but "bonds will have to be entered before you can get a ticket," said the ticket master.  "It is the rule of this office to require bonds for all negroes applying for tickets to go North, and none but gentlemen of well-known responsibility will be taken," further explained the ticket master.
     The servant replied, that he knew "nothing about that" - that he was "simply traveling with his young master to take care of him - he being in a very delicate state of health, so much so, that fears were entertained that he might not be able to hold out to reach Philadelphia, where he was hastening for medical treatment," and ended his reply by saying, "my master can't be detained."  Without further parley, the ticket master very obligingly waived the old "rule," and furnished the requisite tickets.  The mountain being

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thus removed, the young planter and his faithful servant were safely in the cares for the city of Brotherly Love.
     Scarcely had they arrived on free soil when the rheumatism departed - the right arm was unslung - the toothache was gone - the beardless face was unmuffled - the deaf heard and spoke - the blind saw - and the lame leaped as an heart, and in the presence of a few astonished friends of the slave, the facts of this unparalleled Underground Rail Road feat were fully established by the most unquestionable evidence.
     The constant strain and pressure on Ellen's nerves, however, had tried her severely, so much so, that for days afterwards, she was physically very much prostrated, although joy and gladness beamed from her eyes, which bespoke inexpressible delight within.
     Never can the writer forget the impression made by their arrival.  Even now, after a lapse of nearly a quarter of a century, it is easy to picture them in a private room, surrounded by a few friends - Ellen in her fine suit of black, with her cloak and high-heeled boots, looking, in every respect, like a young gentleman; in an hour after having dropped her male attire, and assumed the habiliments of her sex the feminine only was visible in every line and feature of her structure.
     Her husband, William, was thoroughly colored, but was a man of marked natural abilities, of good manners, and full of pluck, and possessed of perceptive faculties very large.
     It was necessary, however, in those days, that they should seek a permanent residence, where their freedom would be more secure than in Philadelphia; therefore they were advised to go to headquarters, directly to Boston.  There they would be safe, it was supposed, as it had then been about a generation since a fugitive had been taken back from the old Bay State, and through the incessant labors of William Lloyd Garrison, the great pioneer, and his faithful coadjutors, it was conceded that another fugitive slave case could never be tolerated on the free soil of Massachusetts.  So to Boston they went.
     On arriving, the warm hearts of abolitionists welcomed the heartily, and greeted and cheered them without let or hindrance.  They did not pretend to keep their coming a secret, or hide it under a bushel; the story of their escape was heralded broadcast over the country- North and South, and indeed over the civilized world.  For two years or more, not the slightest fear was entertained that they were not jsut as safe in Boston as if they had gone to Canada.  But the day the Fugitive Bill passed, even the bravest abolitionist began to fear that a fugitive slave was no longer safe anywhere under the stars and stripes, North or South, and that William and Ellen Craft were liable to be captured at any moment by Georgia slave hunters.  Many abolitionists counselled resistance to the death at all hazards.  Instead of running to Canada, fugitives generally armed themselves and thus said, "Give me liberty or give me death."

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     William and Ellen Craft believed that it was their duty, as citizens of Massachusetts, to observe a more legal and civilized mode of conforming to the marriage rite than had been permitted them in slavery, and as Theodore Parker had shown himself a very warm friend of their's, they agreed to have their wedding over again according to the laws of a free State.  After performing the ceremony, the renowned and fearless advocate of equal rights (Theodore Parker), presented William with a revolver and a dirk-knife, counselling him to use them manfully in defence of his wife and himself, if ever an attempt should be made by his owners or anybody else to re-enslave them.
     But, notwithstanding all the published declarations made by abolitionists and fugitives, to the effect, that slave-holders and slave-catchers in visiting Massachusetts in pursuit of their runaway property, would be met by just such weapons as Theodore Parker presented William with, to the surprise of all Boston, the owners of William and Ellen actually had the effrontery to attempt their recapture under the Fugitive Slave Law.  How it was done, and the results taken from the Old Liberator (William Lloyd Garrison's organ), we copy as follows:

                                                                                                 From the "Liberator," Nov. 1, 1850.

SLAVE-HUNTERS IN BOSTON.

     Our city, for a week past, has been thrown into a state of intense excitement by the appearance of two prowling villains, named Hughes and Knight, from Macon, Georgia, for the purpose of seizing William and Ellen Craft, under the infernal Fugitive Slave Bill, and carrying them back to the hell of Slavery.  Since the day of '76, there has not been such a popular demonstration on the side of human freedom in this region.  The humane and patriotic contagion ahs infected all classes.  Scarcely any other subject has been talked about in the streets, or in the social circle.  On Thursday, of last week, warrants for the arrest of William and Ellen were issued by Judge Levi Woodbury, but no officer has het been found ready or bold enough to serve them.  In the meantime, the Vigilance Committee, appointed at the Faneuil Hall meeting, has not been idle.  Their number has been increased to upwards of a hundred "good men and true," including some thirty or forty members of the bar; and they have been in constant session, devising every legal method to baffle the pursuing bloodhounds, and relieve the city of their hateful presence.  On Saturday placards were posted up in all directions, announcing the arrival of these slave-hunters, and describing their persons.  On the same day, Hughes and Knight were arrested on the charge of slander against William Craft.  The Chronotype says, the damages being laid at $10,000; bail was demanded in the same sum, and was promptly furnished.  By whom? is the question.  An immense crowd was assembled in front of the Sheriff's office, while the bail matter

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was being arranged.  The reporters were not admitted.  It was only known that Watson Freeman, Esq., who once declared his readiness to hang any number of negroes remarkably cheap, came in, saying that the arrest was a shame, all a humbug, the trick of the damned abolitionists, and proclaimed his readiness to stand bail.  John H. Pearson was also sent for, and came - the same John H. Pearson, merchant and Southern packet agent, who immortalized himself by sending back, on the 10th of September, 1846, in the bark Niagara, a poor fugitive slave, who came secreted in the brig Ottoman, from New Orleans - being himself judge, jury and executioner, to consign a fellow-being to a life of bondage - in obedience to the law of a slave State, and in violation of the law of his own.  This same John H. Pearson, not contented with his previous infamy, was on hand.  There is a story that the slave-hunters have been his table-guests also, and whether he bailed them or not, we don't know.  What we know is, that soon after Pearson came out from the back room, where he and Knight and the Sheriff had been closeted, the Sheriff said that Knight was bailed - he would not say by whom.  Knight being looked after, was not to be found.  He had slipped out through a back door, and thus cheated the crowd of the pleasure of greeting him - possibly with that rough and ready affection which Barclay's brewers Hughes and Knight have since been twice arrested and put under the bonds of $10,000 (making $30,000 in all), charged with a conspiracy to kidnap and abduct William Craft, a peaceable citizen of Massachusetts, etc.  Bail was entered by Hamilton Willis, of Willis & Co., 25 State street, and Patrick Riley, u. S. Deputy Marshal.
     The following (says the ChronotypeP, is a verbatim et literatim copy of the letter sent by Knight & Craft, to entice him to the U. S. Hotel, in order to kidnap him.  It shows, that the school-master owes Knight more "service and labor" than it is possible for Craft to:

                                                                                                        BOSTON, Oct. 22, 1850, 11 Oclk P. M.

     Wm. Craft - Sir - I have to leave so Eirly in the moring that I cold not call according to promis, so if you want me to carry a letter home with me, you must bring it to the United States Hotel to morrow and leave it in box 44, or come your self to morro eavening after tea and bring it.  let me no if you come your self by sending a note to box 44 U. S. Hotel so that I may know whether to wate after tea or not by the Bearer.   If your wife wants to see me you cold bring her with you if you come your self.
                                                                                                                                                  JOHN KNIGHT.
     P. S. I shall leave for home eirley a Thursday moring                                                                               J. K.

     At a meeting of colored people, held in Belknap Street Church, on Friday evening, the following resolutions were unanimously adopted:
     Resolved, That God willed us free; man willed us slaves.  We will as God wills; God's will be done.
     Resolved, That our oft repeated determination to resist oppression is the

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same now as ever, and we pledge ourselves, at all hazards, to resist until death any attempt upon our liberties.
     Resolved, That as South Carolina seizes and imprisons colored seamen from the North, under the plea that it is to prevent insurrection and rebellion among her colored population, the authorities of this State, and city in particular, be requested to lay hold of, and put in prison, immediately, any and all fugitive slave-hunters who may be found among us, upon the same ground, and for similar reasons.
     Spirited addresses, of a most emphatic type, were made by Messrs. Remond, of Salem,, Roberts, Nell, and Allen, of Boston, and Davis, of Plymouth.  Individuals and highly repectable committees of gentlemen have repeatedly waited upon those Georgia miscreants, to persuade them to make a speedy departure from the city.  After promising to do so, and repeatedly falsifying their word, it is said that they left on Wednesday afternoon, in the express train for New York, and thus (says the Chronotype), they have "gone off with their ears full of fleas, to fire the solemn word for the dissolution of the Union!"
     Telegraphic intelligence is received, that President Fillmore has announced his determination to sustain the Fugitive Slave Bill, at all hazards.  Let him try!  The fugitives, as well as the colored people generally, seem determined to carry out the spirit of the resolutions to their fullest extent.

     ELLEN first received information that the slave-hunters from Georgia were after her through Mrs. Geo. S. Hilliard, of Boston, who had been a good friend to  her from the day of her arrival from slavery.  How Mrs. Hilliard obtained the information, the impression it made on Ellen and where she was secreted, the following extract of a letter written by Mrs. Hilliard, touching the memorable event, will be found deeply interesting:
     "In regard to William and Ellen Craft, it is true that we received her at our house when the first warrant under the act of eighteen hundred and fifty was issued.
     Dr. Bowditch called upon us to say, that the warrant must be for William and Ellen, as they were the only fugitives here known to have come from Georgia, and the Dr. asked what we could do.  I went to the house of the Rev. F. T. Gray, on Mt. Vernon street, where Ellen was working with Miss Dean, an upholsteress, a friend of  ours, who had told us she would teach Ellen her trade.  I proposed to Ellen to come and do some work for me, intending not to alarm her.  My manner, which I supposed to be indifferent and calm betrayed me and she threw herself into my arms sobbing and weeping.  She, however, recovered her composure as soon as we reached the street, and was very firm ever after.
     My husband wished her, by all means, to be brought to our house, and to remain under his protection, saying: 'I am perfectly willing to meet the penalty, should she be found here, but will never give her up.'  The penalty, you remember, was six months' imprisonment and a thousand dollars fine.  William Craft went, after a time, to Lewis Hayden.  He was at first, as Dr. Bowditch told us, 'barricaded in his shop on Cambridge street.'  I saw him there, and he said, 'Ellen must not be left at your house.'  'Why?  William,' said I, 'do you think we would give her up?'  'Never,' said he, 'but Mr. Hilliard is not

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only our friend, but he is a U. S. Commissioner, and should Ellen he found in his house he must resign his office, as well as incur the penalty of the law, and I will not subject a friend to such a punishment for the sake of our safety.'  Was not this noble, when you think how small was the penalty that any one could receive for siding slaves to escape, compared to the fate which threatened them in case they were captured?  William C. made the same objection to having his wife taken to Mrs. Ellis Gray Loring's, he also being a friend and a Commissioner."

     This deed of humanity and Christian charity is worthy to be commemorated and classed with the act of the good Samaritan, as the same spirit is shown in both cases.  Often was Mrs. Hilliard's house an asylum for fugitive slaves.
     After the hunters had left the city in dismay, and the storm of excitement had partially subsided, the friends of William and Ellen concluded that they had better seek a country where they would not be in daily fear of slave-catchers, backed by the Government of the United States.  They were, therefore, advised to go to Great Britain.  Outfits were liberally provided for them, passages procured, and they took their departure for a habitation in a foreign land.
     Much might be told concerning the warm reception they met with from the friends of humanity on every hand, during a stay in England of nearly a score of years, but we fell obliged to make the following extract suffice:

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM WM. FARMER, ESQ., OF LONDON, TO WM. LLOYD GARRISON, JUNE 26, 1861 - "FUGITIVE SLAVES AT THE GREAT EXHIBITION."

     Fortunately, we have, at the present moment, in the British Metropolis, some specimens of what were once American "chattels persona.," in the persons of William and Ellen Craft and William W. Brown, and their friends resolved that they should be exhibited under the world's huge glass case, in order that the world might form its opinion of the alleged mental inferiority of the African race, and their fitness or unfitness for freedom.  A small party of anti-slavery friends was accordingly formed to accompany the fugitives through the Exhibition.  Mr. and Mrs. Estlin, of Bristol, and a lady friend, Mr. and Mrs. Richard Webb, of Dublin, and a son and daughter, Mr. McDonnell, (a most influential member of the Executive Committee of National Reform association - one of our unostentatious, but highly efficient workers for reform in this country, and whose public and private acts, if you were acquainted with, you would feel the same esteem and affection for him as is felt towards him by Mr. Thompson, myself and many others) - these ladies and gentlemen, together with myself, met at MR. Thompson's house, and, in company with Mrs. Thompson, and Miss Amelia Thompson, the Crafts and Brown preceded from thence to the Exhibition.  Saturday was selected, as a day upon which the largest number of the aristocracy and wealthy classes attend the Crystal Palace, and the

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company was, on this occasion, the most distinguished that had been gathered together within its walls since its opening day.  Some fifteen thousand, mostly of the upper classes, were there congregated, including the Queen, Prince Albert, and the royal children, the anti-slavery Dutchess of Sutherland, (by whom the fugitives were evidently favorably regarded), the Duke of Wellington, the Bishops of Winchester and St. Asaph, a large number of peers, peeresses, members of Parliament, merchants and bankers, and distinguished men from almost all parts of the world, surpassing, in variety of tongue, character and costume, the description of the population of Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost - a season of which it is hoped the Great Exhibition will prove a type, in the copious outpouring of the holy spirit of brotherly union, and the consequent diffusion, throughout the world, of the anti-slavery gospel of good will to all men.
     In addition to the American exhibitors, it so happened that the American visitors were particularly numerous, among whom the experienced eyes of Brown and the Crafts enabled them to detect slave-holders by dozens.  Mr. McDonnell escorted Mr. Craft, and Mrs. Thompson; Miss Thompson, at her own request, took the arm of Wm. Wells Brown, whose companion she elected to be for the day; Wm. Craft walked with Miss Amelia Thompson and myself.  This arrangement was purposely made in order that there might be no appearance of patronizing the fugitives, but that it might be shown that we regarded them as our equals, and honored them for their heroic escape from Slavery.  Quite contrary to the feeling of ordinary visitors, the American department was our chief attraction.  Upon arriving at Powers' Greek Slave, our glorious anti-slavery friend, Punch's Virginia Slave' was produced.  I hope you have seen this production of our great humorous moralist.  It is an admirably-drawn figure of a female slave in chains, with the inscription beneath, 'The Virginia lave, a companion for Powers' Greek Slave.  The comparison of the two soon drew a small crowd, including several Americans, around and near us.  Although they refrained from any audible expression of feeling, the object of the comparison was evidently understood and keenly felt.  It would not have been prudent in us to have challenged, in words, an anti-slavery discussion in the World's Convention; but everything that we could with propriety do was done to induce them to break silence upon the subject.  We had no intention, verbally, of taking the initiative in such a discussion; we confined ourselves to speaking at them, in order that they might be led to speak to us; but our efforts were of no avail.  The gauntlet, which was unmistakably thrown down by our party, the Americans were too wary to take up.  We spoke among each other of the wrongs of Slavery; it was in vain.  We discoursed freely upon the iniquity of a professedly Christian Republic holding three millions of its population in cruel and degrading bondage; you might as well have preached to the winds.  Wm. Wells Brown took 'Punch's Vir-

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ginia Slave' and deposited it within the enclosure by the "Greek Slave,' saying audibly, 'As an American fugitive slave, I place this 'Virginia Slave' by the side of the 'Greek Slave,' as its most fitting companion.'  Not a word, or reply, or remonstrance from Yankee or Southerner.  We had not, however, proceeded many steps from the place before the 'Virginia Slave' was removed.  We returned to the statue, and stood near the American by whom it had been taken up, to give him an opportunity of making any remarks he chose upon the matter.  Whatever were his feelings, his policy was to keep his lips closed.  If he had felt that the act was wrongful, would he not have appealed to the sense of justice of the British bystanders, who are always ready to resist an insult offered to a foreigner in this country?  If it was an insult, why not resent it, as became high-spirited Americans?  But no; the chivalry of the South tamely allowed itself to be plucked by the beard; the garrulity of the North permitted itself to be silenced by three fugitive slaves . . . . . . . . . . We promenaded the Exhibition between six and seven hours, and visited nearly every portion of the vast edifice.  Among the thousands whom we met in our perambulations, who dreamed of any impropriety in a gentleman of character and standing, like Mr. McDonnell, walking arm-in-arm with a colored woman; or an elegant and accomplished young lady like Miss Thompson, (daughter of the Hon. George Thompsaon, M. C.), becoming the promenading companion of a colored man?  Did the English peers or peeresses?  Not the most aristocratic among them.  Did the representatives of any other country have their notions of propriety shocked by the matter?  None but Americans.  To see the arm of a beautiful English young lady passed through that of 'a nigger,' taking ices and other refreshments with him, upon terms of the most perfect equality, certainly was enough to 'rile,' and evidently did 'rile' the slave-holders who beheld it; but there was no help for it.  Even the New York Broadway bullies would not have dared to utter a word of insult, much less lift a finger against Wm. Wells Brown, when walking with his fair companion in the World's Exhibition.  It was a circumstance not to be forgotten by these Southern Bloodhounds.  Probably, for the first time in their lives, they felt themselves thoroughly muzzled; they dared not even to bark, much less bite.  Like the meanest curs, they had to sneak through the Crystal Palace, unnoticed and uncared for; while the victims who had been rescued from their jaws, were warmly greeted by visitors from all parts of the country.

     *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *

     Brown  and the Crafts have paid several other visits to the Great Exhibition, in one of which, Wm. Craft succeeded in getting some Southerners "out" upon the Fugitive Slave Bill, respecting which a discussion was held between them in the American department.  Finding themselves worsted at every point, they were compelled to have recourse to lying, and unblushingly denied that the bill contained the provisions which Craft alleged it did.

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Craft took care to inform them who and what he was.  He told them that there had been too much information upon that measure diffused in England for lying to conceal them.  He ahs subsequently met the same parties, who, with contemptible hypocrisy, treated "the nigger" with great respect.
     In England the Crafts were highly respected.  While under her British Majesty's protection, Ellen became the mother of several children, (having had none under the stars and stripes).  These they spared no pains in educating for usefulness in the world.  Some two years since William and Ellen returned with two of their children to the United States, and after visiting Boston and other places, William concluded to visit Georgia, his old home, with a view of seeing what inducement war had opened up to enterprise, as he had felt a desire to remove his family thither, if encouraged.  Indeed he was prepared to purchase a plantation, if he found matters satisfactory.  This visit evidently furnished the needed encouragement, judging from the fact that he did purchase a plantation somewhere in the neighborhood of Savannah, and is at present living there with his family.
     The portraits of William and Ellen represent them at the present state of life, (as citizens of the U. S.) - of course they have greatly changed in appearance from what they were when they first fled from Georgia.  Obviously the Fugitive Slave Law in its crusade against William and Ellen Craft, reaped no advantages, but on the contrary, liberty was greatly the gainer.

-------------------------

ARRIVALS FROM RICHMOND
LEWIS COBB AND NANCY BRISTER.

     No one Southern city furnished a larger number of brave, wide-awake and likely-looking Underground Rail Road passengers than the city of Richmond.  Lewis and Nancy were fair specimens of the class of travelers coming from that city.  Lewis was described as a light yellow man, medium size, good-looking, and intelligent.  In referring to bondage, he spoke with great earnestness, and in language very easily understood; especially when speaking of Samuel Myers, from whom he escaped, he did not hesitate to give him the character of being a very hard man, who was never satisfied, no matter how hard the slaves might try to please him.
     Myers was engaged in the commission and forward business, and was a man of some standing in Richmond.  From him Lewis had received very severe floggings, the remembrance of which he would not only carry with him to Canada, but to the grave.  I was owing to abuse of this kind that he was awakened to look for a residence under the protection of the British

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Lion.  For eight months he longed to get away, and had no rest until he found himself on the Underground Rail Road.
     His master was a member of the Century Methodist Church, as was also his wife and family; but Lewis thought that they were strangers to practical Christianity, judging from the manner that the slaves were treated by both master and mistress.  Lewis was a Baptist, and belonged to the second church.  Twelve hundred dollars had been offered for him.  He left his father (Judville), and his brother, John Harris, both slaves.  In view of his prospects in Canada, Lewis soul overflowed with pleasing anticipations of freedom, and the Committee felt great satisfaction in assisting him.

     NANCY was also from Richmond, and came in the same boat with Lewis.  She represented the most "likely-looking female bond servants."  Indeed her appearance recommended her at once.  She was neat, modest, modest, and well-behaved - with a good figure and the picture of health, with a countenance beaming with joy and gladness, notwithstanding the late struggles and sufferings through which she had passed.  Young as she was had seen much of slavery, and had, doubtless, profited by the lessons thereof.  At all events it was through cruel treatment, having been frequently beaten after she had passed her eighteenth year, that she was prompted to seek freedom.  It was so common for her mistress to give way to unbridled passions that Nancy never felt safe.  Under the severest infliction of punishment she was not allowed to complain.  Neither from mistress nor master had she any reason to expect mercy or leniency - indeed she saw no way of escape but by the Underground Rail Road.
     It was true that the master, Mr. William Bears, was a Yankee from Connecticut, and his wife a member of the Episcopal Church, but Nancy's yoke seemed none the lighter for all that.  Fully persuaded that she would never find her lot any better while remaining in their hands, she accepted the advice and aid of a young man to whom she was engaged; he was shrewd enough to find an agent to Richmond, with whom he entered into a covenant to have Nancy brought away.  With a cheerful heart the journey was undertaken in the manner aforesaid, and she safely reached the Committee.  Her mother, one brother and a sister she had to leave in Richmond.  One thousand dollars were lost in the departure of Nancy.
     having been accommodated and aided by the Committee, they were forwarded to Canada.  Lewis wrote back repeatedlly and expressed himself very gratefully for favors received, as will be seen by the appended letters from him:

                                                                                                                                         TORONTO, April 25, 1857.
     To Mr. WM. STILL - Dear Sir: - I take this opportunity of addressing these few lines to inform you that I am well and hope that they may find you and your family enjoying the same good health.  Please to give any love to you and your family.  I had a very pleasant trip from your house that morning.  Dear sir, you would oblige me much, if you

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have not sent that box to Mr. Robinson, to open it and take out the little yellow box that I tied up in the large one and send it on by express to me in Toronto.  Lift up a few of the things and you will find it near the top.  All the clothes that I have are in that box and I stand in need of them.  You would oblige me much by so doing.  I stopped at Mr. Jones' in Elmira, and was very well treated by him while there.  I am now in Toronto and doing very well at present.  I am very thankful to you and your family for the attention you paid to me while at your house.  I wish you would see Mr. Ormsted and ask him if he has not some things for Mr. Anthony Loney, and if he has, please send them on with my things, as we are both living together at this time.  Give my love to Mr. Anthony, also to Mr. Orstead and family.  Dear sir, we both would be very glad for you to attend to this, as we both do stand very much in need of them at this time.  Dear sir, you will oblige me by giving my love to Miss Frances Watkins, and as she said she hoped to be out in the summer, I should like to see her.  I have met with a gentleman here by the name of Mr. Truehart, and he sends his best love to you and your family.  Mr. Truehart desires to know whether you received the letter he sent to you, and if so, answer it as soon as possible.  Please answer this letter as soon as possible.  I must now come to a close by saying that I remain your beloved friend,       
                                                                                                                                LEWIS COBB.

-------------------------

PASSENGERS FROM NORTH CAROLINA
[BY SCHOONER]
MAJOR LATHAM, WILLIAM WILSON, HENRY GORHAM, WILEY MADDISON, AND ANDREW SHEPHERD

     The above named passengers were delivered into the hands of Thomas Garrett by the Captain who brought them, and were aided and forwarded to the Committee in Philadelphia, as indicated by the subjoined letter:

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                                                                                                                                          WILMINGTON, 11th mo., 6th, 1856

     RESPECTED FRIEND: - WILLIAM STILL: - Thine of yesterday, came to hand this morning, advising me to forward those four men to thee, which I propose to send from here in the steam boat, at two o'clock, P. M. to day to thy care; one of them thinks he has a brother and cousin in New Bedford, and is anxious to get to them, the others thee can do what thee thinks best with, after consulting with them, we have rigged them up pretty comfortably with clothes, and I have paid for their passage to Philadelphia, and also for the passage of their pilot there and back; he proposed to ask thee for three dollars, for the three days time he lost with the, but that we will raised here for him, as one of them expects to have some money brought from Carolina soon, that belongs to him, and wants thee when they are fixed, to let me know some that I may forward it to them.  I will give each of them a card of our firm.  Hoping they may get along safe, I remain as ever, thy sincere friend.                                                                                       THOS GARRETT.

     The passengers by this arrival were above the ordinary plantation or farm hand slave, as will appear from a glance at their condition under the yoke.

     MAJOR LATHAM was forty-four years at age, mulatto, very resolute, with good natural abilities, and a decided hater of slavery.  John Latham was the man whom he addressed as "master," which was a very bitter pill for him to swallow.  He had been married twice, and at the time of his escape he was the husband of two wives.  The first one, with their three children, in consequence of charges incident to slave life, was sold a long distance from her old home and husband, thereby ending the privilege of living together; he could think of them, but that was all; he was compelled to give them up altogether.  After a time he took to himself another wife, with whom he lived several years.  Three more children owned him as father - the result of this marriage.  During his entire manhood Major had been brutally treated by his master, which caused him a great deal of anguish and trouble of mind.
     Only a few  weeks before he escaped, his master, in one of his fits of passion, flogged him most cruelly.  From that time the resolution was permanently grounded in his mind to find the way to freedom, if possible, before many more weeks had passed.  Day and night he studied, worked and planned, with freedom uppermost in his mind.  The hour of hope arrived and with it Captain F.

     WILLIAM, a fellow-passenger with Major, was forty-two years of age, just in the prime of life, and represented the mechanics in chains, being a blacksmith by trade.  Dr. Thomas Warren, who followed farming in the neighborhood of Eatontown, was the owner of William.  In speaking of his slave life William said:  "I was sold four times; twice I was separated from my wives.  I was separated from one of my wives when living in Portsmouth, Virginia," etc.
     In his simple manner manner of describing the trials he had been called upon to endure, it was not to be wondered at that he was willing to forsake all and

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run fearful risks in order to rid himself not only of the "load on his back," but the load on his heart.  By the very positive character of William's testimony against slavery, the Committee felt more than ever justified in encouraging the Underground Rail Road.

     HENRY GORHAM was thirty-four years of age, a "prime," heavy, dark, smart, "article," and a good carpenter.  He admitted that he had never felt the lash on his back, but, nevertheless, he had felt deeply on the subject of slavery.  For years the chief concern with him was as to how he cold safely reach a free State.  Slavery he hated with a perfect hatred.  To die in the woods, live in a cave, or sacrifice himself in some way, he was bound to do, rather than remain a slave.  The more he reflected over his condition the more determined he grew to seek his freedom.  Accordingly he left and went to the woods; there he prepared himself a cave and resolved to live and die in it rather than return to bondage.  Before he found his way out of the prison-house eleven months elapsed.  His strong impulse for freedom, and intense aversion to slavery, sustained him until he found an opportunity to escape by the Underground Rail Road.
     One of the tried Agents of the Underground Rail Road was alone cognizant of his dwelling in the cave, and regarding him as a tolerably safe passenger (having been so long secreted), secured him a passage on the schooner, and thus he was fortunately relieved from his eleven months' residence in his den.  No rhetoric or fine scholarship was needed in his case to make his story interesting.  None but hearts of stone could have listened without emotion.

     ANDREW, another fellow-passenger, was twenty-six years of age, and a decidedly inviting-looking specimen of the peculiar institution.  He filled the situation of an engineer.  He, with his wife and one child, belonged to a small orphan girl, who lived at South End, Camden county, N. Y.  His wife and child had to be left behind.  While it seemed very hard for a husband thus to leave his wife, everyone that did so weakened slavery and encouraged and strengthened anti-slavery.

     Numbered with these four North Carolina passengers is found the name of WILEY MADDISON, a young man nineteen years of age, who escaped from Petersburg on the cars as a white man.  He was of promising appearance, and found no difficulty whatever on the road.  With the rest, however, he concluded himself hardly safe this side of Canada, and it afforded the Committee special pleasure to help them all.

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THOMAS CLINTON, SAUNEY PRY AND BENJAMIN DUCKET.
PASSED OVER THE U. G. R. R., UN THE FALL OF 1856.

     THOMAS escaped from Baltimore.  He described the man from whom he fled as a "rum drinker" of some note, by the name of Benjamin Walmsly, and he testified that under him he was neither "half fed nor clothed," in consequence of which he was dissatisfied, and fled to better his condition.  Luckily Thomas succeeded in making his escape when about twenty-one years of age.  His appearance and smartness indicated resolution and gave promise of future success.  He was well made and of a chestnut color.

     SAUNEY PRY came from Loudon Co., Va.  He had been one of the "well-cared for," on the farm of Nathan Clapton, who owned some sixty or seventy slaves.  Upon inquiry as to the treatment and character of his master, Sauney unhesitatingly described him as a "very mean, swearing, blustering man, as hard as any that could be started."  It was on this account that he was prompted to turn his face against Virginia and to venture on the Underground Rail Road.  Sauney was twenty-seven years of age, chestnut color, medium size, and in intellect was at least up to the average.

     BENJAMIN DUCKET came from Bell Mountain, Prince George's Co., Maryland.  He stated to the Committee that he escaped from one Sicke Perry, a farmer.  OF his particular master he spoke thus;  "He was one of the baddest men about Prince George; he would both fight and kill up."
     These characteristics of the master developed in Ben very strong desires to get beyond reach.  In fact, his master's conduct was the sole cause of his seeking the Underground Rail Road.  At the time that he came to Philadelphia, he was recorded as twenty-three years of age, chestnut color, medium size, and wide awake.  He left his father, mother, two brothers, and three sisters, owned by Marcus Devoe.

     About the same time that the passengers just described received succor, ELIZABETH LAMBERT, with three children, reached the Committee.  The names of the children were, Mary, Horace, and William Henry, quite marketable-looking articles.
     They fled from Middletown, Delaware, where they had been owned by Andrew Peterson.  The poor mother's excuse for leaving her "comfortable home, free board, and kind-hearted master and mistress," was simply because she was tired of such "kindness," and was, therefore, willing to suffer in order to get away from it.

     HILL JONES, a lad of eighteen, accompanied Elizabeth with her children from Middletown.  He had seen enough of Slavery to satisfy him that he could never relish it.  His owner was known by the name of John Cochran, and followed farming.  He was of a chestnut color, and well-grown.

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ARRIVALS IN APRIL, 1856.
CHARLES HALL, JAMES JOHNSON, CHARLES CARTER, GEORGE, AND JOHN LOGAN, JAMES HENRY WATSON, ZEBULON GREEN, LEWIS, AND PETER BURRELL, WILLIAM WILLIAMS, AND HIS WIFE - HARRIET TUBMAN, WITH FOUR PASSENGER.

     CHARLES HALL.  This individual was from Maryland, Baltimore Co., where "black men had no rights which white men were bound to respect," according to the decision of the late Chief Justice Taney of the Supreme Court of the United States.
     Charles was owned by Atwood A. Blunt, a farmer, much of whose time was devoted to card playing, rum-drinking and fox-hunting, so Charles stated.  Charles gave him the credit of being as mild a specimen of a slave-holder as that region of country could claim when in a sober mood, but when drunk every thing went wrong with him, nothing could satisfy him.
     Charles testified, however, that the despotism of his mistress was much worse than that of his master, for she was all the time hard on the slaves.  Latterly he had heard much talk about selling, and, believing that matters would soon have to come to that, he concluded to seek a place where colored  men had rights, in Canada.

     JAMES JOHNSON,  James fled from Deer Creek, Harford Co., Md., where he was owned by William Rautty.  "Jim's" hour had come.  Within one day of the time fixed for his sale, he was handcuffed, and it was evidently supposed that he was secure.  Trembling at his impending doom he resolved to escape if possible.  He could not rid himself of the handcuffs.  Could he have done so, he was persuaded that he might manage to make his way along safely.  He resolved to make an effort with the handcuffs on.
     With resolution his freedom was secured.  What Master Rautty said when he found his property gone with the handcuffs, we know not.
     The next day after Jim arrived, Charles Carter, George and John Logan came to hand.

     CHARLES had been under the yoke in the city of Richmond, held to service by Daniel Delaplain, a flour inspector.  Charles was hired out by the flour inspector for as such as he could command for him, for being a devoted lover of money, ordinary wages hardly ever satisfied him.  In other respects Charles spoke of his master rather favorably in comparison with slaveholders generally.
     A thirty years' apprenticeship as a slave had not, however, won him over to the love of the system; he had long since been convinced that it was nonsense to suppose that such a thing as happiness could be found even under the best of masters.  He claimed to have a wife and four little children living in Alexandria, Va.; the name of the wife of Lucinda.  In the estimation of slave-holders, the fact of Charles having a family might have

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offered no cause for unhappiness, but Charles felt differently in relation to the matter.  Again, for reasons best known to the owner, he talked of selling Charles.  On this point Charles also felt quite nervous, so he began to think that he had better make an attempt to get beyond the reach of buyers and sellers.  He knew that many others similarly situated had got out of bondage simply by hard struggling, and he felt that he could do likewise.  When he had thus determined the object was half accomplished.  True, every step that he should take was liable to bring trouble upon himself, yet with the hope of freedom buoying him up he resolved to run the risk.  Charles was about thirty years of age, likely-looking, well made, intelligent. and a mulatto.

     GEORGE was twenty-three years of age, quite dark, medium size, and bore the marks of a man of considerable pluck.  He was the slave of Mrs. Jane Coultson.  No special complaint of her is recorded on the book.  She might have been a very good mistress, but George was not a very happy and contented piece of property, as was proved by his course in escaping.  The cold North had many more charms for him than the sunny South.

     JOHN has been already described in the person of his brother George.  He was not, however, the property of Mrs. Coultson, but was owned by Miss Cox, near Little Georgetown, Berkeley Co., Va.  These three individuals were held as slaves by that class of slave-holders, known in the South as the most kind-hearted and indulgent, yet they seemed just as much delighted with the prospects of freedom as any other passengers.

     The next day following the arrival of the party just noticed JAMES HENRY WATSON reached the Committee.  He was in good condition, the spring weather having been favorable, and the journey made without any serious difficulty.
     He was from Snowhill, Worcester county, Md., and had escaped from James Purnell, a farmer of whom he did not speak very favorably.  Yet James admitted that his master was not as hard on his slaves as some others.
     For the benefit of James' kinfolk, who may still perchance be making searches for him, not having yet learned whither he went or what became of him, we copy the following paragraph as entered on our book April 11th, 1856:

     JAMES HENRY is twenty years of age, dark, well-made, modest, and seems fearful of apprehension; was moved to escape in order to obtain his freedom; he thought he could do the same.  He left his father, mother, three brothers and five sisters owned by Purnell.  His father's name was Ephraim, his mother's name Mahala  The names of his sisters and brothers were as follows:  Hetty, Betsy, Dinah, Catharine and Harriet; Homer, William and James.

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     ZEBULON GREEN was the next traveler.  He arrived from Duck Creek, Md.  John Appleton, a farmer, was chargeable with having deprived Zeb of his rights.  But, as Zeb was only about eighteen years of age when he made his exit, Mr. Appleton did not get much the start of him.  In answer to the question as to the cause of his escape, he replied "bad usage."  He was smart, and quite dark.  In traveling, he changed his name to Samuel Hill.  The Committee endeavored to impress him thoroughly, with the ideal that he could do much good in the world for himself and fellow-men, by using his best endeavors to acquire education, etc., and forwarded him on to Canada.

     LEWIS BURRELL and his brother PETER arrived safely from Alexandria, Virginia, Apr. 21, 1856.  Lewis had been owned by Edward M. Clark, Peter by Benjamin Johnson Hall.  These passengers seemed to be well posted in regard to Slavery, and understood full well their responsibilities in fleeing from "kind-hearted" masters.  All they feared was that they might not reach Canada safely, although they were pretty hopeful and quite resolute.  Lewis left a wife, Winna Ann, and two children, Joseph and Mary, who were owned by Pembroke Thomas, at Culpepper, Va., nearly a hundred miles distant from him.  Once or twice in the year, was the privilege allowed him to visit his wife and little ones at this long distance.  This separation constituted his daily grief and was the cause of his escape.  Lewis and Peter left their father and mother in bondage, also one brother (Reuben), and three sisters, two of whom has been sold far South.
     After a sojourn in freedom of nearly three years, Lewis wrote on behalf of his wife as followed:

                                                                                                                              TORONTO, C. W., Feb. 2, 1859.
     MR. WM. STILL:
     DEAR SIR: - It have bin two years since I war at your house, at that time I war on my way to cannadia, and I tould you that I had a wife and had to leave her behind, and you promiest me that you would healp me to gait hir if I ever heaird from hir, and I think my dear frend, that the time is come for me to strick the blow, will you healp me, according to your promis.  I recived a letter from a frend in Washington last night and he says that my wife is in the city of Baltimore, and she will come away if she can find a frend to healp hir, so I thought I would writ to you as you are acquanted with foulks theare to howm you can trust with such matthas.  I could write to Mr. Noah davis in Baltimore, who is well acquanted with my wife, but I do not think that he is a trew frend, and I could writ to Mr. Samuel Maden in the same city, but I am afread that a letter coming from cannada might be dedteced, but if you will writ to soume one that you know, and gait them to see Mr. Samuel Maden he will give all the information that you want, as he is acquainted with my wife, he is a preacher and belongs to the Baptis church.  My wifes name is Winne Ann Berrell and she is oned by one Dr. TAms who is on a viset to Baltimore, now Mr. Still will you attend to this thing for me, forthwith, if you will I will pay you four your truble, if we can dow any thing it must be don now, as she will leave theare in the spring, and if you will take the matter in hand, you mous writ me on to reseption of this letter, whether you will or not.                               

     No. 49 Victoria St., Toronto, C. W.

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     As in the case of many others, the way was so completely blocked that nothing could be done for the wife's deliverance.  Until the day when the millions of fetters were broken, nothing gave so much pain to husbands and wives as these heart-breaking separations.
     William Williams and his wife were the next who arrived.  They came from Haven Manor, Md.  They had been owned by John Peak, by whom, according to their report, they had been badly treated, and the Committee had no reason to doubt their testimony.
     The next arrival numbered four passengers, and came under the guidance of "Moses" (Harriet Tubman), from Maryland.  The were adults looking as though they could take care of themselves very easily, although they had the marks of Slavery on them.  It was no easy matter for men and women who had been ground down all their lives, to appear as though they had been enjoying freedom.  Indeed, the only wonder was that so many appeared to as good advantage as they did, after having been crushed down so long.
     The paucity of the narratives in the month of April, is quite noticeable.  Why fuller reports were not written out, cannot now be accounted for; probably the feeling existed that it was useless to write out narratives, except in cases of very special interest.

-------------------------

FIVE FROM GEORGETOWN CROSS ROADS.
MOTHER AND CHILD FROM NORFOLK, VA., ETC.

     ABE FINEER, SAM DAVIS, HENRY SAUNDERS, WM. HENRY THOMPSON and THOMAS PARKER arrived safely from the above named place.  Upon inquiry, the following information was gleaned from them.
     ABE spoke with feelings of some bitterness of a farmer known by the name of George Spencer, who had deprived him of the hard earnings of his hands. Furthermore, he had worked him hard, stinted him for food and clothing and had been in the habit of flogging him whenever he felt like it.  In addition to the above charges, Abe did not hesitate to say that his master meddled too much with the bottle, in consequence of which, he was often in a “ top-heavy " state.  Abe said, however, that he was rich and stood pretty high in the neighborhood—stinting, flogging and drinking were no great disadvantages to a man in Georgetown, Maryland.

     ABE was twenty-three years of age, pure black, ordinary size, and spirited, a thorough convert to the doctrine that all men are born free, and although he had been held in bondage up to the hour of his escape, he gave much reason for believing that he would not be an easy subject to manage under the yoke, if ever captured and carried back.

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     SAM was about thirty years of age, genuine black, common size, and a hater of slavery; he was prepared to show, by the scars he bore about his person, why he talked as he did.  Forever will he remember James Hurst, his so-called master, who was a very blustering man oft-times, and in the habit of abusing his slaves.  Sam was led to seek the Underground Rail Road, in order to get rid of his master and, at the same time, to do better for himself than he could possibly do in Slavery.  He had to leave his wife, Phillis, and one child.

     WILLIAM HENRY was about twenty-four years of age, and of a chestnut color. He too talked of slave-holders, and his master in particular, just as any man would talk who had been shamefully robbed and wronged all his life.

     TOM, likewise, told the same story, and although they used the corn-field vernacular, they were in earnest and possessed an abundance of. mother-wit, so that their testimony was not to be made light of.
     The following letter from Thomas Garrett speaks for itself:

     ESTEEMED FRIENDS—McKim and Still :--I purpose sending tomorrow morning by the steamboat a woman and child, whose husband, I think, went some nine months previous to New Bedford.  She was furnished with a free passage by the same line her husband came in.  She has been away from the person claiming to be her master some five months; We, therefore, think there cannot be much risk at present.  Those four I wrote thee about arrived safe up in the neighborhood of Longwood, and Harriet Tubman followed after in the stage yesterday.  I shall expect five more from the same neighborhood next trip.  Captain Lambdin is desirous of having sent him a book, or books, with the strongest arguments of the noted men of the South against the institution of slavery, as he wishes to prepare to defend himself, as he has little confidence in his attorney.  Cannot you send 4.0 me something that Will be of benefit to him, or send it direct to him?  Would not W. Goodell’s book be of use?  His friends here think there is no chance for him but to go to the penitentiary.  They now refuse to let any one but his attorney see him.

     The woman and child alluded to were received and noted on the record book as follows:

     WINNIE PATTY, and her daughter, ELIZABETH, arrived safely from Norfolk, Va.  The mother is about twenty-two years of age, good-looking and of chestnut color, smart and brave.  From the latter part of October 1855, to the latter part of March, 1856, this young slave mother, with her child, was secreted under the floor of a house.  The house was occupied by a slave family, friends of Winnie.  During the cold winter weather she suffered severely from wet and cold, getting considerably frosted, but her faith failed not, even in the hour of greatest extremity.  She chose rather to suffer thus than endure slavery any longer, especially as she was aware that the auction-block awaited her.  She had already been sold three times; she knew therefore what it was to be sold.

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     A man calling himself Alfred Homer, answering to the above description came to the Vigilance Committee in June, 1856.  As a memorial we transferred the advertisement of John W. Anderson to our record book, and concluded to let that suffice.  Alfred, however, gave a full description of his master's character, and the motives which impelled him to seek his freedom.  He was listened to attentively, but his story was not entered on the book.

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PASSENGERS FROM MARYLAND, 1857
WILLIAM HENRY MOODY, BELINDA BIVANS, ETC.

     WILLIAM was about twenty years of age, black, usual size, and a lover of liberty.  He had heard of Canada, had formed a very favorable opinion of the country and was very desirous of seeing it.  The man who had habitually robbed him of his hire, was a "stout-built, ill-natured man,"  a farmer, by the name of William Hyson.
     To meet the expenses of an extensive building enterprise which he had undertaken, it was apparent that Hyson would have to sell some of his pro-

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perty.  William and some six others of the servants got wind of the fact‘ that they would stand a chance of being in the market soon.  Not relishing the idea of going further South they unanimously resolved to emigrate to Canada.  Accordingly they borrowed a horse from Dr. Wise, and another from H. K. Ties, and a carriage from F. J. Posey, and Joseph P. Mong’s buggy (so it was stated in the Baltimore Sun, of May 27th), and off they started for the promised land.  The horses and carriages were all captured at Chambersburg, a day or two after they set out, but the rest of the property hurried on to the Committee.  How Mr. Hyson raised the money to carry out his enterprise, William and his “ungrateful” fellow-servants seemed not to be concerned.

     BELINDA BIVANS. Belinda was a large woman, thirty years of age, wholly black, and fled from Mr. Hyson, in company with William, and those above referred to, with the idea of reaching Canada, whither her father had fled eight years before.
     She was evidently pleased with the idea of getting away from her ill natured mistress, from poor fare and hard work without pay.  She had experienced much hardship, and had become weary of her trial in bondage.  She had been married, but her husband had died, leaving her with two little girls to care for, both of whom she succeeded in bringing away with her.
     In reference to the church relations of her master and mistress, she represented the former as a backslider, and added that money was his church; of the latter she said, “she would go and take the sacrament, come back and the old boy would be in her as big as a horse.”  Belinda could see but little difference between her master and mistress.

ONE HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD - Ran away from his subscriber, living in Rockville, Montgomery county, Md., on Saturday, 31st of May last,                                                    NEGRO MAN, ALFRED, about twenty-two years of age; five feet seven inches high; dark copper color, and rather good looking.      He had on when he left a dark blue and green plaid frock coat, of cloth, and lighter colored plaid pantaloons.      I will give the above reward if taken out of the county, and in any of the States, or fifty dollars if taken in the county or the District of Columbia, and secured so that I get him again.

     "Why did you leave your master?" said a member of the Committee to Joe.  "I left because there was no enjoyment in slavery for colored people."  After stating how the slaves were treated he added, "I was working all the time for master and he was receiving all my money for my daily labor."  "What business did your master fellow?" inquired the Committee.  "He

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was a carpenter by trade."  :What kind of a looking man was he?" again inquired the Committee.  "He was a large, stout man, don't swear, but lies and cheats."  Joe admitted that he had been treated very well all his life, with the exception of being deprived of his freedom.  For eight years prior to his escape he had been hired out, a part of the time as porter in a grocery store, the remainder as bar-tender in a saloon.  At the time of his escape he was worth twenty-two dollars per month to his master.  Joe had to do overwork and thus procure clothing for himself.
     When a small boy he resolved, that he never would work all his days as a slave for the white people.  As he advanced in years his desire for freedom increased.  An offer of fifteen hundred dollars was made for Joe, so he was informed a short time before he escaped; this caused him to move promptly in the matter of carrying out his designs touching liberty.
     His parents and three brothers, slaves, were to be left; but when the decisive hour came he was equal to the emergency.  In company with William Naylor secreted in a vessel, he was brought away and delivered to the Committee for aid and counsel, which he received, and thus ended his bondage.  The reward offered by his master, Samuel Ellis, proved of no avail.

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ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND

     WILLIAM SCOTT.  William was about twenty-four years of age, well made, though not very heavy - stammered considerably when speaking - wide awake and sensible nevertheless.  For two years the fear of being sold had not been out of his mind.  To meet a security agreement, which had been contracted by his mistress - about which a law-suit had been pending for two years - was what he feared he should be sold for.  About the first of May he found himself in the hands of the sheriff.  On being taken to Stafford Court-House Jail, however, the sheriff permitted him to walk a "little ways."  It occurred to William that then was his only chance to strike for freedom and Canada, at all hazards.  He soon decided the matter, and the sheriff saw no more of him.
     Susan Fox was the name of the person he was compelled to call mistress.  She was described as a "large, portly woman, very gross, with a tolerably severe temper, at times."  Williams mother and one of his brothers had been sold by this woman—an outrage to be forever remembered.  His grandmother, one sister, with two children, and a cousin with five children, all attached by the sheriff, for sale, were left in the hands of his mistress.  He was married the previous Christmas, but in the trying hour could do nothing for his wife, but leave her to the mercy of slave-holders.  The name of the sheriff that he outgeneralled was Walter Cox.  William was valued at $1,000.

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     Perhaps, after all, but few appreciated the sorrow that must have filled the hearts of most of those who escaped.  Though they succeeded in gaining their own liberty—they were not insensible to the oppression of their friends and relatives left in bondage.  On reaching Canada and tasting the sweets of freedom, the thought of dear friends in bondage must have been acutely painful.
     William had many perils to encounter.  On one occasion he was hotly chased, but proved too fleet-footed for his pursuers.  At another time, when straitened, he attempted to swim a river, but failed.  His faith remained strong, nevertheless, and he succeeded in reaching the Committee.

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ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C., etc., 1857.
GEORGE CARROLL, RANDOLPH BRANSON, JOHN CLAGART, AND WILLIAM ROYAN

     These four journeyed from "Egypt" together - but did not leave the same "kind protector."

     GEORGE was a full black, ordinary size, twenty-four years of age, and a convert to the doctrine that he had a right to himself.  For years the idea of escape had been daily cherished.  Five times he had proposed to buy himself, but failed to get the consent of his "master," who was a merchant, C. C. Hirara, a man about sixty years of age, and a member of the Methodist Church.  His property in slaves consisted of two men, two women, two girls and a boy.
     Three of George's brothers escaped to Canada many years prior to his leaving - there he hoped on his arrival to find them in the possession of good farms.  $1,300 walked off in the person of George.

     RANDOLPH, physically, was a superior man.  He was thirty-one years of age and of a dark chestnut color.  Weary with bondage he came to the conclusion that he had served a master long enough "without privileges."  Against his master, Richard Reed, he had no hard things to say, however.  He was not a "crabbed, cross man"  had but "little too say," but "didn't believe in freedom."
     Three of his brothers had been sold South.  Left his father, two sisters and one brother.  Randolph was worth probably $1,700.

     JOHN was a well-made yellow man, twenty-two years of age, who had counted the cost of slavery thoroughly, besides having experienced the effects of it.  Accordingly he resolved to "be free or die," "to kill or be killed in trying to reach free land soemwhere!"
     Having "always been hired out amongst very hard white people," he was "unhappy."  His owner, George Coleman, lived near Fairfax, VA., and was a member of the Methodist Churhc, but in his ways was "very sly,"

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and "deadly against anything like freedom."  He held fifteen of his fellowmen in chains.
     For John's hire he received one hundred and fifty dollars a year.  He was, therefore, ranked with first-class "stock," valued at $1,500.

     WILLIAM was about thirty-five years of age, neat, and pleasing in his manners.  He would be the first selected in a crowd by a gentleman or a lady, who might want a very neat-looking man to attend to household affairs.  Though he considered Captain Cunningham, hais master, a "tolerable fair man," he was not content to be robbed of his liberty and earnings.  As he felt that he "could take care of himself," he decided to let the Captain have the same chance - and so he steered his course straight for Canada.

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ARRIVAL FROM UNIONVILLE, 1857
ISRAEL TODD, AND BAZIL ALDRIDGE

     ISRAEL was twenty-three years of age, yellow, tall, well made and intelligent.  He fled from Frederick county, Md.  Through the sweat of his brow, Dr. Greenberry Sappington and his family had been living at ease  The doctor was a Catholic, owning only one other, and was said to be a man of "right disposition."  His wife, however, was "so mean that nobody could stay with her."  Israel was prompted to escape to save his wife, (had lately been married) and her brother from being sold south.  His detestation of slavery in every shape was very decided.  He was a valuable man, worth to a trader fifteen hundred dollars, perhaps.

     BAZIL was only seventeen years of age.  About as near a kin to the “white folks” as to the colored people, and about as strong an opponent of slavery as any “Saxon” going of his age.  He was a brother-in-law of Israel, and accompanied him on the Underground Rail Road.  Bazil was held to service or labor by Thornton Pool,  a store-keeper, and also farmer, and at the same time an ardent lover of the  “cretur,” so much so that “he kept about half-drunk all the time.”  So Bazil affirmed.  The good spirit moved two of Bazil’s brothers to escape the spring before.  A few months afterwards a brother and sister were sold south.  To manage the matter smoothly, previous to selling them, the master pretended that he was “only going to hire them out a short distance from home.”  But instead of doing so he sold them south.   Bazil might be put down at nine hundred dollars.

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ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1857.
ORDEE LEE, AND RICHARD J. BOOTH

     Both of these passengers came from Maryland.  ORDEE was about thirty-five years of age, gingerbread color, well made, and intelligent.  Being allowed no chances to make anything for himself, was the excuse offered for his escape.  Though, as will appear presently, other causes also helped to make him hate his oppression.
     The man had daily robbed him, and compelled him to call him master, was a notorious "gambler," by the name of Elijah Thompson, residing in Maryland.  "By his bad habits he had run through with his property, though in society he stood pretty tolerably high amongst some people; then again some didn't like him, he was a mean man, all for himself.  He was a man that didn’t care anything about his servants, except to get work out of them.  When he came where the servants were working, he would snap and bite at them and if he said anything at all, it was to hurry the work on.”
     “He never gave me,” said Ordee, “a half a dollar in his life.  Didn’t more than half feed, said that meat and fish was too high to cat.  As for clothing, he never gave me a new hat for every day, nor a Sunday mg in his life.”  Of his mistress, he said,  “She was stingy and close,—made him (his master) worse than what he would have been.”  Two of his brothers were sold to Georgia, and his uncle was cheated out of his freedom.   Left three brothers and two sisters in chains.  Elijah Thompson had at least fifteen hundred dollars less to sport upon by this bold step on the part of Ordee.

     RICHARD was about twenty-two years of age, well grown, and a very likely-looking article, of a chestnut color, with more than common intelligence for a slave.
     His complaints were that he had been treated “had,” allowed “no privileges” to make anything, allowed “no Sunday clothing,” &c.  So he left the portly looking Dr. Hughes, with no feeling of indebtedness or regret.  And as to his “cross and ill-natured” mistress, with her four children, they might whistle for his services and support.  His master had, however, some eighteen or twenty others to rob for the support of himself and family, so they were in no great danger of starving.
     “Would your owner be apt to pursue you?” said a member of the Committee.  “I don’t think he will.  He was after two uncles of mine, one time, saw them, and talked with them, but was made to run.”
     Richard left behind his mother, step-father, two sisters, and one brother.  As a slave, he would have been considered cheap at sixteen hundred dollars.  He was a fine specimen.

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ARRIVAL FROM CAMBRIDGE, 1857.

     SILAS LONG and SOLOMON LIGHT.  Silas and Solomon both left together from Cambridge, Md.

     SILAS was quite black, spare-built and about twenty-seven years of age.  He was owned by Sheriff Robert Bell, a man about "sixty years of age, and had his name up to be the hardest man in the county."  "The Sheriff's wife was about pretty much such a woman as he was a man - there was not a pin's point of difference between them."  The fear of having to be sold caused this Silas to seek the Underground Rail Road.  Leaving his mother, one brother and one cousin, and providing himself with a Bowie-knife and a few dollars in money, he resolved to reach Canada, "or die on the way."  Of course, when slaves reached this desperate point, the way to Canada was generally found.

     SOLOMON was about twenty-three years of age, a good natured looking "article", who also left Cambridge, and the protection of a certain Willis Branick described as an "unaccountable mean man."  "He never gave me any money in his life," said Sol., "but spent it pretty freely for liquor."  "He would not allow enough to eat, or clothing sufficient."  And he sold Sol.'s brother the year before he fled, "because he could not whip him."  The fear of being sold prompted Sol. to flee.  The very day he escaped he had a serious combat with two of his master’s sons.  The thumb of one of them being “badly bit,” and the other used roughly—the ire of the master and sons was raised to a very high degree—-and the verdict went forth that “ Sol. should be sold to—morrow.”  Unhesitutingly, he started for the Underground Rail Road and Canada—and his efforts were not in vain. Damages, $1,500.

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"THE MOTHER OF TWELVE CHILDREN."
OLD JANE DAVIS - FLED TO ESCAPE THE AUCTION-BLOCK.

     The appended letter, from Thomas Garrett, will serve to introduce one of the most remarkable cases that it was our privilege to report or assist:

     ESTEEMED FRIEND—WILLIAM STILL:—We have here in this place, at Comegys Munson’s an old colored woman, the mother of twelve children, one half of which has been sold South.  She has been so ill used, that she was compelled to leave husband and children behind, and is desirous of getting to a brother who lives at Buffalo.  She was nearly naked.  She called at my house on 7th day night, but being from home, did not see her till last evening.  I have procured her two under garments, one new; two skirts, one

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new; a good frock with cape; one of my wife’s bonnets and stockings, and gave her five dollars in gold, which, if properly used, will put her pretty well on the way.  I also gave her a letter to thee.  Since I gave them to her she has concluded to stay where she is till 7th day night, when Comegys Manson says he can leave his work and will go with her to thy house.  I write this so that thee may be prepared for them; they ought to arrive between 11 and 12 o’clock.  Perhaps thee may find some fugitive that will be willing to accompany her.  With desire for thy welfare and the cause of the oppressed, I remain thy friend,

     Jane did not know how old she was.  She was probably sixty or seventy.  She fled to keep from being sold.  She had been “whipt right smart,” poorly fed and poorly clothed, by a certain Roger McZant, of the New Market District, Eastern Shore of Maryland.  His wife was a “bad woman too.”  Just before escaping, Jane got a whisper that her“ master” was about to sell her; on asking him if the rumor was true, he was silent.  He had been asking “one hundred dollars ” for her.
     Remembering that four of her children had been snatched away from her and sold South, and she herself was threatened with the same fate, she was willing to suffer-hunger, sleep in the woods for nights and days, wandering towards Canada, rather than trust herself any longer under the protection of her “kind” owner.  Before reaching a place of repose she was three weeks in the woods, almost wholly without nourishment.

     JANE, doubtless, represented thousands of old slave mothers, who, after having been worn out under the yoke, were frequently either offered for sale for a trifle, turned off to die, or compelled to eke out their existence on the most stinted allowance.

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BENJAMIN ROSS, AND HIS WIFE HARRIET.
FLED FROM CAROLINE COUNTY, EASTERN SHORE OF MARYLAND, JUNE, 1857.

     This party stated that Dr. Anthony Thompson had claimed them as his property. They gave the Committee a pretty full report of how they had been treated in slavery, especially under the doctor.  A few of the interesting points were noted as follows: The doctor owned about twenty head of slaves when they left; formerly he had owned a much larger number, but circum stances had led him to make frequent sales during the few years previous to their escape, by which the stock had been reduced.  As well as having been largely interested in slaves, he had at the same time been largely interested in real estate, to the extent of a dozen farms at least.  But in consequence of having reached out too far, several of his farms had slipped out of his hands.
     Upon the whole, Benjamin pronounced him a rough man towards his slaves, and declared, that he had not given him a dollar since the death of

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his (the master’s) father, which had been at least twenty years prior to Ben {jamin’s escape. But Ben. did not stop here, he went on to speak of the reli gious character of his master, and also to describe him physically; he was a Methodist preacher, and had been “ pretending to preach for twenty years.” Then the fact that a portion of their children had been sold to Georgia by this master was referred to with much feeling by Ben and his wife; likewise the fact that he had stinted them for food and clothing, and led them a rough life generally, which left them no room to believe that he was any thing else than “a wolf in sheep’s clothing.” They described him as a “spare-built man, bald head, wearing a wig.”
     These two travelers had nearly reached their three score years and ten under the yoke. Nevertheless they seemed delighted at the idea of going to a free country to enjoy freedom, if only for a short time. Mereover some of their children had escaped in days past, and these they hoped to find. Not many of those thus advanced in years ever succeeded in getting to Canada.

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ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1867
WILLIAM JACKSON

     WILLIAM was about fifty years of age, of usual size, of good address, and intelligent.  He was born the property of a slaveholder, by the name of Daniel Minne, residing in Alexandria in Virginia.  His master was about eighty-four years of age, and was regarded as kind, though he had sold some of his slaves and was in favor of slavery.  He had two sons, Robert and Albert, “ both dissipated, would lay about the tippling taverns, and keep low company, so much so that they were not calculated to do any business for their father.”  William had to be a kind of a right hand man to his master.  The sons seeing that the “ property ” was trusted instead of themselves, very naturally hated it, so the young men resolved that at the death of their father, William should be sent as far south as possible.  Knowing that the old man could not stand it much longer, William saw that it was his policy to get away as fast as he could.  He was the husband of a free Wife, who had come on in advance of him.
     For thirty years William had been foreman on his old master’s plantation, and but for the apprehension caused by the ill-will of his prospective young masters, he would doubtless have remained in servitude at least until the death of the old man.  But when William reflected, and saw what he had been deprived of all his life by being held in bondage, and when he began to breathe free air, with the prospect of ending his days on free land, he rejoiced that his eyes had been opened to see his danger, and that he had been moved to make a start for liberty.

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ARRIVAL FROM DELAWARE, 1857
JOHN WRIGHT AND WIFE, ELIZABETH ANN, AND CHARLES CONNOR

     This party arrived from Sussex county.  John was about thirty years of age, ordinary size, full black and clear-headed.  In physical appearance he would have readily passed for a superior laborer.  The keenness of his eyes and quickness of his perception, however, would doubtless have rendered him an object of suspicion in some parts of the South.  The truth was that the love of liberty was clearly indicated in his expressive countenance.  William S. Phillips, a farmer, had been "sucking" John's blood, and keeping him poor and ignorant for the last eight years at least; before that, Phillips' father had defrauded him of his hire.
     Under the father and son John had found plenty of hard work and bad usage, severe and repeated floggings not excepted.  Old master and mistress and young master and mistress, including the entire family, belonged to what was known as the "Farmer church," at Portsville.  Outwardly they were good Christians.  "Occasionally," John said, "the old man would have family prayers,” and to use John’s own words, “ in company he would try to moralize, but out of company was as great a rowdy as ever was.”  In further describing his old master, he said that he was a large man, with a red face and blunt nose, and was very quick and fiery in his temper; would drink and swear—and even his wife, with all hands, would have to run when he was “raised.”
     Of his young master he' said:  “He was quite a long-bodied, thin-faced man, weighing over one hundred and fifty pounds.  In temper just like his father, though he did not drink—that is all the good quality that I can recommend in him.” John said also that his master, on one occasion, in a most terribly angry mood, threatened that he would “wade up to his knees in his (John’s) blood.”  It so happened that John’s blood was up pretty high just at that time; he gave his master to understand that he would rather go South (be sold) than submit to the scourging which was imminent.  John's pluck probably had the effect of alloying the master’s fire; at any rate the storm subsided after awhile, and until the day that he took the Underground Rail Road car the servant managed to put up with his master.  As John’s wife was on the eve of being sold he was prompted to leave some time sooner than he otherwise would have done.

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THE WIFE'S STATEMENT

     She was thirty-two years of age, of good physical proportions, and a promising-looking person, above the ordinary clam of slaves belonging to Delaware. She was owned by Jane Cooper, who lived near Laurel, in Sussex county.  She had been more accustomed to field labor than house-work; ploughing, fencing, driving team, grabbing, cutting wood, etc., were well understood by her.  During “feeding times” she had to assist in the house.  In this respect, she had harder times than the men.  Her mistress was also in the habit of hiring Elizabeth out by the day to wash.  On these occasions she was required to rise early enough to milk the cows, get break— fast, and feed the hogs before sunrise, so that she might be at her day’s washing in good time.
     It is plainly to be seen, that Elizabeth had not met with the “ease” and kindness which many claimed for the slave.  Elizabeth was sensible of the wrongs inflicted by her Delaware mistress, and painted her in very vivid colors.  Her mistress was a widow, “quite old,” but “very frisky,” and “ wore a wig to hide her gray hairs.”  At [the death of her husband, the slaves believed, from what they had heard their master say, that they would be freed, each at the age of thirty.  But no will was found, which caused Elizabeth, as well as the rest of the slaves, to distrust the mistress more than ever, as they suspected that she knew something of its disappearance.
     Her mistress belonged to the Presbyterian Church, but would have “family prayers only when the minister would stop;” Elizabeth thought that she took greater pains to please the minister than her Maker.  Elizabeth had no faith in such religion.
     Both Elizabeth and her husband were members of the Methodist Church.  Neither had ever been permitted to learn to read or write, but they were naturally very smart.  John left his mother and one sister in bondage.  One of his brothers fled to Canada fifteen years before their escape. His name was Abraham.

     CHARLES CONNOR, the third person in the party, was twenty-seven years of age—fast color, and a tough-looking “article,” who would have brought twelve hundred dollars or more in the hands of a Baltimore trader.  The man from whom Charles fled was known by the name of John Chipman, and was described as “a fleshy man, with rank beard and quick temper, very hard—commonly kept full of liquor, though he would not get so drunk that he could not go about.”  For a long time Charles had been the main dependence on his master’s plane, as he only owned two other slaves.  Charles particularly remarked, that no weather was too bad for them to be kept at work in the field.  Charles was a fair specimen of the “ corn-field hand,” but thought that he could take care of himself in Canada.

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