STILL'S
UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD RECORDS,
REVISED EDITION.
(Previously Published in 1879 with title: The Underground Railroad)
WITH A LIFE OF THE AUTHOR.
NARRATING
THE HARDSHIPS, HAIRBREADTH ESCAPES AND DEATH STRUGGLES
OF THE
SLAVES
IN THEIR EFFORTS FOR FREEDOM.
TOGETHER WITH
SKETCHES OF SOME OF THE EMINENT FRIENDS OF FREEDOM, AND
MOST LIBERAL AIDERS AND ADVISERS OF THE ROAD
BY
WILLIAM STILL,
For many years connected with the Anti-Slavery Office in Philadelphia, and Chairman of the Acting
Vigilant Committee of the Philadelphia Branch of the Underground Rail Road.

Illustrated with 70 Fine Engravings by Bensell, Schell and Others,
and Portraits from Photographs from Life.

Thou shalt not deliver unto his master the servant that has escaped from his master unto thee. - Deut. xxiii 16.

SOLD ONLY BY SUBSCRIPTION.

PHILADELPHIA:
WILLIAM STILL, PUBLISHER
244 SOUTH TWELFTH STREET.
1886

pp. 399 - 449

[Pg. 399)

ARRIVAL FROM ALEXANDRIA, 1857 OSCAR D. BALL, AND MONTGOMERY GRAHAM.  FOUR HUNDRED DOLLARS REWARD. - Ran away from the owner in Alexandria, Va., on the night of the 13th inst. two young negro men, from twenty-twenty-five years of age.  MONTGOMERY is a very bright mulatto, about five feet, six inches in height, of polite manners, and smiles much when speaking or spoken to.  OSCAR is a tawny complexion, about six feet high, sluggish in his appearance and movements, and of awkward manners.      One hundred dollars each will be paid for the delivery of the above slaves if taken in a slave state, or two hundred dollars each if taken in a free state.  One or more slaves belonging to other owners, it is supposed, went into their company.
		Address:  JOHN T. GORDON Alexandria, Va.
Although the name of John T. Gordon appears signed to the above advertisement, he was not the owner of Montgomery or Oscar.  According to their own testimony they belonged to a maiden lady, by the name of Miss Elizabeth Gordon, both probably thought that the business of advertising for runaway negroes was rather beneath her.      While both these passengers manifested great satisfaction in leaving their mistress they did not give her a bad name.  On the contrary they gave her just such a character as the lady might have been pleased with in the main.  They described her thus: "Mistress was a spare woman, tolerably tall, and very kind, except when sick, she would not pay much attention then.  She was a member of the Southern Methodist Church, and was strict in her religion."      Having a good degree of faith in his mistress, Oscar made bold one day to ask her how much she would take for him.  She agreed to take eight hundred dollars.  Oscar wishing to drive a pretty close bargain offered her seven hundred dollars, hoping that she would view the matter in a religious light, and would come down one hundred dollars.  After reflection instead of making a reduction, she raised the amount to one thousand dollars, which Oscar concluded was too much for himself.  If was not, however, as much as he was worth according to his mistress' estimate, for she declared that she had often been offered fifteen hundred dollars for him.  Miss Gordon raised Oscar from a child and had treated him as a pet.  When he was a little "shaver" seven or eight years of age, she made it a practice to have him sleep with her, showing that she had no prejudice.      Being rather of a rare type of slave-holders she is entitled to special credit.  Montgomery the companion of Oscar could scarcely be distinguished from the white folks.  In speaking of his mistress, however, he did not express himself in terms quite so complimentary as Oscar.  With regard to giving "passes," he considered her narrow, to say the least.  But he was in such perfectly good humor with everybody, owing to the fact that he had succeeded in getting his neck out of the yoke, that he evidently had no desire to say hard things about her.

[Pg. 400]
     Judging from his story he had been for a long time desiring his freedom and looking diligently for the Underground Rail Road, but he had had many things to contend with when looking the matter of escape in the face.  Arriving in Philadelphia, and finding himself breathing free air, receiving aid and encouragement in a manner that he had never known before, he was one of the happiest of creatures.
     Oscar left his wife and one child, one brother and two sisters.  Montgomery left one sister, but no other near kin.
     Instead of going to Canada, Oscar and his comrade pitched their tents in Oswego, N. Y., where they changed their names, and instead of returning themselves to their kind mistress they were wicked enough to be plotting as to how some of their friends might get off on the Underground Rail Road, as may be seen from the appended letters from Oscar, who was thought to be sluggish, etc.

                                                                             OSWEGO, Oct. 25th, 1857.
     DEAR SIR: - I take this opportunity of writing you these few lines to inform you that I am well and hope these few lines will find you the same ( and your family you must excuse me for not writing to you before.  I would have written to you before this but I put away the card you gave me and could not find it until a few days sins.  I did not go out of employ about five weeks I would like to go to Australia.  Do you know of any gentleman that is going there or any other place, except south that wants a servant to go there with him to wait on him or do any other work, I have a brother that wants to come north.  I received a letter from him a few days ago.  Can you tell me of any plan that I can fix to get him give my respects to Mrs. Still and all you family.  Please let me know if you hear of any berth of that kind.  Nothing more at present I remain your obedient servant.
     But my name is now John Delaney.  Direct your letter to John Delaney Oswego, N. Y. care of R. Oliphant.

                                                                                  OSWEGO, Nov. 21st, 1857.
     MR. WILLIAM STILL, ESQ.  DEAR SIR: - Your letter of the 19th came duly to hand I am glad to hear that the Underground Rail Road is doing so well I know those three well that you said come from alex I broke the ice and it seems as if they are going to keep the track open.  but I had to stand and beg of those two that started with me to come and even give one of them money and then he did not want to come.  I had a letter from my brother a few days ago, and he says if he lives and nothing happens to him he will make a start for the north and there is many others there that would start now but they are afraid of getting frost bitten, there was two left alex about five or six weeks ago.  ther names are as follows Lawrence Thornton and Townsend Derrit.  have been to philadelphia from what I can learn they will leave alex in mourning next spring in the last letter I got from my brother he named a good many that wanted to come when he did and the are all sound men and can be trusted.  he reads and writes his own letters.  William Triplet and Thomas Harper passed through hear last summer from my old home which way did those three that you spoke of go times are very dull here at present and I can get nothing to do.  but thank God have a good boarding house and will be sheltered from the weather this winter give my respects to your family Montgomery sends his also  Nothing more at present.        
                                  Yours truly                                 JOHN DELANEY.

N. W. DEPEE                                                                JACOB C. WHITE

CHARLES WISE                                                        EDWIN H. COATES

MEMBERS OF ACTING COMMITTEE.

[Pg. 401]

ARRIVAL FROM UNIONVILLE, 1857.
CAROLINE ALDRIDGE AND JOHN WOOD

     CAROLINE was a stout, light-complexioned, healthy-looking young woman of twenty-three years of age.  She fled from Thornton Poole, of Unionville, Md.  She gave her master the character of being a "very man man; with a wife meaner still."  "I consider them mean in every respect," said Caroline.  No great while before she escaped, one of her brothers and a siter had been sent to the Southern market.  Recently she had been apprized that herself and a younger brother would have to go the name dreadful road.  She therefore consulted with the brother and a particular young friend, to whom she was "engaged," which resulted in the departure of all three of them.  Though the ordinary steps relative to marriage, as far as slaves were allowed, had been complied with, nevertheless on the road to Canada, they availed themselves of the more perfect way of having the ceremony performed, and went on their way rejoicing.
     Since the sale of  Caroline's brother and sister, just referred to her mother and three children had made good theier exit to Canada, having been evidently prompted by said sale.  "Long before that time, however, three other brothers fled on teh Underground Rail Road.  They were encouraged to hope to meet each other in Canada,

     JOHN WOOD.  John was about twenty-eight years of age, of agreeable manners, intelligent and gave evidence of a srong appreciation of liberty.  Times with John had "not been very rough," until within the last year of his bondage.  By the removal of his old master by death, a change for the worse followed.  The executors of the estate - one of whom owed him an old grudge - made him acquainted with the fact, that amongst certain others, he would have to be sold.  Judge Birch (one of the executors), "itching" to see him "broke in," "took particular pains" to speak to a notorious tyrant by the name of Boldin, to buy him.  Accordingly on the day of sale, Boldin was on hand and the successful bidder for John.  Being familiar with the customs of this terrible Boldin, - of the starving fare and cruel flogging usual on his farm, John mustered courage to declare at the sale, that he  "would not serve him."  In the hearing of his new master, he said, "before I will serve him I will CUT my throat!"   The master smiled, and simply asked for a rope; "had me tied and delivered into the hands of a constable," to be sent over to the farm.  Before reaching his destination, John managed to untie his hands and feet and flee to the woods.  For three days he remained secreted.  Once or twice he secretly managed to get an interview with his mother and one of his sisters, by whom he was persuaded to return to his master.  Taking their advice, he commenced service under circumstances, compared with which, the diet, labor and comforts of an

[Pg. 402]
ordinary penitentiary would have been luxurious.  The chief food allowed the slaves on the plantation consisted of the pot liquor in which the pork was boiled, with Indian-meal bread.  The merest glance at what he experienced during his brief stay on the plantation must suffice.  In the field where John, with a number of others was working, stood a hill, up which they were repeatedly obliged to ascend, with loads on their backs, and the overseer at their heels, with lash in hand, occasionally slashing at first one and then another; to keep up, the utmost physical endurance was taxed.  John, though a stout young man, and having never known any other condition than that of servitude, nevertheless found himself quite unequal to the present occasion.  "I was surprised," said he, "to see the expertness with which all flew up the hill."  "One woman, quite LUSTY, unfit to be out of the house, on RUNNING UP THE HILL, fell; in a moment she was up again with her brush on her back, and on hour afterwards the overseer was whipping her" "MY turn came."  "What is the reason you can't get up the hill faster?"  exclaimed the overseer, at the same time he struck me with a cowhide.  "I told him I would not stand it."  "Old Uncle George Washington never failed to get a whipping every day."
     So after serving at this only a few days, John made his last solemn vow to be free or die; and off he started for Canada.  Though he had to contend with countless difficulties he at last made the desired haven.  He hailed from one of the lower counties of Maryland.

     JOHN was not contented to enjoy the boon alone, but like a true lover of freedom he remembered those in bonds as bound with them, and so was scheming to make a hazardous "adventure" South, on the express errand of delivering his "family," as the subjoined letter will show:

GLANFORD, August 15th, 1858.

     DEAR SIR: - I received your letter and was glad to hear that your wife and family was all well and I hope it will continue so.  I am glad to inform you that this leaves me well.  Also, Mr. Wm. Still, I want for you to send me your opinion respecting my circumstances.  I have made up my mind to make an adventure after my family and I want to get an answer from you and then I shall know how to act and then I will send to you all particulars respecting my starting to come to your house.  Mr. Still I should be glad to know where Abraham Harris is, as I should be as glad to see him as well as any of my own brothers.  His wife and my wife's mother is sisters.  My wife belongs to Elson Burdel’s estate.  Abraham's wife belongs to Sam Adams.  Mr. Still you must not think hard 'of me for writing you these few lines as I cannot rest until I release my dear family.  I have not the least doubt but I can get through without the least trouble.
                                                 So no more at present from your humble servant,

                                                                   JOHN B. WOODS   
 

[Pg. 403]

_______________

ARRIVAL FROM NEW ORLEANS, 1857.
JAMIE CONNER, SHOT IN DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE BODY.

     James stated to the Committee that he was about forty-three years of age, that he was born a slave in Nelson county, Ky., and that he was first owned by a widow lady by the name of Ruth Head.  “She (mistress) was like a mother to me,” said Jim.  “I was about sixteen years old when she died; the estate was settled and I was sold South to a man named Vincent Turner, a planter, and about the worst man, I expect, that ever the sun shined on.  His slaves he fairly murdered; two hundred lashes were merely a promise for him.  He owned about three hundred slaves.  I lived with Turner until he died.  After his death I still lived on the plantation with his widow, Mrs. Virginia Turner.”  About twelve years ago (prior to Jim’s escape) she was married to a Mr. Charles Parlange, “a poor man, though a very smart man, bad-hearted, and very barbarous.”
     Before her second marriage cotton had always been cultivated, but a few years later sugar had taken the place of cotton, and had become the principal thing raised in that part of the country.  Under the change sugar was raised and the slaves were made to experience harder times than ever; they were allowed to have only from three to three and a half pounds of pork a week, with a peek of meal; nothing else was allowed.  They commenced work in the morning, just when they could barely see; they quit work in the evening when they could not see to work longer.
     Mistress was a large, portly woman, good-looking, and pretty well liked by her slaves.  The place where the plantation was located was at Point Copee, on Falls River, about one hundred and fifty miles from New Orleans.  She also owned property and about twenty slaves in the city of New Orleans.
     “I lived there and hired my time for awhile.  I saw some hard times on the plantation.  Many a time I have seen slaves whipped almost to death— well, I tell you I have seen them whipped to death.  A slave named Sam was whipped to death tied to the ground.  Joe, another slave, was whipped to death by the overseer: running away was the crime.
     “Four times I was shot.  Once, before I would be taken, all hands, young and old on the plantation were on the chase after me.  I was strongly armed with an axe, tomahawk, and butcher knife.  I expected to be killed on the spot, but I got to the woods and stayed two days.  At night I went back to the plantation and got something to eat.  While going back 'to the woods I was shot in the thigh, legs, back and head, was badly wounded, my mind was to die rather than be taken.  I ran a half mile after I was shot, but was taken.  I have shot in me now.  Feel here on my head, feel my back, feel

[Pg. 404]
buck shot in my thigh.  I shall carry shot in me to my grave. I have been shot four different times.  I was shot twice by a fellow-servant; it was my master’s orders.  Another time by the overseer.  Shooting was no uncommon thing in Louisiana.  At one time I was allowed to raise hogs.  I had twenty-five taken from me without being allowed the first copper.
     “My mistress promised me at another time forty dollars for gathering honey, but when I went to her, she said, by and by, but the by and by never came.  In 1853 my freedom was promised; for five years before this time I had been overseer; during four years of this time a visit was made to France by my owners, but on their return my freedom was not given me.  My mistress thought I had made enough money to buy myself.  They asked eleven hundred and fifty dollars for me.  I told them that I hadn’t the money.  Then they said if I would go with them to Virginia after a number of slaves they wished to purchase, and would be a good boy, they would give me my freedom on the return of the trip.  We started on the 8th of June, 1857.  I made fair promises wishing to travel, and they placed all confidence in me.  I was to carry the slaves back from Virginia.
     “They came as far as Baltimore, and they began to talk of coming farther North, to Philadelphia.  They talked very good to me, and told me that if they brought me with them to a free State that I must not leave them; talked a good deal about giving me my freedom, as had been promised before starting, etc.  I let on to them that I had no wish to go North; that Baltimore was as far North as I wished to see, and that I had rather be going home than going North.  I told them that I was tired of this country. In speaking of coming North, they made mention of the Alleghany mountains.  I told them that I would like to see that, but nothing more.  They hated the North, and I made believe that I did too.  Mistress said, that if I behaved myself I could go with them to France, when they went again, after they returned home—as they intended to go again.
     “So they decided to take me with them to Philadelphia, for a short visit, before going into Virginia to buy up their drove of slaves for Louisiana.   My heart leaped for joy when I found we were going to a free State; but I did not let my owners know my feelings.
     “We reached Philadelphia and went to the Girard Hotel, and there I made up my mind that they should go back without me.  I saw a colored man who talked with me, and told me about the Committee.  He brought me to the anti-slavery office,” etc., etc., etc.
     The Committee told Jim that he could go free immediately, without saying a word to anybody, as the simple fact of his master’s bringing him into the State was sufficient to establish his freedom before the Courts.  At the same time the Committee assured him if he were willing to have his master arrested and brought before one of the Judges of the city to show cause why he held him a slave in Pennsylvania, contrary to the laws of the State, that

[Pg. 405]
he should lack neither friends nor money to aid him in the matter; and, moreover, his freedom would be publicly proclaimed.
     JIM thought well of both ways, but preferred not to meet his “kind hearted” master and mistress in Court, as he was not quite sure that he would have the courage to face them and stand by his charges.
     This was not strange. Indeed not only slaves cowed before the eye of slave-holders.  Did not even Northern men, superior in education and wealth, fear to say their souls were their own in the same presence?
     JIM, therefore, concluded to throw himself upon the protection of the Committee and take an Underground Rail Road ticket, and thereby spare himself and his master and mistress the disagreeableness of meeting under such strange circumstances.  The Committee arranged matters for him to the satisfaction of all concerned, and gave him a passport for her British majesty’s possession, Canada.
     The unvarnished facts, as they were then recorded substantially from the lips of Jim, and as they are here reproduced, comprise only a very meagre part of his sadly interesting story.  At the time Jim left his master and' mistress so unceremoniously in Philadelphia, some excitement existed at the attempt of his master to recover him through the Police of Philadelphia, under the charge that he (Jim) had been stealing, as may be seen from the following letter which appeared in the “ National Anti-Slavery Standard :”

ANOTHER SLAVE HUNT IN PHILADELPHIA.

     Yesterday afternoon a rumor was afloat that a negro man named Jim, who had accompanied his master (Mr. Charles Parlange), from New Orleans to this city, had left his master for the purpose of tasting the sweets of freedom.  It was alleged by Mr. Parlange that the said “Jim” had taken with him two tin boxes, one of which contained money.  Mr. Parlange went, on his way to New York, via the Camden and Amboy Railroad, and upon his arrival at the Walnut street wharf, with two ladies, “Jim” was missing.  Mr. Parlange immediately made application to a Mr. Wallace, who is a Police officer stationed at the Walnut street depot.  Mr. Wallace got into a carriage with Mr. Parlange and the two ladies, and, as Mr. Wallace stated, drove back to the Girard House, where “Jim ” had not been heard of since he had left for the Walnut street wharf.
     A story was then set afloat to the effect, that a negro of certain, but very particular description (such as a Louisiana nigger-driver only (an give), had stolen two boxes as stated above.  A notice signed “Clarke,” was received at the Police Telegraph Office by the operator (David Wunderly) containing a full description of Jim, also offering a reward of $100 for his capture.  This notice was telegraphed to all the wards in every section.   This morning Mr. Wunderly found fault with the reporters using the information, and,

[Pg. 406]

in presence of some four or five persons, said the notice signed “Clarke,” was a private paper, and no reporter had a right to look at it; at the same time asserting, that if he knew where the nigger was he would give him up, as $100 did not come along every day.  The policeman, Wallace, expressed the utmost fear lest the name of Mr. Parlange should transpire, and stated, that he was an intimate friend of his.  It does not seem that the matter was communicated to the wards by any official authority whatever, and who the “Clarke” is, whose name was signed to the notice, has not yet transpired. Some of the papers noticed it briefly this morning, which has set several of the officers on their tips.  There is little doubt, that “Jim” has merely exercised his own judgment about remaining with his master any longer, and took this opportunity to betake himself to freedom.  It is assumed, that he was to precede his master to Walnut street wharf with the baggage; but, singular enough to say, no complaint has been made about the baggage being missed, simply the two tin boxes, and particularly the one containing money.  This is, doubtless, a ruse to engage the services of the Philadelphia police in the interesting game of nigger hunting.  Mr. Parlange, if he is sojourning in your city, will doubtless be glad to learn that the matter of his man “Jim” and the two tin boxes has received ample publicity. W. H.

     Rev. Hiram Wilson, the Underground Rail Road agent at St. Catharines, C. W., duly announced his safe arrival as follows:

     MY DEAR FRIEND - WM. STILL: - I take the liberty to inform you, that I had the pleasure of seeing a man of sable brand at my house in St. C. yesterday, by name of James Connor, latelly from New Orleans, more recently from the city of Brotherly love, where he took French leave of his French master.  He desired me to inform you of his safe arrival in the glorious land of Freedom, and to send his kind regards to you and to Mr. Williamson; also to another person, (the name I have forgotten).  Poor Malinda Smith, with her two little girls and young babe is with us doing well.

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ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C.
HARRISON CARY.

     The passenger bearing this name who applied to the Committee for assistance, was a mulatto of medium size, with a prepossessing countenance, and a very smart talker.  With only a moderate education he might have raised himself to the top round of the ladder," as a representative of the down-trodden slave.  Seeking, as usual, to learn his history, the subjoined questions and answers were the result of the interview:

     Q. "How old are you?"
     A. "Twenty-eight years of age this coming March."

[Pg. 407]
     Q. "To whom did you belong?"
     A. "Mrs. Jane E. Ashley."
     Q. "What kind of a woman was she?"
     A. "She was a very clever woman; never said anything out of the way."
     Q. How many servants had she?"
     A. "She had o other servants."
     Q. "Did you live with her?"
     A. "No.  I hired my time for twenty-two dollars a month."
     Q. "How could you make so much money?"
     A. "I was a bricklayer by trade, and ranked among the first in the city.
     As Harrison talked so intelligently, the member of the Committee who was examining him, was anxious to know how he came to be so knowing, the fact that he could read being very evident.
     Harrison proceeded to explain how he was led to acquire the art both of reading and writing: "Slaves caught out of an evening without passes from their master or mistress, were invariably arrested, and if they were unable to raise money to buy themselves off, they were taken and locked up in a place known as the ‘cage,’ and in the morning the owner was notified, and after paying the fine the unfortunate prisoner had to go to meet his fate at the hands of his owner.”
     Often he or she found himself or herself sentenced to take thirty-nine or more lashes before atonement could be made for the violated law, and the fine sustained by the enraged owner.
     Harrison having strong aversion to both of the “wholesome regulations" of the peculiar institution above alluded to, saw that the only remedy that he could avail himself of was to learn to write his own passes.  In possessing himself of this prize he knew that the law against slaves being taught, would have to be broken, nevertheless he was so anxious to succeed, that he was determined to run the risk.  Consequently he grasped the boon with but very little difficulty or assistance.  Valuing his prize highly, he improved more and more until he could write his own passes satisfactorily.  The “cage" he denounced as a perfect “hog hole,” and added, “it was more than I could bear.”
     He also spoke with equal warmth on the pass custom, “the idea of working hard all day and then being obliged to have a pass,” etc.,—his feelings sternly revolted against.  Yet he uttered not a disrespectful word against the individual to whom he belonged.  Once he had been sold, but for what was not noted on the record book.
     His mother had been sold several times. His brother, William Henry Cary, escaped from Washington, D. C., when quite a youth.  What became of him it was not for Harrison to tell, but he supposed that he had made his way to a free State, or Canada, and he hoped to find him.  He had no knowledge of any other relatives.

[Pg. 408]

     In further conversation with him, relative to his being a single man, he said, that he had resolved not to entangle himself with a family until he had obtained his freedom.
     He had found it pretty hard to meet his monthly hire, consequently he was on the look-out to better his condition as soon as a favorable opportunity might offer.  Harrison’s mistress had a son named John James Ashley, who was then a minor.  On arriving at majority, according to the will of this lad’s father, he was to have possession of Harrison as his portion.  Harrison had no idea of having to work for his support—he thought that, if John could not take care of himself when he grew up to be a man, there was a place for all such in the poor-house.
     Harrison was also moved by another consideration.  His mistress’ sister had been trying to influence the mistress to sell him; thus considering him self in danger, he made up his mind that the time had come for him to change his habitation, so he resolved to try his fortune on the Underground Rail Road.

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ARRIVAL FROM VIRGINIA, 1857.
JOE ELLIS.

     The subject of this sketch was one of two hundred slaves, owned by Bolling Ellis, who possessed large plantations at Cabin Point, Surrey Co., Va.  Joe pictured his master, overseers, and general treatment of slaves in no favorable light.
     The practice of punishing slaves by putting them in the stocks and by flogging, was dwelt upon in a manner that left no room to doubt but that Joe had been a very great sufferer under his master’s iron rule.  As he described the brutal conduct of overseers in resorting to their habitual modes of torturing men, women, and children, it was too painful to listen to with composure, much more to write down.
     JOE was about twenty-three years of age, full black, slender, and of average intellect, considering the class which he represented.  On four occasions previous to the final one he had made fruitless efforts to escape from his tormentors in consequence of brutal treatment.  Although he at last succeeded, the severe trials through which he had to pass in escaping, came very near costing him his life.  The effects he will always feel; prostration and sickness had already taken hold upon him in a serious degree.
     During Joe’s sojourn under the care of the Committee, time would not admit of the writing out of further details concerning him.

[Pg. 409]

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ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.
CHRISTOPHER GREEN AND WIFE, ANN MARIA, AND SON NATHAN.

     CHRISTOPHER had a heavy debt charged against Clayton Wright, a com mission merchant, of Baltimore, who claimed him as his property, and was in the habit of hiring him out to farmers in the country, and of taking all his hire except a single dollar, which was allotted him every holiday.

     The last item in his charge against Wright, suggested certain questions: “How have you been used?” was the first query.  “Sometimes right smart, and then again bad enough for it,” said Christopher.  Again he was asked, “What kind of a man was your master?”  “He was only tolerable, I can’t say much good for him.  I got tired of working and they getting my labor and I getting nothing for my labor.”  At the time of his escape, he was employed in the service of a man by the name of Cook.  Christopher described him as “a dissatisfied man, who couldn’t be pleased at nothing and his wife was like him.”
     This passenger was quite black, medium size, and in point of intellect, about on a par with ordinary field hands.  His wife, Ann, in point of go-ahead-activeness, seemed in advance of him.  Indeed, she first prompted her husband to escape.

     ANN bore witness against one James Pipper, a farmer, whom she had served as a slave, and from whom she fled, saying that “he was as mean a man as ever walked—a dark-complected old man, with gray hair.”  With great emphasis she thus continued her testimony: “He tried to work me to death, and treated me as mean as he could, without killing me; he done so much I couldn’t tell to save my life.  I wish I had as many dollars as he has whipped me with sticks and other things.  His wife will do tolerable.”  “I left because he was going to sell me and my son to Georgia; for years he had been threatening; since the boys ran away, last spring, he was harder than ever.  One was my brother, Perry, and the other was a young man by the name of Jim.”  “David, my master, drank all he could get, poured it down, and when drunk, would cuss, and tear, and rip, and beat.  He lives near the nine bridges, in Queen Ann county.”

     ANN was certainly a forcible narrator, and was in every way a wide awake woman, about thirty-seven years of age.  Among other questions they were asked if they could read, etc. “Read,” said Ann.  “I would like to see anybody (slave) that could read our way; to see you with a book in your hand they would almost cut your throat.”

     ANN had one child only, a son, twenty years of age, who came in company with his parents.  This son belonged to the said Pipper already described.  When they started from the land of bondage they had large

[Pg. 410]
hopes, but not much knowledge of the way; however, they managed to get safely on the Underground Rail Road track, and by perseverance they reached the Committee and were aided in the usual manner.

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ARRIVAL FROM GEORGETOWN CROSS-ROADS, 1857.
LEEDS WRIGHT AND ABRAM TILISON.

     For three years Leeds had been thirsting for his liberty; his heart was fixed on that one object. He got plenty to eat, drink, and wear, but was nevertheless dissatisfied.
     The name of his master was Rev. John Wesley Pearson, who was engaged in school teaching and preaching, and belonged to the more moderate class of slave-holders.  Once when a boy Leeds had been sold, but being very young, he did not think much about the matter.
     For the last eight or ten years previous to his escape he had not seen his relatives, his father (George Wright) having fled to Canada, and the remainder of the family lived some fifty miles distant, beyond the possibility of  intercourse; therefore, as he had no strong ties to break, he could look to the time of leaving the land of bondage without regret.

     ABRAM, the companion of Leeds, had been less comfortably situated.  His lot in Slavery had been cast under Samuel Jarman, by whom he had been badly treated.
     Abram described him as a “big, tall, old man, who drank and' was a real wicked man; he followed farming; had thirteen children.  His wife was different; she was a pretty fine woman, but the children were all bad; the young masters followed playing cards.”  No chance at all had been allowed them to learn to read, although Abram and Leeds both coveted this know ledge.  As they felt that they would never be able to do anything for their improvement by remaining, they decided to follow the example of Abram’s father and others and go to Canada.

-------------------------

ARRIVAL FROM ALEXANDRIA.
WILLIAM TRIPLETT AND THOMAS HARPER.

[Pg. 411]

     WILLIAM, answering to the above description, arrived safely in company with Thomas Harper, about six days after the date of their departure from the house of bondage.
     Mrs. A. B. Fairfax was the loser of this “ article.”  William spoke rather favorably of her.  He said he did not leave because he was treated badly, but simply because he wanted to own himself—to be free.  He also said that he wanted to be able to take care of his family if he should see fit to marry.
     As to Slavery, he could see no justice in the system; he therefore made up his mind no longer to yield submission thereto.  Being a smart “ chattel,” he reasoned well on the question of Slavery, and showed very conclusively that even under the kindest mistress it had no charms for him—that at best, it was robbery and an outrage.

     THOMAS HARPER, his comrade, fled from John Cowling, who also lived near Alexandria.  His great trouble was, that he had a wife and family, but could do nothing for them.  He thought that it was hard to see them in want and abused when he was not at liberty to aid or protect them.  He grew very unhappy, but could see no remedy except in flight.
     Cowling, his master, was an Englishman by birth, and followed blacksmithing for a living.  He was a man in humble circumstances, trying to increase his small fortune by slave-labor.
     He allowed Thomas to hire himself for one hundred dollars a year, which amount he was required to raise, sick or well.  He did not complain, how ever, of having received any personal abuse from his blacksmith master.  It was the system which was daily grinding the life out of him, that caused him to suffer, and likewise escape.  By trade Thomas was also a blacksmith.  He left a wife and three children.

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ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND.
HARRY WISE.

$100 REWARD. - Ran away, on the 11th inst., negro man, Harry Wise.  He is about 24 years of age, and 5 feet 4 inches high; muscular, with broad shoulders, and black or deep copper color; roundish, smooth face, and rather lively expression.  He came from Harford county, and is acquainted about Belair market, Baltimore.  I will pay $50 reward for him, if taken in this or Prince George's county, or $100 if arrested elsewhere.

     HARRY reached the station in Philadelphia, the latter part of August, 1857.  His excuse for leaving and seeking a habitation in Canada, was as follows:

     "I was treated monstrous bad; my master was a very cross, crabbed man, and his wife was as cross as he was.  The day I left they had to tie me to

[Pg. 412]
beat me, what about I could not tell; this is what made me leave.  I escaped right out of his hands the day he had me; he was going with me to the barn to tie me across a hogshead, but I broke loose from him and ran.  He ran and got the gun to shoot me, but I soon got out of his reach, and I have not seen him since.”

     HARRY might never have found the Underground Rail Road, but for this deadly onslaught upon him by his master.  His mind was wrought up to a very high state of earnestness, and he was deemed a very fitting subject for Canada.

_______________

ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, VA.
ABRAM WOODERS

     Although slave-holders had spared no pains to keep Abram in the dark and to make him love his yoke, he proved by his actions, that he had no faith in their doctrines.  Nor did he want for language in which to state the reasons for his actions.  He was just in the prime of life, thirty-five years of age, chestnut color, common size, with a scar over the left eye, and another on the upper lip.
     Like many others, he talked in a simple, earnest manner, and in answer to queries as to how he had fared, the following is his statement:
     “I was held as the property of the late Taylor Sewell, but when I escaped I was in the service of W. C. Williams, a commission merchant.  My old master was a very severe man, but he was always very kind to me.  He had a great many more colored folks, was very severe amongst them, would get mad and sell right away.  He was a drinking man, dissipated and a gambler, a real sportsman.  He lived on Newell Creek, about twelve miles from Norfolk.  For the last eight years I was hired to W. C. Williams, for $150 a year—if I had all that money, it might do me some good.  I left because I wanted to enjoy myself some.  I felt if I staid and got old no one would care for me, I wouldn’t be of no account to nobody.”
     “But are not the old slaves well cared for by their masters?” a member of the Committee here remarked.  “Take care of them! no!”  Abram replied with much earnestness, and then went on to explain how such property was left to perish.  Said Abram, “There was an old man named Ike, who belonged to the same estate that I did, he was treated like a dog; after they could get no more work out of him, they said, ‘let him die, he is of no service; there is no use of getting a doctor for him.’  Accordingly there could be no other fate for the old man but to suffer and die with creepers in his legs."
     It was sickening to hear him narrate instances of similar suffering in the case of old slaves.  Abram left two sisters and one brother in bondage.

[Pg. 413]

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ARRIVAL FROM WASHINGTON, D. C.
GEORGE JOHNSON, THOMAS AND ADAM SMITH.

$300 REWARD. - Ran away from Kalorama, near Washington City, D. C., on Saturday night, the 22d of August, 1857, negro man, George Johnson, aged about 25 years.  Height about six feet; of dark copper color; bushy hair; erect in stature and polite in his address.      I will give the above reward if taken in a free State; $100 if taken within the District of Columbia, or $200 if taken in Maryland.  In either case he must be secured so that I get him.

     “Polite in his address ” as George was, he left his mistress, Eleanor J. Conway, without bidding her good-bye, or asking for a pass.  But he did not leave his young mistress in this way without good reasons for so doing.
     In his interview with the Committee about five days after his departure from his old home, he stated his grievances as follows: “I was born the slave of a Mr. Conway, of Washington, D. C.”  Under this personage George admitted that he had experienced slavery in rather a mild form until death took the old man off, which event occurred when George was quite young.  He afterwards served the widow Conway until her death, and lastly he fell into the hands of Miss Eleanor J. Conway, who resided in Baltimore, and derived her support from the labor of slaves whom she kept hired out as was George.  Of the dead, George did not utter very hard things, but he spoke of his young mistress as having a “very mean principle.”  Said George, “ She has sold one of my brothers and one of my cousins since last April, and she was very much opposed to freedom.”
     Judging from the company that she kept she might before a great while change her relations in life.  George thought, however agreeable to her, it might not be to him.  So he made up his mind that his chances-for freedom would not be likely to grow any better by remaining.  In the neighborhood from which he fled he left his father, mother and two sisters, each having different owners.  Two brothers had been sold South.  Whether they ever heard what had become of the runaway George is not known.

     THOMAS, the companion of George, was of a truly remarkable structure; physically and mentally he belonged to the highest order of the bond class.  His place of chains was in the city of Washington, and the name of the man for whom he had been compelled to do unrequited labor was William Rowe, a bricklayer, and a “pretty clever fellow,—always used me well,” said Thomas.  “Why did you leave then?” asked a member of the Committee.  He replied, “I made a proposition to my master to buy myself for eight hundred dollars, but he refused, and wanted a thousand.  Then I made up my mind that I would make less do.”  Thomas had been hired out at the National Hotel for thirty dollars a month.

[Pg. 414]

     Adam was well described in the following advertisement taken from the Baltimore Sun:

$300 REWARD.  Ran away from the subscriber, near Beltsville, Prince George's county, Md., on Saturday night, the 22d of August, 1857, Negro Man, Adam Smith, aged about 30.  Height 5 feet 4 or 5 inches; black  bushy hair, and well dressed.  He has a mother living at Mr. Hamilton's, on Capitol Hill, Washington, D. C.      I will give the above reward if taken in a free State; $50 if taken in the District of Columbia or counties of Montgomery and Prince George's, or $100 if taken elsewhere and secured so that I get him.               ISAAC SCAGGS. A27-6T*

     With his fellow-passengers, George and Thomas, be greatly enjoyed the hospitalities of the Underground Rail Road in the city of Brotherly Love, and had a very high idea of Canada, as be anticipated becoming a British subject at an early day.  The story which Adam related concerning his master and his reasons for escaping ran thus:
     “My master was a very easy man, but would work you hard and never allow you any chance night or day; he was a farmer, about fifty, stout, full face, a real Country ruffian; member of no church, a great drinker and gambler; will sell a slave as quick as any other slave-holder.  He had a great deal of cash, but did not rank high in society.  His wife was very severe; hated a colored man to have any comfort in the world.  They had eight adult and nine young slaves.”

     ADAM left because he “didn’t like the treatment.” Twice he had been placed on the auction-block. He was a married man and left a wife and one child.

_______________

FOUR ABLE-BODIED "ARTICLES" IN ONE ARRIVAL, 1857.
EDWARD, AND JOSEPH HAINES THOMAS HARRIS, AND JAMES SHELDON.

     “This certainly is a likely-looking party," are the first words which greet the eye, on turning to the record, under which their brief narratives were entered at the Philadelphia station, September 7th, 1857.

     EDWARD was about forty-four years of age, of unmixed blood, and in point of natural ability he would rank among the most intelligent of the oppressed class. Without owing thanks to any body he could read and ’ write pretty well, having learned by his own exertions.
     Tabby and Eliza Fortlock, sisters, and single women, had been deriving years of leisure, comfort, and money from the sweat of Edward’s brow.  The maiden ladies owned about eighteen head of this kind of property, far more than they understood how to treat justly or civilly.  They bore the name of being very hard to satisfy.  They were proverbially “stingy.”  They were members of the Christ Episcopal Church.

[Pg. 415]

     Edward, however, remembered very sensibly that his own brother had been sold South by these ladies; and not only he, but others also, had been sent to the auction-block, and there made merchandise of. Edward, therefore, had no faith in these lambs of the flock, and left them because he thought there was reason in all things.  “Yearly my task had been increased and made heavier and heavier, until I was pressed beyond what I could bear.”  Under this pressure no hope, present or future, could be discerned, except by escaping on the Underground Rail Road.

     JOSEPH was also one of the chattels belonging to the Misses Portlock.  A more active and wide-awake young man of twenty years of age, could not easily be found among the enslaved; he seemed to comprehend Slavery in all its bearings.  From a small boy he had been hired out, making money for the “pious ladies" who owned him.  His experience under these protectors had been similar to that of Edward given above.  Joseph was of a light brown color, (some of his friends may be able to decide by this simple fact whether he is a relative, etc).

     TOM, a full—faced, good-natured-looking young man, was also of this party.  He was about twenty-seven years of age, and was said to be the slave of John Hatten, Esq., Cashier of the Virginia Bank of Portsmouth.  Tom admitted that he was treated very well by Mr. Hatten and his family, except that he was not allowed his freedom; besides he felt a little tired of having to pay twelve dollars a month for his hire, as he hired his time of his master.  Of course he was not insensible to the fact also that he was liable to be sold any day.
     In pondering over these slight drawbacks, Tom concluded that Slavery was no place for a man who valued his freedom, it mattered not how kind masters or mistresses might be.  Under these considerations he made up his mind that he would have to let the cashier look out for himself, and he would do the same.  In this state of mind he joined the party for Canada.

     JAMES was another associate passenger, and the best-looking “article” in the party; few slaves showed a greater degree of intelligence and shrewdness.  He had acquired the art of reading and writing very well, and was also a very ready talker.  He was owned by Mrs. Maria Hansford of New York.  When he was quite small he remembered seeing his mistress, but not since. He was raised with her sister, who resided in Norfolk, the place of James’ servitude.
     James confessed that he had been treated very kindly, and had been taught to read by members of the family.  This was an exceptional case, worthy of especial note.
     Notwithstanding all the kindness that James had received, he hated Slavery, and took a deep interest in the Underground Rail Road, and used his intelligence and shrewdness to good purpose in acting as an Under

[Pg. 416]
ground Rail Road agent for a time. James was a young man, about twenty-five years of age, well made, and of a yellow complexion.
     Although none of this party experienced brutal treatment personally, they had seen the “elephant” quite to their satisfaction in Norfolk and vicinity.

_______________

ARRIVAL FROM ARLINGTON, MD., 1857.
JOHN ALEXANDER BUTLER, WILLIAM HENRY HIPKINS, JOHN HENRY MOORE AND GEORGE HILL.

     This party made, at first sight, a favorable impression; they represented the bone and sinew of the slave class of Arlington, and upon investigation the Committee felt assured that they would carry with them to Canada industry and determination such as would tell well for the race.

     JOHN ALEXANDER BUTLER was about twenty-nine years of age, well made, dark color, and intelligent.  He assured the Committee that he had been hampered by Slavery from his birth, and that in consequence thereof he had suffered serious hardships.  He said that a man by the name of Wm. Ford, belonging to the Methodist Church at Arlington, had defrauded him of his just rights, and had compelled him to work on his farm for nothing; also had deprived him of an education, and had kept him in poverty and ignorance all his life.
     In going over the manner in which he had been treated, he added that not only was his master a hard man, but that his wife and children partook of the same evil spirit; “they were all hard.”  True, they had but three slaves to oppress, but these they spared not.
     John was a married man, and spoke affectionately of his wife and children, whom he had to leave behind at Cross-Roads.

     WILLIAM HENRY, who was heart and soul in earnest with regard to reaching Canada, and was one of this party, was twenty-three years of age, and was a stout, yellow man with a remarkably large head, and looked as if he was capable of enjoying Canada and caring for himself.
     In speaking of the fettered condition from which he had escaped, the name of Ephraim Swart, “a gambler and spree'r” was mentioned as the individual who had wronged him of his liberty most grievously.
     Against Swart he expressed himself with much manly feeling, and judging from his manner he appeared to be a dangerous customer for master Swart to encounter north of Mason and Dixon’s line.

     WILLIAM complained that Swart “ would come home late at night drunk, and if he did- not find us awake he would not attempt to wake us. but would begin cutting and slashing with a cowhide. He treated his wife very bad    

[Pg. 417]
too; sometimes when she would stand up for the servants he would knock her down.   Many times at midnight she would have to leave the house and go to her mother’s for safety; she was a very nice woman, but he was the very old Satan himself.”
     While William Henry was debarred from learning letters under his brutal overseer, he nevertheless learned how to plan ways and means by which to escape his bondage.   He left his old mother and two brothers wholly ignorant of his movements.

     JOHN HENRY MOORE, another one of the Arlington party, was about twenty-four years of age, a dark, spare-built man.  He named David Mitchell, of Havre-de-Grace, as the individual above all others who had kept - his foot on his neck. Without undertaking to give John Henry’s description of Mitchell in full, suffice it to give the .following facts: “Mitchell would go off and get drunk, and come. home, and if the slaves had not as much work done as he had tasked them with, he would go to beating them with clubs or anything he could get in his hand. He was a tall, spare-built man, with sandy hair.  He had a wife and family, but his wife was no better than he was.”  When charges or statements were made by fugitives against those from whom they escaped, particular pains were taken to find out if such statements could be verified; if the explanation appeared valid, the facts as given were entered on the books.

     JOHN HENRY could not read, but greatly desired to learn, and he looked as though he had a good head for so doing.  Before he left there had been some talk of selling him South.  This rumor had a marked effect upon John Henry’s nervous system; it also expanded his idea touching traveling, the Underground Rail Road, etc.  As he had brothers and sisters who had been sold to Georgia he made up his mind that his master was not to be trusted for a single day; he was therefore one of the most willing-hearted passengers in the party.

     GEORGE HILL, also a fellow-passenger, was about twenty-four years of age, quite black, medium size, and of fair, natural mother wit.  In looking back upon his days of bondage, his mind reverted to Dr. Saviugton, of Harford county, as the person who owed him for years of hard and unrequited toil, and at the same time was his so-called owner.
     The Doctor, it seemed, had failed to treat George well, for he declared that he had never received enough to eat the whole time that he was with him.  “The clothes I have on I got by overwork of nights.  When I started I hadn’t a shoe on my foot, these were given to me.  He was an old man, but a very wicked man, and drank very hard.”
     George had been taught field work pretty thoroughly, but nothing in the way of reading and writing.
     George explained why he left as follows: “I left because I had got along with him as well as I could.  Last Saturday a week he was in a great rage

[Pg. 418]

[Pg. 419]

John Stewart, behind; also one sister, a slave in Georgetown.  One brother had been sold South.  Her mother she had laid away in a slave's grave; but her father she hoped to find in Canada, he having escaped thither when she was a small girl; at least it was supposed that he had gone there. _______________ ARRIVAL FROM HOWARD CO., MD., 1857. BILL COLE AND HANSON. $500 REWARD. - Ran away on Saturday night, September 5th, Bill Cole aged about 37 years, of copper complexion, stout built, ordinary height, walks very erect, earnest but squint look when spoken to.      Also, Hanson, copper complexion, well made, sickly look, medium height, stoops when walking, quick when spoken to; aged about 30 years.      Three hundred dollars will be paid for the apprehension and deliver of Bill if caught out of State, and two hundred if in the State.  Two hundred dollars for Hanson if out of State, and one hundred dollars if in the State.               W. BAKER DORSET,           HAMMOND DORSET, Savage P. O., Howard county, Md.      Such notoriety as was given them by the above advertisement, did not in the least damage Bill and Hanson in the estimation of the Committee.  It was rather pleasing to know that they were of so much account as to call forth such a public expression from the Messrs. Sorsey.  Besides it saved the Committee the necessity of writing out a description of them, the only fault found with the advertisement being in reference to their ages.  Bill, for instance, was put down ten years younger than he claimed to be.  Which was correct, Bill or his master?  The Committee were inclined to believe Bill in preference to his master, for the simple reason that he seemed to account satisfactorily for his master's making him so young; he (the master) could sell him for much more than thirty-seven than at forty-seven.  Unscrupulous horse-jockies and traders in their fellow-men were about on a par as to that kind of sharp practice.      HANSON, instead of being only thirty, declared that he was thirty-seven the fifteenth of February.  These errors are noticed and corrected because it is barely possible that Bill and Hanson may still be lost to their relatives, who may be inquiring and hunting in every direction for them, and as many others may turn to these records with hope, it is, therefore, doubly important that these descriptions shall be as far as possible, correct, especially as regards ages.      HANSON, instead of being only thirty, declared that he was thirty-seven the fifteenth of February.  These errors are noticed and corrected because it is barely possible that Bill and Hanson may still be lost to their relatives, who may be inquiring and hunting in every direction for them, and as many others may turn to these records with hope, it is, therefore, doubly important that these descriptions shall be as far as possible, correct especially as regards ages.      HANSON laughed heartily over the idea that he looked "sickly."   While on the Underground Rail Road, he looked very far from sickly; on the contrary, a more healthy, fat and stout-looking piece of property no one

[Pg. 420]

need wish to behold, than was this same Hanson.  He confessed, however, that for some time previous to his departure, he had feigned sickness, - told his master that he was "sick all over."  "Ten times a day Hanson said they would ask him how he was, but was not willing to make his task much lighter."  The following description was given of his master, and his reason for leaving him:      "My master was a red-faced farmer, severe temper, would curse, and swear, and drink, and sell his slaves whenever he felt like it.  My mistress was a pretty cross, curious kind of woman too, though she was a member of the Protestant Church.  They were rich, and had big farms and a good many slaves.  They didn't allow me any provisions hardly; I had a wife, but they did not allow me to go see her, only once in a great while."      BILL providentially escaped from a well-known cripple, whom he undertook to describe as a "very sneaking-looking man, medium size, smooth face; a wealthy farmer, who owned eighteen or twenty head of slaves, and was Judge of the Orphans' Court."  "He sells slaves occasionally."  "My mistress was a very large, rough, Irish-looking woman, with a very bad disposition; it appeared like as if she hated to see a 'nigger,' and she was always wanting her husband to have some one whipped, and she was a member of the Methodist Church.  My master was a trustee in the Episcopal Church."      In consequence of the tribulation Bill had experienced under his Christian master and mistress, he had been led to disbelieve in the Protestant faith altogether, and declared that he felt persuaded that it was all a "pretense," and added that he "never went to Church; no place was provided in the church for 'niggers' except a little pen for the coachmen and waiters."      BILL had been honored with the post of "head man on the place," but of this office he was not proud. _______________- ARRIVAL FROM PRINCE GEORGE'S COUNTY, MD. "JIM BELLE." $100 REWARD. - Ran away from the subscriber on Saturday night, Negro Man JIM BELLE.  Jim is about  26 years of age; has a down look; speaks slow when spoken to; he has large, thick lips, and a mustache.  He was formerly owned by Edward Stansbury, late of Baltimore county, and purchased by Edward Worthington, near Reisterstown, in Baltimore county, at the late Stansburys sale, who sold him to B. M. and W. L. Campbell, of Baltimore city, of whom I purchased Jim on the 13th of June last.  His wife lives with her mother, Ann Robertson, in Corn Alley, between Lee and Hill streets, Baltimore city, where he has other relations, and where he is making his way.  I will give the above reward, no matter where taken, so he is brought home or secured in jail so I get him again.               ZACHARIAH BERRY, of W., near Upper Marlboro', Prince George's county, Md.

[Pg. 421]

     Mr. Zachariah Berry, who manifested so much interest in Jim, may be until this hour in ignorance of the cause of his running off without asking leave, etc.  Jim stated, that he was once sold and flogged unmercifully simply for calling his master "Mr.," instead of master, and he alleged that this was the secret of his eyes being opened and his mind nerved to take advantage of the Underground Rail Road.
     While it may not now do Zachariah Berry much good to learn this secret, it may, nevertheless, be of some interest to those who were of near kin to Jim to glean even so small of ray of light.

_______________

ARRIVAL FROM RAPPAHANNOCK COUNTY, 1857.
PASCAL QUANTENCE.

     PASCAL fled from Virginia, and accused Bannon and Brady of doing violence to his liberty.  He had, however, been in their clutches only a short while before escaping, but that short while seemed almost an age, as he was treated so meanly by them compared with the treatment which he had experienced under his former master.
     According to Pascal's story, which was evidently true, his previous master was his own father (John Quantence), who had always acknowledged Pascal as his child, whom he did not scruple to tell people he should set free; that he did not intend that he should serve anybody else.  But, while out riding one day, he was thrown from his horse and instantly killed.  Naturally enough, no will being found, his effects were all administered upon and Pascal was sold with the farm.  Bannon and Brady were the purchasers, at least of Pascal.  In their power, immediately the time of trouble began with Pascal, and so continued until he could no longer endure it.  "Hoggishness,"  according to Pascal's phraseology, was the most predominant trait in the character of his new masters.  In his mournful situation and grief he looked toward Canada and started with courage and hope, and thus succeeded.  Such deliverances always afforded very great joy to the Committee.

_______________

[Pg. 422]

ARRIVAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA, 1857.
HARRY GRIMES, GEORGE UPSHER, AND EDWARD LEWIS.

FEET SLIT FOR RUNNING AWAY, FLOGGED, STABBED, STAYED IN THE HOLLOW OF A
BIG POPLAR TREE, VISITED BY A SNAKE, ABODE IN A CAVE.

     The coming of the passengers here noticed was announced in the subjoined letter from Thomas Garrett:

     RESPECTED FRIEND, WILLIAM STILL:—I write to inform thee, that Captain Fountain has arrived this evening from the South with three men, one of which is nearly naked, and very lousy.  He has been in the swamps of Carolina. for eighteen months past.  One of the others has been some time out.  I would send them on to-night, but will have to provide two of them with some clothes before they can be sent by rail road.  I have for gotten the number of thy house.   As most likely all are more or less lousy, having been compelled to sleep together, I thought best to write thee so that thee may get a suitable place to take them to, and meet them at Broad and Prime streets on the arrival of the ears, about 11 o’clock to-morrow evening.  I have engaged one of our men to take them to his house, and go to Philadelphia with them to-morrow evening.  Johnson who will accompany them is a man in whom we can confide.  Please send me the number of thy house when thee writes.

     This epistle from the old friend of the fugitive, Thomas Garrett, excited unusual interest.  Preparation was immediately made to give the fugitives a kind reception, and at the same time to destroy their plagues, root and branch, without mercy.
     They arrived according to appointment.  The cleansing process was carried into effect most thoroughly, and no vermin were left to tell the tale of suffering they had caused.  Straightway the passengers were made comfortable in every way, and the spirit of freedom seemed to be burning like “fire shut up in the bones.”  The appearance alone of these men indicated their manhood, and wonderful natural ability.  The examining Committee were very desirous of hearing their story without a moment’s delay.
     As Harry, from having suffered most, was the hero of this party, and withal was an intelligent man, he was first called upon to make his statement as to how times had been with him in the prison house, from his youth up.  He was about forty-six years of age, according to his reckoning, full six feet high, and in muscular appearance was very rugged, and in his countenance were evident marks of firmness.  He said that he was born a slave in North Carolina, and had been sold three times.  He was first sold when a child three years of age, the second time when he was thirteen years old, and the third and last time he was sold to Jesse Moore, from whom he fled.   Prior to his coming into the hands of Moore he had not experienced

[Pg. 423]
any very hard usage, at least nothing more severe than fell to the common lot of slave-boys, therefore the period of his early youth was deemed of too little interest to record in detail.  In fact time only could be afforded for noticing very briefly some of the more remarkable events of his bondage.  The examining Committee confined their interrogations to his last task master.
     “ How did Moore come by you?” was one of the inquiries.  “He bought me,” said Harry, “of a man by the name of Taylor, nine or ten years ago; he was as bad as he could he, couldn’t be any worse to be alive.  He was about fifty years of age, when I left him, a right red-looking man, big bellied old fellow, weighs about two hundred and forty pounds.  He drinks hard, he is just like a rattlesnake, just as cross and crabbed when he speaks, seems like he could go through you.  He flogged Richmond for not ploughing the corn good, that was what he pretended to whip him for. Richmond ran away, was away four months, as nigh as I can guess, then they cotched him, then struck him a hundred lashes, and then they split both feet to the bone, and split both his insteps, and then master took his knife and stuck it into him in many places; after he done him that way, he put him into the barn to shucking corn.  For a long time he was not able to work; when he did partly recover, he was set to work again.”

     We ceased to record anything further concerning Richmond, although not a fourth part of what Harry narrated was put upon paper.  The account was too sickening and the desire to hear Harry’s account of himself too great to admit of further delay; so Harry confined him self to the sufferings and adventures which had marked his own life.  Briefly he gave the following facts: “I have been treated bad.  One day we were grubbing and master said we didn’t do work enough.  ‘How came there was no more work done that day?’ said master to me.  I told him I did work.  In a more stormy manner he ’peated the question.  I then spoke up and said: ‘Mussa, I don’t know what to say.’  At once massa plunged his knife into my neck causing me to stagger.  Massa was drunk.  He then drove me down to the black folk’s houses (cabins of the slaves).  He then got his gun, called the overseer, and told him to get some ropes.  While he

[Pg. 424]
was gone I said, ‘Massa, now you are going to tie me up and cut me all to pieces for nothing.  I would just as leave you would take your gun and shoot me down as to tie me up and cut me all to pieces for nothing.’ In a great rage he said ‘go.’  I jumped, and he put up his gun and snapped both barrels at me.  He then set his dogs on me, but as I had been in the habit of making much of them, feeding them, &c., they would not follow me, and I kept on straight to the woods.  My master and the overseer cotched the horses and tried to run me down, but as the dogs would not follow me they couldn’t make nothing of it.  It was the last of August a year ago.  The devil was into him, and he flogged and beat four of the slaves, one man and three of the women, and said if he could only get hold of me he wouldn’t strike me, ‘nary-a-liek,’ but would tie me to a tree and empty both barrels into me.
     In the woods I lived on nothing, you may say, and something too.  I had bread, and roasting ears, and ’taters.  I stayed in the hollow of a big poplar tree for seven months; the other part of the time I stayed in a cave.  I suffered mighty bad with the cold and for something to eat.  Once I got me some charcoal and made me a fire in my tree to warm me, and it liked to killed me, so I had to take the fire out.  One time a snake come to the tree, poked its head in the hollow and was coming in, and I took my axe and chopped him in two.  It was a poplar leaf moccasin, the poisonest kind of a snake we have.  While in the woods all my thoughts was how to get away to a free country.”

     Subsequently, in going back over his past history, he referred to the fact, that on an occasion long before the cave and tree existence, already noticed, when suffering under this brutal master, he sought protection in the woods and abode twenty—seven months in a cave, before he surrendered himself, or was captured.  His offence, in this instance, was simply because he desired to see his wife, and “stole” away from his master’s plantation and went a. distance of five miles, to where she lived, to see her.  For this grave crime his master threatened to give him a hundred lashes, and to shoot him; in order to avoid this punishment, he escaped to the woods, etc.  The lapse of a dozen years and recent struggles for an existence, made him think lightly of his former troubles and he would, doubtless, have failed to recall

[Pg. 425]
his earlier conflicts but for the desire manifested by the Committee to get all the information out of him they could.

     He was next asked, “Had you a wife and family?”  “ Yes, sir,” he answered, “I had a wife and eight children, belonged to the widow Slade.” Harry gave the names of his wife and children as follows: Wife, Susan, and children, Oliver, Sabey, Washington, Daniel, Jonas, Harriet, Moses and Rosetta, the last named he had never seen.  “Between my mistress and my master there was not much difference.”

     Of his comrades time admitted of writing out only very brief sketches, as follows:

EDWARD LEWIS.

	$100 REWARD. - Ran away from the subscriber, on the 7th of November, negro slave, EDGAR.  He is 36 years old, 6 feet high, of dark brown complexion, very high forehead, is a little bald, and is inclined to stoop in the shoulders.  Edgar says he was raised in Norfolk county, has worked about Norfolk several years.  I bought him at the Auction house of Messrs. Pulliam & Davis, the 20th of July, 1856.  The bill of sale was signed by W. Y. Miliner for Jas. A. Bihsoly, administrator of G. W. Chambers, dec'd.  He told one of my negroes he was going to Norfolk to sell some plunder he had there, then go to Richmond, steal his wife, get on board a boat about Norfolk, and go to a free State.  He can read and write well, and I have no doubt he has provided himself with papers of some kind.  He may have purchased the papers of some free negro.  I will give the above reward of One Hundred Dollars to any person who will arrest and confine him, so I can get him.
	My Post office of Laurel, N. C.	C. H. GAY.       no. 21.

     The above advertisement, which was cut from a Southern paper, brought light in regard to one of the passengers at least.  It was not often that a slave was so fortunate as to get such a long sketch of himself in a news paper.  The description is so highly complimentary, that we simply endorse

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it as it stands.  The sketch as taken for the record book is here transcribed as follows:

     "Edward reported himself from Franklin county, N. C., where, according to statement, a common farmer by the name of Carter Gay owned him, under whose oppression his life was rendered most unhappy, who stinted him daily for food and barely allowed him clothing enough to cover his nakedness, who neither showed justice nor mercy to any under his control, the ‘weaker vessels’ not exeepted; therefore Edward was conviuced that it was in vain to hope for comfort under such a master.  More over, his appetite for liquor, combined with a high temper, rendered him a being hard to please, but easy to excite to a terrible degree.  Scarcely had Edward lived two years with this man (Gay) when he felt that he had lived with him long enough.  Two years previous to his coming into the hands of Gay, he and his wife were both sold; the wife one day and he the next.  She brought eleven hundred and twenty-five dollars, and be eight hundred and thirty-five dollars; thus they were sold and resold as a matter of speculation, and husband and wife were parted.
     After the fugitives had been well cared for by the Committee, they were forwarded on North; but for some reason they were led to stop short of Canada, readily finding employment and going to work to take care of themselves. How they were received and in what way they were situated, the subjoined letter from Edward will explain:

     DEAR SIR: - As I promised to let you hear from me as soon as I found a home, I will now fulfill my promise to you and say that I am alive and well and have found a stopping place for the winter.
     When we arrived at Syracuse we found Mr. Loguen ready to receive us, and as times are rather hard in Canada he thought best for us not to go there, so he sent us about twenty miles west of Syracuse to Skaneateles, where George Upshur and myself soon found work.  Henry Grimesis at work in Garden about eight miles from this place.
     If you should chance to hear any of my friends inquiring for me, please direct them to Skaneateles, Onondag county, N. Y.
     If you can inform me of the whereabouts of Miss Alice Jones I shall be very much obliged to you, until I can pay you better.  I forgot to ask you about her when 1 was at your house.  She escaped about two years ago.
     Please not to forget to inquire of my wife, Rachel Land, and if you should hear of her, let me know immediately.  George Upshur and myself send our best respects to you and your family.  Remember us to Mrs. Jackson and Miss Julia.  I hope to meet you all again, if not on earth may we so live that we shall meet in that happy land where tears and partings are not known.
     Let me hear from you soon. This from your friend and well wisher,

[Pg. 427]

     GEORGE UMBER—The third in this arrival was also a full man.  Slavery had robbed him shamefully it is true; nevertheless he was a man of superior natural parts, physically and intellectually.  Despite the efforts of slave-holders to keep him in the dark, he could read and write a little.  His escape in the manner that he did, implied a direct protest against the conduct of Dr. Thomas W. Upsher, of Richmond, Va., whom, he alleged, deprived him of his hire, and threatened him with immediate sale.  He had lived in North Carolina with the doctor about two years.  As a slave, his general treatment had been favorable, except for a few months prior to his flight, which change on the part of his master led him to fear that a day of sale was nigh at hand.  In fact the seventh of July had been agreed upon when he was to be in Richmond, to take his place with others in the market on sale day; his hasty and resolute move for freedom originated from this circumstance.  He was well-known in Norfolk, and had served almost all his days in that city.  These passengers averaged about six feet, and were of uncommonly well-developed physical structure.
     The pleasure of aiding such men from the horrors of Carolina Slavery was great.

_______________

ALFRED HOLLON, GEORGE AND CHARLES N. RODGERS.

     The loss of this party likewise falls on Maryland.  With all the efforts I exerted by slave-holders, they could not prevent the Underground Rail Road from bringing away passengers.

     ALFRED was twenty-eight years of age, with sharp features, dark color, and of medium size.  He charged one Elijah J. Johnson, a commissioner of Baltimore Co., with having deprived him of the fruits of his labor.  He had looked fully into his master’s treatment of him, and had come to the conclusion that it was wrong in every respect, for one man to make another work and then take all his wages from him; thus decided, Alfred, desiring liberty, whereby he could do better for himself felt that he must “took out” and make his way to Canada.  Nevertheless, he admitted that he had been “treated pretty well” compared with others. True, he had “not been fed very well;” Elijah, his master, was an old man with a white head, tall and stout, and the owner of fifteen head of slaves.  At the same time, a member of St. John’s church.

     ALFRED had treasured up the sad remembrance against him of the sale of his mother from him when a little boy, only three years old.  While he was then too young to have retained her features in his memory, the fact had always been a painful one to reflect upon.

[Pg. 428]

     GEORGE was twenty-six years of age, stout, long-faced, and of dark complexion.  He looked as though he might have eagerly grasped education if the opportunity had been allowed him.  He too belonged to Elijah J. John son, against whom he entertained much more serious objections than Alfred.  Indeed, George did not hesitate to say with emphasis, that he neither liked his old master, mistress, nor any of the family. Without recording his grievances in detail, a single instance will suffice of the kind of treatment to which he objected, and which afforded the pretext for his becoming a. patron of the Underground Rail Road.
     It was this, said George: “I went into the corn-field and got some corn.  This made my master and mistress very mad, and about it Dr. Franklin Rodgers, my young mistress’ husband, struck me some pretty heavy blows, and knocked me with his fist, etc.”   Thus, George’s blood was raised, and he at once felt that it was high time to be getting away from such patriarchs.  It was only necessary to form a strong resolution and to start without delay.
     There were two others who, he believed, could be trusted, so he made known his intentions to them, and finding them sound on the question of freedom he was glad of their company.  For an emergency, he provided himself with a pair of pistols and a formidable-looking knife, and started, bent on reaching Canada; determined at least, not to be taken back to bond age alive.  Charles was twenty-four years of age, a very dark-colored individual, and also belonged to said Johnson.

     CHARLES was well acquainted with his old master and mistress, and made very quick work of giving his experience.  After hearing him, from the manner in which he expressed himself. no one could doubt his earnest ness and veracity.  His testimony ran substantially thus:

     “ For the last three years I have been treated very hard.  In the presence of the servants, old Johnson had me tied, stripped, and with his own hands, flogged me on the naked back shamefully.  The old mistress was cross too.”  It was some time before the smarting ceased, but it was not long ere the suffering produced very decided aspirations to get over to John Bull’s Dominions.  He resolved to go, at all hazards.  In order that he might not be surprised on the Underground Rail Road without any weapons of defense, determined as he was to fight rather than be dragged back, he  provided him self with a heavy, leaden ball and a razor.  They met, however, with no serious difficulty, save from hard walking and extreme hunger.  In appearance, courage, and mother-wit, this party was of much promise.

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ARRIVAL FROM KENT COUNTY, 1857.
SAMUEL BENTON, JOHN ALEXANDER, JAMES HENRY, AND SAMUEL TURNER.

     These passengers journeyed together from the land of whips and chains.

     SAM BENTON was about twenty-six years of age, medium size, pretty dark color, and possessed a fair share of intelligence.  He understood very well how sadly Slavery had wronged him by keeping him in ignorance and poverty.
     He stated as the cause of his flight that William Campbell had oppressed him and kept him closely at hard labor without paying him, and at the same time "did not give him half enough to eat, and no clothing."

     JOHN ALEXANDER was about forty-four years of age, a man of ordinary size, quite black, and a good specimen of a regular corn-field hand.
     "Why did you leave, John?"  said a member of the Committee.  He coolly replied that "Handy (his master was named George Handy) got hold of me twice, and I promised my Lord that he should never get hold of me another time."
     Of course it was the severity of these two visitations that made John a thinker and an actor at the same time.  The evil practices of the master produced the fruits of liberty in John's breast.

     JAMES HENRY, the third passenger, was about thirty-two years of age, and quite a spirited-looking "article."  A few months before he fled he had been sold, at which time his age was given as "only twenty."  He had suffered considerably from various abuses; the hope of Canada however tended to make him joyful.
     The system of oppression from which these travelers fled had afforded them no privileges in the way of learning to read.  All that they had ever known of civilization was what they perchance picked up in the ordinary routine of the field.
     Notice of the fourth passenger unfortunately is missing.

-------------------------

ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE COUNTY, 1857.
ELIZABETH WILLIAMS.

     ELIZABETH fled in company with her brother the winter previous to her arrival at the Philadelphia station.  Although she reached free land the severe struggle cost her the loss of all her toes.  Four days and nights out in the bitter cold weather without the chance of a fire left them a prey to

[Pg. 430]
the frost, which made sad havoc with their feet especially - particularly Elizabeth's.  She was obliged to stop on the way, and for seven months she was unable to walk.
     ELIZABETH was about twenty years of age, chestnut color, and of considerable natural intellect.  Although she suffered so severely as the result of her resolution to throw off the yoke, she had no regrets at leaving the prison-house; she seemed to appreciate freedom all the more in consequence of what it cost her to obtain the prize.
     In speaking of the life she had lived, she stated that her mistress was "good enough," but her "master was a very bad man."  His name was Samuel Ward; he lived in Baltimore county, near Wrightstown.  Elizabeth left her mother, four brothers and one sister under the yoke.

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MARY COOPER AND MOSES ARMSTEAD, 1857.

     MARY arrived from Delaware, Moses from Norfolk, Virginia, and happened to meet at the station in Philadelphia.
     MARY was twenty years of age, of a chestnut color, usual size, and well disposed.  She fled from Nathank Herne, an alderman.   Mary did not find fault with the alderman, but she could not possibly get along with his wife; this was the sole cause of her escape.
     MOSES was twenty-four years of age, of a chestnut color, a bright-looking young man.  He fled from Norfolk, Virginia, having ben owned by the estate of John Halters.  Nothing but the prevailing love of liberty in the breast of Moses moved him to seek his freedom  He did not make one complaint of bad treatment.

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ARRIVAL FROM NEAR WASHINGTON, D. C.
JOHN JOHNSON AND LAWRENCE THORNTON.

     JOHN escaped from near Washington.  He stated that he was owned by an engraver, known by the name of William Stone, and added that himself and seven others were kept working on the farm of said Stone for nothing.  John did not, however, complain of having a hard master in this hard-named personage, (Stone); for, as a slave, he confessed that he had seen good times.  Yet he was not satisfied; he felt that he had a right to his freedom, and that he could not possibly be contented while deprived of it, for this reason, therefore, he dissolved his relationship with his kind master.

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     John was about twenty-seven years of age, tall and slender, of dark complexion, but bright intellectually.  With Lawrence times had been pretty rough.  Dr. Isaac Winslow of Alexandria was accused of defrauding Lawrence of his hire.  "He was anything else but a gentleman," said Lawrence.  "He was not a fair man no way, and his wife was worse than he was, and she had a daughter worse than herself."
     "Last Sunday a week my master collared me, for my insolence he said, and told me that he would sell me right off.  I then untied myself, broke out of prison, and made for the Underground Rail Road immediately."
     Lawrence gave a most interesting account of his life of bondage, and of the doctor and his family.  He was overjoyed at the manner in which he had defeated the doctor, and so was the Committee.

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HON. L. McLANE'S PROPERTY, SOON AFTER HIS DEATH, TRAVELS via THE UNDERGROUND RAIL ROAD. -
WILLIAM KNIGHT, Esq., LOSES A SUPERIOR "ARTICLE."
JIM SCOTT, TOM PENNINGTON, SAM SCOTT, BILL SCOTT, ABE BACON, AND JACK WELLS.

      As usual degree of pleasure was felt in welcoming this party of young men, not because they were any better than others, or because they had suffered more, but simply because they were found to possess certain knowledge and experience of slave life, as it existed under the government of the Chivalry; such information could not always be obtained from those whose lot had been cast among ordinary slave-holders.  Consequently the Committee interviewed them closely, and in point of intellect found them to be above the average run of slaves.  As they were then entered in the record, so in like manner are the notes made of them transferred to these pages.
     Jim was about nineteen years of age, well grown, black, and of prepossessing appearance.  The organ of hope seemed very strong in him.  Jim had been numbered with the live stock of the late Hon. L. McLain, who had been called to give an account of his stewardship about two months before Jim and his companions "took out" before Jim and his companions "took out."
     As to general usage, he made no particular charge against his distinguished master; he had, however, not seen living under his immediate patriarchal government, but had been hired out to a farmer by the name of James Dodson, with whom he experienced life "sometimes hard and some-

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times smooth," to use his own words.  The reason of his leaguing with his fellow-servants to abandon the old prison house, was traceable to the rumor, and that he an some others were to appear on the stage, or rather the auction-block, in Baltimore, the coming Spring.

     TOM, another member of the McLANE institution, was about twenty-five years of age, of unmixed blood, and a flair specimen of a well-trained field hand.  He conceived that he had just ground to bring damages against the Hon. L. MeLane for a number of years of hard service, and for being deprived of education.  He had been compelled to toil for the Honorable gentleman, not only on his own place, but on the farms of others.  At the time that Tom escaped, he was hired for one hundred dollars per annum (and his clothes found him), which hire McLane had withheld from him contrary to all justice and fair dealing; but as Tom was satisfied, that he could get no justice through the Maryland courts, and knew that an old and intimate friend of his master had already proclaimed, that “negroes had no rights which white men are bound to respect;” also, as his experience tended to confirm him in the belief, that the idea was practically carried out in the courts of Maryland; he thought, that it would be useless to put in a plea for justice in Maryland.  He was not, however, without a feeling of some satisfaction, that his old master, in giving an account of his stewardship at the Bar of the Just One, would be made to understand the amount of his indebtedness to those whom he had oppressed.  With this impression, and the prospects of equal rights and Canada, under her British Majesty’s possessions, he manifested as much delight as if he was traveling with a half million of dollars in his pocket.

     SAM, another likely-looking member of this party, was twenty-two years of age, and a very promising-looking young fugitive, having the appearance of being able to take education without difficulty.  He had fully made up his mind, that slavery was never intended for man, and that he would never wear himself out working for the “ white people for nothing.”  He wanted to work for himself and enjoy the benefits of education, etc.

     BILL SCOTT, another member of the McLane party, was twenty-one years of age, “fat and slick,” and fully satisfied, that Canada would agree with him in every particular.  Not a word did he utter in favor of Maryland, but said much against the manner in which slaves were treated, how he had felt about the matter, etc.

     ABE was also from the McLane estate.  He possessed apparently more general intelligence than either of his companions.  He was quite bright witted, a ready talker, and with his prospects he was much satisfied.  He was twenty-two years of age, black, good-looking, and possessed very good manners.  He represented, that his distinguished master died, leaving thirteen head of slaves.  His (Abe’s) father, Tom’s mother and the mother of the Scotts were freed by McLane.  Strong hopes were entertained that

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before the old man's death he would make provision in his will for the freedom of all the other slaves; when he died, the contrary was found to be the fact; they were still left in chains.  The immediate heirs consisted of six sons and five daughters, who moved in the first circle, were “very wealthy and aristocratic.”  Abe was conversant with the fact, that his master, the “ Hon. L. McLane, was once Secretary under President Jackson;” that he had been “sent to England on a mission for the Government,” and that he had “served two terms in Congress.”  Some of the servants, Abe said, were “treated pretty well, but some others could not say anything in the master’s favor.”  Upon the whole, however, it was manifest that the McLane slaves had not been among the number who had seen severe hardships.   They came from his plantation in Cecil county, Maryland, where they had been reared.
     In order to defend themselves on the Underground Rail Road, they were strongly armed.  Sam had a large horse pistol and a butcher knife; Jack had a revolver; Abe had a double-barrelled pistol and a. large knife; Jim had a single-barrelled pistol and counted on “blowing a man down if any one touched” him.  Bill also had a single—barrelled pistol, and when he started resolved to “come through or die.”
     Although this party was of the class said to be well fed, well clothed, and not over-worked, yet to those who heard them declare their utter detestation of slavery and their determination to use their instruments of death, even to the taking of life, rather than again be subjected to the yoke, it was evident that even the mildest form of slavery was abhorrent.  They left neither old nor young masters, whom they desired to serve any longer or look up to for care and support.

     JACK, who was not of the McLane party, but who came with them, had been kept in ignorance with regard to his age.“  He was apparently middle aged, medium size, dark color, and of average intelligence.  He accused William Knight, a farmer, of having enslaved him contrary to his will or wishes, and averred that he fled from him because he used him badly and kept mean overseers.  Jack said that his master owned six farms and kept three overseers to manage them.  The slaves numbered twenty-one head.  The names of the overseers were given in the following order: “Alfred King, Jimmy Allen, and Thomas Brockston.”  In speaking of their habits, Jack said, that they were “very smart when the master was about, but as soon as he was gone they would instantly drop back.”  “They were all mean, but the old boss was meaner than them all,” and “the overseers were ‘fraider’ of him than what I was,” said Jack.
     His master (Mr. Knight), had a wife and seven children, and was a member of the Episcopal Church, in “good and regular standing.”  He was rich, and, with his family, moved in good society.  “His wife was too

[Pg. 434]
stingy to live, and if she was to die, she would die holding on to something,” said Jack.  Jack had once had a wife and three children, but as they belonged to a slave-holder (“Jim Price”) Jack’s rights were wholly ignored, and he lost them.

_______________

ARRIVAL FROM HARFORD CO., 1857
JOHN MYERS.

     JOHN fled from under the yoke of Dr. Joshua R. Nelson.  Until within two years of “Jack’s” flight, the doctor “had been a very fine man,” with whom Jack found no fault.  But suddenly his mode of treatment changed; he became very severe.  Nothing that Jack could do, met the approval of the doctor.  Jack was constantly looked upon with suspicion.
     The very day that Jack fled, four men approached him (the doctor one of them), with line in hand; that sign was well understood, and Jack resolved that they should not get within tying distance of him. “I dodged them,” said Jack.  Never afterwards was Jack seen in that part of the country, at least as long as a fetter remained.
     The day that he “dodged ” he also took the Underground Rail Road, and although ignorant of letters, he battled his way out of Maryland, and succeeded in reaching Pennsylvania and the Committee.  He was obliged to leave four children behind - John, Abraham, Jane and Ellen.

     JACK’s wife had been freed and had come to Philadelphia two years in advance of him.  His master evidently supposed that Jack would be mean enough to wish to see his wife, even in a free State, and that no slave, with such an unnatural desire, could be tolerated or trusted, that the sooner such “articles” were turned into cash the better.  This in substance, was the way Jack accounted for the sudden change which had come over his master. In defense of his course, Jack referred to the treatment which he had received while in servitude under his old master, in something like the following words: “I served under my young master’s father, thirty-five years, and from him received kind treatment.  I was his head man on the place, and had everything to look after.”

_______________

ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1857
WILLIAM LEE, SUSAN JANE BOILE AND AMARIAN LUCRETIA RISTER.

     Although these three passengers arrived in Philadelphia at the same time, they did not come from Maryland together.

[Pg. 435]

     WILLIAM LEE found himself under the yoke on a farm in the possession of Zechariah Merica, who, Wm. said, was a “low ignorant man, not above a common wood-chopper, and owned no other slave property than William.”  Against him, however, William brought no accusation of any very severe treatment; on the contrary, his master talked sometimes “ as though he wanted to be good and get religion, but said he could not while he was. trying to be rich.”  Everything looked hopeless in William's eyes, so far as the master’s riches and his own freedom were concerned.   He concluded that he would leave him the “bag to hold alone.”  William therefore laid down “the shovel and the hoe,” and, without saying a word to his master, he took his departure, under the privacy of the night, for Canada.  William represented the white and colored races about equally; he was about twenty-seven years of age, and looked well fitted for a full day’s work on a farm.

     SUSAN JANE came from New Market, near Georgetown Cross-Roads, where she had been held to unrequited labor by Hezekiah Masten, a farmer.  Although he was a man of fair pretensions, and a member of the Methodist Church, he knew how to draw the cords very tightly, with regard to his slaves, keeping his feet on their necks, to their sore grievance.  Susan endured his bad treatment as long as she could, then left, destitute and alone.  Her mother and father were at the time living in Elkton, Md.  Whether they ever heard what became of their daughter is not known.

     AMARIAN was twenty-one years of age, a person of light color, medium size,‘ with a prepossessing countenance and smart; she could read, write, and play on the piano.  From a child, Amarian had been owned by Mrs. Elizabeth Key Scott, who resided near Braceville, but at the time of her flight she was living at Westminster, in the family of a man named “Boile,” said to be the clerk of the court. In reference to treatment, Amarian said:  “I have always been used very well ; have had it good all my life, etc.”  This was a remarkable case, and, at first, somewhat staggered the faith of the Committee, but they could not dispute her testimony, consequently they gave her the benefit of the doubt.  She spoke of having a mother living in Hagerstown, by the name of Amarian Ballad, also three sisters who were slaves, and two who were free; she also had a brother in chains in Mississippi.

_______________

ARRIVAL FROM NORFOLK, VA.  1857
WILLIAM CARNEY AND ANDREW ALLEN

     WILLIAM was about fifty-one years of age, a man of unmixed blood.  Physically he was a superior man, and his mental abilities were quite above the average of his class.
     He belonged to the estate of the late Mrs. Sarah Twyne, who bore the

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reputation of being a lady of wealth, and owned one hundred and twelve slaves.  Most of her slave property was kept on her plantation not far from Old Point Comfort.  According to William’s testimony “ of times Mrs. Twyne would meddle too freely with the cup, and when under its influence she was very desperate, and acted as though she wanted to kill some of the slaves.”
     After the evil spirit left her and she had regained her wonted composure, she would pretend that she loved her “negroes,” and would make a great fuss over them.  Not infrequently she would have very serious difficulty with her overseers.  Having license to do as they pleased, they would of course carry their cruelties to the most extreme verge of punishment.  If a slave was maimed or killed under their correction, it was no loss of theirs.   “One of the overseers by the name of Bill Anderson once shot a young slave man called Luke and wounded him so seriously that he was not expected to live.”  “At another time one of the overseers beat and kicked a slave to death.”  This barbarity caused the mistress to be very much “stirred up,” and she declared that she would not have any more white overseers; condemned them for everything, and decided to change her policy in future and to appoint her overseers from her own slaves, setting the property to watch the property.  This system was organized and times were somewhat better.

     WILLIAM had been hired out almost his entire life.  For the last twelve or fifteen years he had been accustomed to hire his time for one hundred and thirty dollars per annum.  In order to meet this demand he commonly resorted to oystering.  By the hardest toil he managed to maintain himself and family in a humble way.
     For the last twenty years (prior to his escape) the slaves had constantly been encouraged by their mistress’ promises to believe that at her death all would be free, and transported to Liberia, where they would enjoy their liberty and be happy the remainder of their days.
     With full faith in her promises year by year the slaves awaited her demise with as much patience as possible, and often prayed that her time might be shortened for the general good of the oppressed.  Fortunately, as the slaves thought, she had no children or near relatives to deprive them of their just and promised rights.
     In November, previous to William’s escape, her long looked-for dissolution took place.  Every bondman who was old enough to realize the nature and import of the change felt a great anxiety to learn what the will of their old mistress said, whether she had actually freed them or not. Alas! when the secret was disclosed, it was ascertained that not a fetter was broken, not a bond unloosed, and that no provision whatever had been made looking towards freedom.  In this sad case, the slaves could imagine no other fate than soon to be torn asunder and scattered.  The fact was soon made known that the High Sheriff had administered on the estate of the late mis-

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tress; it was therefore obvious enough to William and the more intelligent slaves that the auction block wits near at hand.
     The trader, the slave-pen, auction-block, the coffee gang, the rice swamp, the cotton plantation, bloodhounds, and cruel overseers loomed up before him, as they had never done before.  Without stopping to consider the danger, he immediately made up his mind that he would make a struggle, cost what it might.  He knew of no other way of escape than the Under ground Rail Road.  He was shrewd enough to find an agent, who gave him private instructions, and to whom be indicated a desire to travel North on said road.  On examination he was deemed reliable, and a mutual under standing was entered into between William and one of the accommodating Captains running on the Richmond and Philadelphia Line, to the effect that he, William, should have a first class Underground Rail Road berth, so perfectly private that even the law -officers could not find him.
     The first ties to be severed were those which bound him to his wife and children, and next to the Baptist Church, to which he belonged.  His family were slaves, and bore the following names: his wife, Nancy, and children, Simon Henry, William, Sarah, Mary Ann, Elizabeth, Louis, and Cornelius.  It was no light matter to bid them farewell forever.  The separation from them was a trial such as rarely falls to the lot of mortals; but he nerved himself for the undertaking, and when the hour arrived his strength was sufficient for the occasion.
     Thus in company with Andrew they embarked for an unknown shore, their entire interests entrusted to a stranger who was to bring them through difficulties and dangers seen and unseen.

     ANDREW was about twenty-four years of age, very tall, quite black, and bore himself manfully.  He too was of the same estate that William be longed to.  He had served on the farm as a common farm laborer.  He had had it “sometimes rough and sometimes smoot ,” to use his own language.  The fear of what awaited the slaves prompted Andrew to escape.  He too was entangled with a wife and one child, with whom he parted only as a friend parts with a companion when death separates them.  Catharine was the name of Andrew’s wife; and Anna Clarissa the name of his child left in chains.

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ARRIVAL FROM HOPESVILLE, MD., 1857.
JAMES CAIN, "GENERAL ANDREW JACKSON," AND ANNA PERRY.

     These passengers came from the field where as slaves very few privileges had been afforded them.

     JIM was about thirty-five years of age, a dark brown skin with average

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intellect for one in his condition.  He had toiled under John Burnham, in Dorchester county, from whom he had received hard treatment, but harder still from his mistress.  He averred that she was the cause of matters being so hard with the slaves on the place.  Jim contented himself under his lot as well as he could until within a short time of his escape when he learned that measures were on foot to sell him.  The fear of this change brought him directly to meditate upon a trip to Canada.   Being a married man he found it hard to leave his wife, Mary, but as she was also a slave, and kept in the employment of her owners at some distance from where he lived, he decided to say nothing to her of his plans, but to start when ready and do the best he could to save himself, as he saw no chance of saving her.

     “ GENERAL ANDREW JACKSON.” When the above “article” gave the Committee his name they were amused and thought that he was simply jesting, having done a smart thing in conquering his master by escaping; but on a fuller investigation they found that he really here the name, and meant to retain it in Canada.  It had been given him when a child, and in Slavery he had been familiarly called “Andy,” but since he had achieved his freedom he felt bound to be called by his proper name.
     General Andrew was about twenty-seven years of age, a full black, and a man of extraordinary muscular powers, with coarse hard features, such as showed signs that it would not be safe for his master to meddle with him when the General’s blood was up.
     He spoke freely of the man who claimed him as a slave, saying that his name was Shepherd Houston, of Lewistown, Delaware, and that he owned seven head of “God’s poor," whom he compelled to labor on his farm with out a cent of pay, a day’s schooling, or an hour’s freedom; furthermore, that he was a member of the Ebenezer Methodist Church, a class-leader, and an exhorter, and in outward show passed for a good Christian.  But in speaking of his practical dealings with his slaves, General said that he worked them hard, stinted them shamefully for food, and kept them all the time digging.
     Also when testifying with regard to the “weaker vessel,” under whose treatment he had suffered much, the General said that his master’s wife had a meaner disposition than he had; she pretended to belong to church too, said General, but it was nothing but deceit.
     This severe critic could not read, but he had very clear views on the ethics of his master and mistress, agreeing with Scripture concerning whited sepulchres, etc.
     The question of Christian slave-holders, for a great while, seriously puzzled the wise and learned, but for the slave it was one of the easiest of solution.  All the slaves came to the same conclusion, notwithstanding the teaching of slave-holders on the one idea, that “servants should obey their masters,” etc.

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     General had a brother in Baltimore, known by the name of Josephus, also two sisters Anna and Annie; his father was living at Cannon’s Ferry.

     ANNA PERRY was the intended of General.  She was about nineteen years of' age, of a dark brown color, and came from the same neighborhood.  According to law Anna was entitled to her freedom, but up to the time of her escape she had not been permitted to enjoy the favor.   She found that if she would be free she would have to run for it.

     JOHN SMITH. A better specimen of one who had been ill treated, and in every way uncared for, could not be easily found.  In speech, manners, and whole appearance he was extremely rude.  He was about twenty years of' age, and in color was of a very dark hue.
     That John had received only the poorest kind of “corn-field fare” was clearly evidenced both by body and mind.  Master George H. Morgan was greatly blamed for John’s deficiencies; it was on his farms, under mean overseers that John had been crushed and kept under the harrow.
     His mother, Mary Smith, he stated, his master had sold away to New Orleans, some two years before his escape.  The sad effect that this cruel separation had upon him could only be appreciated by hearing him talk of it in his own untutored tongue.  Being himself threatened with the auction block, he was awakened to inquire how he could escape the danger, and very soon learned that by following the old methods which had been used by many before him, resolution and perseverance, he might gain the victory over master and overseers.  As green as he seemed he had succeeded admirably in his undertaking.

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ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858
GEORGE RUSSEL AND JAMES HENRY THOMPSON

     JAMES, for convenience' sake, was supplied with two other names (Milton and John Johnson), not knowing exactly how many he would need in freedom or which would be the best adapted to keep his whereabouts the most completely veiled from his master.

     GEORGE reported that he fled from Henry Harris, who lived near Baltimore on the Peach Orchard Road, and that he had lived with said Harris all his life.  He spoke of him as being a "blustering man, who never liked the slaves to make anything for themselves."  George bore witness that the usage which he had received had been hard; evidently his intellect had been seriously injured by what he had suffered under his task-master.  George was of a very dark hue, but not quite up to medium size.

     JAMES HENRY THOMPSON did not accompany George, but met him at the station in Philadelphia.  He contrasted favorably with George, being

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about twenty- eight years of age, with a countenance indicative of intelligence and spirit.  He was of a chestnut color and of average size.  He charged one Dennis Mannard, of Johnsonville, with being his personal enemy as an oppressor, and added that he could " say nothing good of him.  ”He could say , however, that Mannard was bitterly opposed to a slave's learning how to read, would not listen to the idea of giving them any privileges, and tried to impress them with the idea that they needed to know nothing but simply how to work hard for the benefit of their masters and mistresses; in fulfilling these conditions faithfully the end for which they had been designed would be accomplished according to his doctrine.
     Notwithstanding so much pains had been resorted to throughout the South to impress these ideas upon the slaves, no converts were made.
     JAMES thought that the doctrine was infamous, and that it was dangerous to live with such a man as his master; that freedom was as much his right as it was his master's; and so he resolved to leave for Canada as soon as he could see any chance for escape.

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ARRIVAL FROM QUEEN ANN COUNTY, 1858
CATHERINE JONES AND SON HENRY, ETNA ELIZABETH DAUPHUS, AND GEORGE NELSON WASHINGTON.

     These passengers, although interesting, and manifesting a strong desire to befree, had no remarkable tales of personal suffering to relate; their lot had evidently been cast among the more humane class of slave-holders, who had acted towards their slaves with some moderation.

     CATHERINE was twenty-four years of age, of a dark chestnut color, possessed a fair share of mother wit, and was fitted to make a favorable impression.  IN no degree whatever did she think well of slavery; she had had, as she thought, sufficient experience under Joshua Duvall (who professed to own her) to judge as to the good or evil of the system. While he was by no means considered a hard man, he would now and then buy and sell a slave.  She had no fault to find with her mistress.
      ETNA was about twenty years of age, of a “ginger-bread" color, modest in demeanor, and appeared to have a natural capacity for learning.  She was also from under the Duvall yoke.  In setting forth her reasons for escaping she asserted that she was tired of slavery and an unbeliever in the doctrine that God made colored people simply to be slaves for white people; besides, she had a strong desire to “see her friends in Canada.”
     GEORGE also escaped from Duvall; happily he was only about nineteen years of age, not too old to acquire some education and do well by himself.  He was greatly elated at the prospect of freedom in Canada.

[Page 441] - ARRIVAL FROM DUNWOODY COUNTY, 1858.

     WILLIAM HENRY was a plump fellow only two years of age.  At the old price (five dollars per pound) he was worth something, fat as he was.  Being in the hands of his mother, the Committee considered him a lucky child.

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ARRIVAL FROM BALTIMORE
ELIJAH BISHOP AND WILLIAM WILLIAMSON.

     ELIJAH represented to the Committee that he had been held under the enthrallment of a common "gambler and drunkard," who called himself by the name of Campbell, and carried on his sporting operations in Baltimore.
     Under this gambler Elijah had been wronged up to the age of twenty-eight years, when he resoled to escape.  Having had several opportunities of traveling through the United States and South America with his sporting master, he managed to pick up quite an amount of information.  For the benefit of Elijah's relatives, if any should have occasion to look for particulars concerning this lost individual, we add, that he was a spare-built man of a dark color.
     WILLIAM WILLIAMSON fled from Mrs. Rebecca Davidge, of Perrymanville.  He declared that he had been used badly - had been worked hard and had been fed and clothed but poorly.  Under such treatment he had reached his twenty-fourth year.  Being of a resolute and determined mind, and feeling considerably galled by the burdens heaped upon him, he resolved that he would take his chances on the Underground Rail Road.  The only complaint that he had to make against his mistress was, that she hired him to a man named Smith, a farmer, and a slave-holder of the meanest type, in William's opinion.  For many a day William will hold her responsible for abuses he received from him.

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ARRIVAL FROM DUNWOODY COUNTY, 1858.
DARIUS HARRIS

     One of the most encouraging signs connected with the travel via the Underground Rail Road was, that passengers travelling thereon were, as a general thing, young and of determined minds.  Darius, the subject of this sketch, was only about twenty-one when he arrived.  It could be seen in his looks that he could not be kept in the prison-house unless constantly behind bars.  His large head and its formation indicated a large brain.  He stated that "Thomas H. Hamlin, a hard case, living near Dunwoody," had professed

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to own him.  Darius alleged that his same Hamlin who had thus stripped him of every cent of his earnings was doing the same thing by sixty others, whom he held in his grasp.
     With regard to "Feeding and clothing" Darius set Hamlin down as "very hoggish;" he also stated that he would sell slaves whenever he could.  He (Darious), ahd been hired out in Petersburg from the age of ten; for the last three years previous to his escape he had been bringing one hundred and fifty dollars a year into the coffers of his owners. Darius had not been ignorant of the cruelties of the slave system up to the time of his escape, for the fetters had been galling his young limbs for several years ; especially had the stringent slave laws given him the horrors. Loathing the system of slavery with his whole heart, he determined to peril his all in escaping there from ; seeking diligently, he had found means by which he could carry his designs into execution.
     In the way of general treatment, however, Darius said that bodily he had escaped “ abuses tolerably well.” He left in slavery his father and mother, four brothers and one sister. He arrived by one of the Richmond boats.

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ARRIVED FROM ALEXANDRIA, VA., 1857
TOWNSEND DERRIX

     The above-named escaped from a “Dutchman” by the name of Gallipap pick, who was in the confectionery business.  For the credit of our German citizens, it may be said , that slave-holders within their ranks were very few.  This was a rare case.  The Committee were a little curious to know how the German branch of civilization conducted when given unlimited control over human beings.
     In answering the requisite questions, and in making his statement, Towns end gave entire satisfaction.  His German master he spoke of as being a tolerably fair man, “considering his origin.”  At least he (Townsend), had not suffered much from him; but he spoke of a woman, about sixty , who had been used very badly under this Dutchman. He not only worked her very hard, but, at the same time, he would beat her over the head, and that in the most savage manner.  His mistress was also “Dutch," a "great swabby, fat woman," with a very ill disposition.  Master and mistress were both members of the Episcopal Church.  “Mistress drank, that was the reason she was so disagreeable.”
     Townsend had been a married man for about seven months only . In his effort to obtain his own freedom he sought diligently to deliver his young wife.  They were united heart and hand in the one great purpose to reach

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free land, but unfortunately the pursuers were on their track; the wife was captured and carried back, but the husband escaped.  It was particularly with a view of saving his poor wife that Townsend was induced to peril his life, for she (the wife) was not owned by the same party who owned Townsend, and was on the eve of being taken by her owners some fifty miles distant into the country, where the chances for intercourse between husband and wife would no longer be favorable.  Rather than submit to such an outrage, Townsend and his wife made the attempt aforementioned.

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ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND, 1858
EDWARD CARROLL

     EDWARD, a youthful passenger about twenty-one years of age, slow of speech, with a stammering utterance, and apparently crushed in spiritis, claimed succor and aid of the Committee.  At first the Committee felt a little puzzled to understand, how one, apparently so deficienty, could succeed in surmounting the usual difficulties consequent upon traveling, via the Underground Rail Road; but in conversing with him, they found him possessed of more intelligence than they had supposed; indeed, they perceived that he could read and write a little, and that what he lacked in aptness of speech, he supplied as a thinker, and although he was slow he was sure.  He was owned by a man named John Lewis, who also owned about seventy head of slaves, whom he kept on farms near the mouth of the Sassafras River, in Sussex county.
     Lewis had not only held Edward in bondage, but had actually sold him, with two of his brothers, only the Saturday before his escape, to a Georgia trader, named Durant, who was to start south with them on the subsequent Monday.  Moved almost to desperation at their master's course in thus sell ing them, the three brothers, after reflection, determined to save themselves if possible, and without any definite knowledge of the journey, they turned their eyes towards the North Star, and under the cover of night they started for Pennsylvania, not knowing whether they would ever see the goodly land of freedom.  After wandering for about two weeks, having been lost often and compelled to lie out in all weathers, a party of pursuers suddenly came upon them.  Both parties were armed; the fugitives therefore resolved to give their enemies battle, before surrendering.  Edward felt certain that one of the pursuers received a cut from his knife, but the extent of the injury was unknown to him.  For a time the struggle was of a very serious character; by using his weapons skillfully, however, Edward managed to keep the hand-cuff off of himself, but was at this point separated from his two brothers. No further knowledge of them did he possess; nevertheless,
 

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he trusted that they succeeded in fighting their way through to freedom . How any were successful in making their escape under such discouraging circumstances is a marvel.
     EDWARD took occasion to review his master's conduct, and said that he “could not recommend him , " as he would “ drink and gamble,” both of which, were enough to condemn him, in Edward's estimation, even though he were passable in other respects. But he held him doubly guilty for the way that he acted in selling him and his brothers.
     So privately had his master transacted business with the trader, that they were within a hair's breadth of being hand -cuffed , ere they knew that they were sold . Probably no outrage will be remembered, with feelings of greater bitterness, than this proceeding on the part of the master ; yet, when he reflected that he was thereby prompted to strike for freedom , Edward was disposed to rejoice at the good which had come out of the evil.

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ARRIVAL FROM PETERSBURG, 1858.
JAMES MASON

     This passenger brought rare intelligence respecting the manner in which he had been treated in Slavery.  He had been owned by a lady named Judith Burton, who resided in Petersburg, and was a member of the Baptist Church.   She was the owner of five other slaves.  James said that she had been the same as a mother” to him; and on the score of how he came to escape, he said:  “I left for no other cause than simply to get my liberty.”  This was an exceptional case, yet he had too much sense to continue in such a life in preference to freedom.  When he fled he was only twenty-four years of age.  Had he remained, therefore, he might have seen hard times before he reached old age; this fact he had well considered, as he was an intelligent young man.

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ARRIVAL FROM MARYLAND
ROBERT CARR

	$300 REWARD. - Ran away from the subscriber, on the 26th December, 1857, Negro Man ROBERT CARR.  He had on when last seen on West River, a close-bodied blue cloth coat with brass buttons, drab pantaloons, and a low crown and very narrow brim beaver hat; he wore a small goatee, is pleasant when spoken to, and very polite; about five feet ten inches high; cooper-colored.  I will give $125 if taken in Anne Arundel, Prince George's Calvert or Montgomery county,  $150 if taken in the city of Baltimore; or $300 if taken out of the State secured so that I get him again.
	j13-w& s3w	THOS. J. RICHARDSON West River, Anne Arundel county, Maryland.

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