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It
was not long after each army received its
quota of Phalanx soldiers, before the white
troops began regarding
them much as Napoleon's troops did
the Imperial Guard, their main support.
When a regiment of the Phalanx went
into a fight, every white soldier knew what
was meant, for the black troops took no
ordinary part in a battle. Where the
conflict was hottest; where danger was most
imminent, there the Phalanx went; and when
victory poised, as it often did, between the
contending sides, the weight of the Phalanx
was frequently thrown into the balancing
scales; if some strong work or dangerous
battery had to be taken, whether with the
bayonet alone or hand grenade or sabre, the
Phalanx was likely to be in the charging
column, or formed a part of the storming
brigade.
The confederates were no cowards; braver men never bit
cartridge or fired a gun, and when they were
to meet ''their slaves," as they believed,
in revolt, why, of course, honor forbade
them to ask or give quarter. This fact
was known to all, for, as yet, though
hundreds had been captured, none had been
found on parole, or among the exchanged
prisoners. General Grant's
attention was called to this immediately
after the fight at Milliken's Bend, where
the officers of the Phalanx, as well as
soldiers, had been captured and hung.
Grant wrote Gen. Taylor,
commanding the confederate forces in
Louisiana, as follows:
[Pg. 316]
"I feel no inclination to
retaliate for offences of irresponsible
persons, but, if it is the policy of any
general intrusted with the command of
troops, to show no quarter, or to punish
with death, prisoners taken in battle, will
accept the issue. It may be you propose a
different line of policy to black troops,
and officers commanding them, to that
practiced toward white troops. If so,
I can assure you that these colored troops
are regularly mustered into the service of
the United States. The government, and
all officers under the government, are bound
to give the same protection to these troops
that they do to any other troops."
General Taylor replied that he would
punish all such acts, "disgraceful alike to
humanity and the reputation of soldiers,"
but declared that officers of the
"Confederate Army" were required to turn
over to the civil authorities, to be dealt
with according to the laws of the State
wherein such were captured, all negroes
taken in arms.
As early as December, 1862, incensed by General
Butler's administration at New
Orleans in the arming of negroes,
Jefferson Davis, President of the
Confederate Government, issued the following
proclamation:
"FIRST. That all commissioned
officers in the command of said Benjamin
F. Butler be declared not entitled to be
considered as soldiers engaged in honorable
warfare, but as robbers and criminals,
deserving death; and that they, and each of
them, be, whenever captured, reserved for
execution.
"SECOND. That the private soldiers and non-commissioned
officers in the army of said Benj. F.
Butler, be considered as only
instruments used for the commission of
crimes, perpetrated by his orders, and not
as free agents; that they, therefore, be
treated when captured as prisoners of war,
with kindness and humanity, and be sent home
on the usual parole; that they will in no
manner aid or serve the United States in any
capacity during the continuance of war,
unless duly exchanged.
"THIRD. That all negro slaves captured in arms be at
once delivered over to the executive
authorities, of the respective States to
which they belong, and to be dealt with
according to the laws of said States.
"FOURTH. That the like orders be executed In all cases
with respect to all commissioned officers of
the United States when found serving in
company with said slaves in insurrection
against the authorities of the different
States of this Confederacy.
Signed and sealed at Richmond, Dec. 23,
1862.
JEFFERSON
DAVIS
This Proclamation was the hoisting of the
black flag against the Phalanx, by which
Mr. Davis expected to bring about
a war of extermination against the negro
soldiers.*
In his third annual message to the Confederate
Congress, Mr. Davis said:
"We
may well leave it to the instincts of that
common humanity which a beneficient creator
has implanted in the breasts of our fellow
------
* Among the captured rebel flags now in
the War Department, Washington, D. C., are
several Black Flags. No. 205 was captured
near North Mountain, Md., Aug. 1st, 1864.
Another Captured from General Pillow's
men at Fort Donelson, is also among the
rebel archives in that Department.
Several of them were destroyed by the troops
capturing them, as at Pascagoula, Miss., and
near Grand Gulf on the Mississippi.
[Pg. 317]
men of all
countries to pass judgment on a measure by
which several millions of human beings of an
inferior race peaceful and contented
laborers in their sphere are doomed to
extermination, while at the same time they
are encouraged to a general assassination of
their masters by the insiduous
recommendation to abstain from violence
unless in necessary defence. Our own
detestation of those who have attempted the
most execrable measures recorded in the
history of guilty man is tempered
by profound contempt for the impotent rage
which it discloses. So far as regards
the action of this government on such
criminals as may attempt its execution, I
confine myself to informing you that I shall
unless in your wisdom you deem some other
course expedient deliver to the several
State authorities all commissioned officers
of the United States that may hereafter be
captured by our forces in any of the States
embraced in the Proclamation, that they may
be dealt with in accordance with the laws of
those States providing for the punishment of
criminals engaged in exciting servile
insurrection. The enlisted
soldiers I shall continue to treat as
unwilling instruments in the commission of
these crimes, and shall direct their
discharge and return to their homes on the
proper and usual parole."
The
confederate Congress soon took up the
subject, and after a protracted
consideration passed the following:
"Resolved, By the
Congress of the Confederate States of
America, in response to the message of the
President, transmitted to Congress at the
commencement of the present session.
That, in the opinion of Congress, the
commissioned officers of the enemy ought not
to be delivered to the authorities of the
respective States, as suggested in the said
message,
but all captives taken by the confederate
forces, ought to be dealt with and disposed
of by the Confederate Government.
"SEC. 2. That in the judgment of Congress, the
Proclamations of the President of the United
States, dated respectively September 22nd,
1862, and January 1st, 1863, and other
measures of the Government of the United
States, and of its authorities, commanders
and forces, designed or intended to
emancipate slaves in the Confederate States,
or to
abduct such slaves, or to incite them to
insurrection, or to employ negroes in war
against the Confederate States, or to
overthrow the institution of African slavery
and bring on a servile war in these States,
would, if successful, produce atrocious
consequences, and they are inconsistent with
the spirit of those usages which, in modern
warfare, prevail among the civilized
nations; they may therefore be lawfully
suppressed by retaliation.
"SEC. 3. That in every case wherein, during the war,
any violation of the laws and usages of war
among civilized nations shall be. or has
been done and perpetrated by those acting
under the authority of the United States, on
the persons or property of citizens of the
Confederate States, or of those under the
protection or in the land or naval service
of
the Confederate States, or of any State of
the Confederacy, the Presi-
[Pg. 318]
dent of the Confederate States is hereby
authorized to cause full and and ample
retaliation to be made for every such
violation, in such manner and to such extent
as he may think proper.
"SEC. 4. That every white person, being a commissioned
officer, or acting as such, who during the
present war shall command negroes or
mulattoes in arms against the Confederate
States, or who shall arm, train, organize or
prepare negroes or mulattoes for military
service against the Confederate States, or
who shall voluntarily use negroes or
mulattoes in any military enterprise, attack
or conflict, in such service, shall be
deemed as inciting servile insurrection, and
shall, if captured, be put to death, or to
be otherwise punished at the discretion of
the court.
"SEC. 5. Every person, being a commissioned officer, or
acting as such in the service of the enemy,
who shall during the present war, excite,
attempt to excite, or cause to be excited a
servile insurrection, or who shall incite,
or cause to be incited a slave to rebel,
shall, if captured, be put to death, or
otherwise punished at the discretion of the
court."
"SEC. 6. Every person charged with an offence
punishable under the preceeding resolutions
shall, during the present war, be tried
before the military court, attached to the
army or corps by the troops of which he
shall have been captured, or by such other
military court as the President may direct,
and in such manner and under such
regulations as the President shall
prescribe; and after conviction, the
President may commute the punishment in such
manner and on such terms as he may deem
proper.
SEC. 7. All negroes and mulattoes who shall be engaged
in war, or be taken in arms against the
Confederate States, or shall give aid or
comfort to the enemies of the Confederate
States, shall, where captured in the
Confederate States, be delivered to
authorities of the State or States in which
they shall be captured, to be dealt with
according to such present or future laws of
such State or States."
In March, 1863, this same Confederate
Congress enacted the following order to
regulate the impressment of negroes for army
purposes:
"SEC. 9. Where slaves are impressed by the
Confederate Government, to labor on
fortifications, or other public works, the
impressment shall be made by said Government
according to the rules and regulations
provided in the laws of the States wherein
they are impressed; and, in the absence of
such law, in accordance with such rules and
regulations not inconsistent with the
provisions of this act, as the Secretary of
War shall from time to time prescribe;
Provided, That no impressment of slaves
shall be made, when they can be hired or
procured by the owner or agent.
"SEC. 10. That, previous to the 1st day of December
next, no slave laboring on a farm or
plantation, exclusively devoted to the
production of grain and provisions, shall be
taken for the public use, without the
consent of the owner, except in case of
urgent necessity."
[Pg. 319]
Thus it is apparent that while the
Confederate Government was holding aloft the
black flag, even against the Northern
Phalanx regiments composed of men who were
never slaves, it was at the same time
engaged in enrolling and conscripting slaves
to work on fortifications and in trenches,
in support of their rebellion against the
United States, and at a period when negro
troops were not accepted in the army of the
United States.
Soon after the admission of negroes into the Union
army, it was reported to Secretary Stanton
that three negro soldiers, captured with the
gunboat "Isaac Smith,"
on Stone river, were placed in close
confinement, whereupon he ordered three
confederate prisoners belonging to South
Carolina to be placed in close confinement,
and informed the Confederate Government of
the action. The Richmond Examiner
becoming cognizant of this said:
"It
is not merely the pretension of a regular
Government affecting to deal with 'rebels,'
but it is a deadly stab which they are
aiming at our institutions themselves;
because they know that, if we were insane
enough to yield this point, to treat black
men as the equals of white, and insurgent
slaves as equivalent to our brave white
soldiers, the very foundation of slavery
would be fatally wounded."
Several black soldiers were captured in an
engagement before Charleston, and when it
came to an exchange of prisoners, though an
immediate exchange of all captured in the
engagement had been agreed upon, the
confederates would not exchange the negro
troops. To this the President's
attention was called, whereupon he issued
the following order:
"EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, July 30th,
1863.
"It
is the duty of every government to give
protection to its citizens, of whatever
color, class, or condition, and especially
to those who are duly organized as soldiers
in the public service. The law of
nations and the usages and customs of war,
as carried on by civilized powers, permit no
distinction as to color in the treatment of
prisoners of war, as public enemies.
To sell or enslave any captured person, on
account of his color, and for no offense
against the laws of war, is a relapse into
barbarism, and a crime against the
civilization of the age. The
government of the United States will give
the same protection to all its soldiers; and
if the enemy shall enslave or sell any one
because of his color, the offense shall be
punished by retaliation upon the enemy's
prisoners in
[Pg. 320]
our possession. It is therefore
ordered that for every soldier of the United
States killed in violation of the laws of
war, a rebel soldier shall be executed, and
for every one enslaved by the enemy or sold
into slavery, a rebel soldier shall be
placed at hard labor on public works, and
continued at such labor until the other
shall be released and receive the treatment
due to a prisoner of war.
"ABRAHAM LINCOLN,
"By order of Secretary of War.
"E. D. TOWNSEND, Ass't. Adjt. General."
However, this order did not prevent the
carrying out of the intentions of the
confederate President and Congress.
The saddest and blackest chapter of the history of the
war of the Rebellion, is that which relates
to the treatment of Union prisoners in the
rebel prison pens, at Macon, Ga., Belle
Island, Castle Thunder, Pemberton, Libby, at
and near Richmond and Danville, Va., Cahawba,
Ala., Salisbury, N. C., Tyler, Texas,
Florida, Columbia, S. C., Millen and
Andersonville, Ga. It is not the
purpose to attempt a general description of
the modern charnel houses, or to enter into
a detailed statement of the treatment of the
Union soldiers who were unfortunate enough
to escape death upon the battle-field and
then fall captive to the confederates.
When we consider the fact that the white men
who were engaged in the war upon both sides,
belonged to one nation, and were Americans,
many of whom had been educated at the same
schools, and many very many of them members
of the same religious denominations, and
church; not a few springing from the same
stock and loins, the atrocities committed by
the confederates against the Union soldiers,
while in their custody as prisoners of war,
makes their deeds more shocking and inhuman
than if the contestants had been of a
different nationality.
The English soldiers who lashed the Sepoys to the
mouths of their cannon, and then fired the
pieces, thus cruelly murdering the captured
rebels, offered the plea, in mitigation of
their crime, and as an excuse for violating
the rules of war, that their subjects were
not of a civilized nation, and did not
themselves adhere to the laws govern-
[Pg. 321] -
BLANK PAGE -
[Pg. 322]
Terrible Fight With Bloodhounds.
The first South Carolina Regiment was
attacked by the Confederates with
bloodhounds, at Pocatalago Bridge, Oct.
23rd, 1862. The hounds rushed fiercely
upon the troops, who quickly shot or
bayoneted them and exultingly held ____
(missing)
[Pg. 323]
ing civilized nations at war with each
other. But no such plea can be entered
in the case of the confederates, who
starved, shot and murdered 80,000 of their
brethren in prison pens, white prisoners of
war. If such treatment was meted to
those of their own color and race, as is
related by an investigating committee of
Senators, what must have been the treatment
of those of another race. - whom they had
held in slavery, and whom they regarded the
same as sheep and horses, to be bought and
sold at will, - when captured in battle,
fighting against them for the Union and
their own freedom?
The report of the Congressional Committed furnishes
ample proof of the barbarities:
|
38TH CONGRESS,
1st Session |
} |
|
{ |
REP. COM.
No. 68 |
==========================================================
"IN THE SENATE OF THE
UNITED STATES
___________
"Report of the Joint
Committed on the Conduct and Expenditures of
the war.
"On the 4th inst., your committee
received a communication of that date from
the Secretary of War, enclosing the report
of Colonel Hoffman commissary general
of prisoners, dated May 3, calling the
attention of the committee to the condition
of returned Union prisoners, with the
request that the committee would immediately
proceed to Annapolis and examine with their
own eyes the condition of those who have
been
returned from rebel captivity. The
committee resolved that they would comply
with the request of the Secretary of War on
the first opportunity. The 5th of May
was devoted by the committee to concluding
their
labors upon the investigation of the Fort
Pillow massacre. On the 6th of May,
however, the committee proceeded to
Annapolis and Baltimore, and examined the
condition of our returned soldiers, and took
the testimony of several of them, together
with the testimony of surgeons and other
persons in attendance upon the hospitals.
That testimony, with the communication of
the Secretary of War, and the report of
Colonel
Hoffman, is herewith transmitted.
"The evidence proves, beyond all manner of doubt, a
determination on the part of the rebel
authorities, deliberately and persistently
practiced for a long time past, to subject
those of our soldiers who have been so
unfortunate as to fall in their hands to a
system of treatment which has resulted in
reducing many of those who have survived and
been permitted to return to us in a
condition, both physically and mentally,
which no language we can use can adequately
describe. Though nearly all the
patients now in the Naval Academy hospital
at Annapolis, and in
[Pg. 324]
the West hospital, in Baltimore, have been
under the kindest and most intelligent
treatment for about three weeks past, and
many of them for a greater length of time,
still they present literally the appearance
of living skeletons, many of them being
nothing but skin and bone; some of them are
maimed for life, having been frozen while
exposed to the inclemency of the winter
season on Belle Isle, being compelled to lie
on the bare ground, without tents or
blankets, some of them without overcoats or
even coats, with but little fire to mitigate
the severity of the winds and storms to
which they were exposed.
"The testimony shows that the general practice of their
captors was to rob them, as soon as they
were taken prisoners, of all their money,
valuables, blankets, and good clothing, for
which they received nothing in exchange
except, perhaps, some old worn-out rebel
clothing hardly better than none at all.
Upon their arrival at Richmond they have
been confined, without blankets or other
covering, in buildings without fire, or upon
Belle Isle with, in many cases, no shelter,
and in others with nothing but old discarded
army tents, so injured by rents and holes as
to present but little barrier to the wind
and storms; on several occasions, the
witnesses say, they have arisen in the
morning from their resting places upon the
bare earth, and found several of their
comrades frozen to death during the night,
and that many others would have met the same
fate had they not walked rapidly back and
forth, during the hours which should have
been devoted to sleep, for the purpose of
retaining sufficient warmth to preserve
life.
"In respect to the food furnished to our men by the
rebel authorities, the testimony proves that
the ration of each man was totally
insufficient in quantity to preserve the
health of a child, even had it been of
proper quality, which it was not. It
consisted usually, at the most, of two small
pieces of corn-bread, made in many
instances, as the witnesses state, of corn
and cobs ground together, and badly prepared
and cooked, of, at times, about two ounces
of meat, usually of poor quality, and unfit
to be eaten, and occasionally a few black
worm-eaten beans, or something of that kind.
Many of your men were compelled to sell to
their guards, and others, for what price
they could get, such clothing and blankets
as they were permitted to receive of that
forwarded for their use by our government,
in order to obtain additional food
sufficient to sustain life; thus, by
endeavoring to avoid one privation reducing
themselves to the same destitute condition
in respect to clothing and covering that
they were in before they received any from
our government. When they became sick
and diseased in consequence of this exposure
and privation, and were admitted into the
hospitals, their treatment was little if
any, improved as to food, though they,
doubtless, suffered less from exposure to
cold than before. Their food still
remained insufficient in quantity and
altogether unfit in quality. Their
diseases and wounds did not receive the
treatment which the commonest dictates of
humanity would have prompted. One
witness, whom your committee examined, who
had lost all the toes of one foot from being
frozen while on
[Pg. 325] -
Belle Isle, states that for days at a time
his wounds were not dressed, and they had
not been dressed for four days when he was
taken from the hospital and carried on the
flag-of-truce boat for Fortress Monroe.
"In reference fco the condition to which our men were
reduced by cold and hunger, your committee
would call attention to the following
ex-extracts
from the testimony. One witness testifies:
" 'I had no blankets until our Government sent us some.
" 'Question. How did you sleep before you received
those blankets?
" 'Answer. We used to get together just as close as we
could, and sleep spoon-fashion, so that when
one turned over we all had to turn over.
" 'Another witness testifies:
" 'Question. Were you hungry all the time?
" 'Answer. Hungry! I could eat anything that came
before us; some of the boys would get boxes
from the North with meat of different kinds
in them; and, after they had picked the meat
off, they would throw the
bones away into the spit-boxes, and we would
pick the bones out of the spit-boxes and
gnaw them over again.'
" In addition to this insufficient supply of food,
clothing and shelter, our soldiers, while
prisoners, have been subjected to the most
cruel treatment from those placed over them.
They have been abused and shamefully treated
on almost every opportunity. Many have
been mercilessly shot and killed when they
failed to comply with all the demands of
their jailors, sometimes for violating rules
of which they had not been informed.
Crowded in great numbers in buildings, they
have been fired at and killed by the
sentinels outside when they appeared at the
windows for the purpose of obtaining a
little fresh air. One man, whose
comrade in the service, in battle and in
captivity, had been so fortunate as to be
among those released from further torments,
was shot dead as he was waving with his hand
a last adieu to his friend; and other
instances of equally unprovoked murder are
disclosed by the testimony.
"The condition of our returned soldiers as regards
personal cleanliness, has been filthy almost
beyond description. Their clothes have
been so dirty and so covered with vermin,
that those who received them have been
compelled to destroy their clothing and
re-clothe them with new and clean raiment.
Their bodies and heads have been so infested
with vermin that, in some instances,
repeated washings have failed to remove
them; and those who have received them in
charge have been compelled to cut all the
hair from their heads, and make applications
to destroy the vermin. Some have been
received with no clothing but shirts and
drawers and a piece of blanket or other
outside covering, entirely destitute of
coats, hats, shoes or stockings; and the
bodies of those better supplied with
clothing have been equally dirty and filthy
with the others, many who have been sick and
in the hospital having had no opportunity to
wash their bodies for weeks and months
before they were released from captivity.
"Your committee are unable to convey any adequate idea
of the sad and deplorable condition of the
men they saw in the hospitals they
[Pg. 326]
visited; and the testimony they have taken
cannot convey to the reader the impressions
which your committee there received.
The persons we saw, as we were assured by
those in charge of them, have greatly
improved since they have been received in
the hospitals. Yet they are now dying
daily, one of them being in the very throes
of death as your committee stood by his
bed-side and witnessed the sad spectacle
there presented. All those whom your
committee examined stated that they have
been thus reduced and emaciated entirely in
consequence of the merciless treatment they
received while prisoners from their enemies;
and the physicians in charge of them, the
men best fitted by their profession and
experience to express an opinion upon the
subject, all say that they have no doubt
that the statements of their patients are
entirely correct.
"It will be observed from the testimony, that all the
witnesses who testify upon that point state
that the treatment they received while
confined at Columbia, South Carolina,
Dalton, Georgia, and other places, was
far more humane than that they received at
Richmond, where the authorities of the
so-called confederacy were congregated, and
where the power existed, had the inclination
not been wanting, to reform those abuses and
secure to the prisoners they held some
treatment that would bear a public
comparison to that accorded by our
authorities to the prisoners in our custody.
Your committee, therefore, are constrained
to say that they can hardly avoid the
conclusion, expressed by so many of our
released soldiers, that the inhuman
practices herein referred to are the result
of a determination on the part of the rebel
authorities to reduce our soldiers in their
power, by privation of food and clothing,
and by exposure, to such a condition that
those who may survive shall never recover so
as to be able to render any effective
service in the field. And your
committee accordingly ask that this report,
with the accompanying testimony be printed
with the report and testimony [which was
accordingly done] in relation to the
massacre of Fort Pillow, the one being, in
their opinion, no less than the other, the
result of a predetermined policy. As
regards the assertions of some of the rebel
newspapers, that our prisoners have received
at their hands the same treatment that their
own soldiers in the field have received,
they are evidently but the most glaring and
unblushing falsehoods. No one can for
a moment be deceived by such statements, who
will reflect that our soldiers, who, when
taken prisoners, have been stout, healthy
men, in the prime and vigor of life, yet
have died by hundreds under the treatment
they have received, although required to
perform no duties of the camp or the march;
while the rebel soldiers are able to make
long and rapid marches, and to offer a
stubborn resistance in the field.
"Your committee, finding it impossible to describe in
words the deplorable condition of these
returned prisoners, have caused photographs
to be taken of a number of them, and a fair
sample to be lithographed and appended to
their report, that their exact condition may
be known by all who examine it. Some of them
have since died.
"There is one feature connected with this
investigation, to which
[Pg. 327]
your committee can refer with pride and
satisfaction; and that is the uncomplaining
fortitude, the undiminished patriotism
exhibited by our brave men under all their
privations, even in the hour of death.
"Your committee will close their report by quoting the
tribute paid these men by the chaplin of the
hospital at Annapolis, who has ministered to
so many of them in their last moments; who
has smoothed their passage to the grave by
his kindness and attention, and who has
performed the last sad offices over their
lifeless remains. He says :
"
'There is another thing I would wish to
state. All the men, without any
exception among the thousands that have come
to this hospital, have never in a single
instance expressed a regret (notwithstanding
the privations and sufferings they have
endured) that they entered their country's
service. They have been the most
loyal, devoted and earnest men. Even
on the last days of their lives they have
said that all they hoped for was just to
live and enter the ranks again and meet
their foes. It is a most glorious
record in reference to the devotion of our
men to their country. I do not think
their patriotism has ever been equalled in
the history of the world.'
"All of which is respectfully submitted.
B. F. WADE, Chairman."
Also the following:
"OFFICE OF COMMISSARY-GENERAL OF PRISONERS.
WASHINGTON, D. C., May 3, 1864.
"SIR: - I have the honor to report that,
pursuant to your instructions of the 2nd
instant, I proceeded, yesteray morning to
Annapolis, with a view to see that the
paroled prisoners about to arrive there from
Richmond were properly received and cared
for.
"The flag-of-truce boat, 'New York,' under the charge
of Major Mulford, with thirty-two
officers, three hundred and sixty-three
enlisted men, and one citizen of board,
reached the wharf at The Naval School
hospital about ten o'clock. On going
on board, I found the officers generally in
good health, and much cheered by their happy
release from the rebel prisons, and by the
prospect of again being with their friends.
"The enlisted men who had endured so many privations at
Belle Isle and other places were, with few
exceptions, in a very sad plight, mentally
and physically, having for months been
exposed to all the changes of the
weather, with no other protection than a
very insufficient supply of worthless tents,
and with an allowance of food scarcely
sufficient to prevent starvation, even if of
wholesome quality; but as it was made of
coarsely-ground corn, including the husks,
and probably at times the cobs, if it did
not kill by starvation, it was sure to do it
by the disease it created. Some of
these poor fellows were wasted to mere
skeletons, and had scarcely life enough
remaining to appreciate that they were now
in the hands of their friends, and among
them all there were few who had not become
too much broken down and dispirited by their
many privations to be able to realize the
happy prospect of relief from their
sufferings which was before them. With
rare exception, every face was sad
[Pg. 328]
with care and hunger; there was no
brightening of the countenance or lighting
up of the eye, to indicate a thought of
anything beyond a painful sense of
prostration of mind and body. Many
faces showed that there was scarcely a ray
of intelligence left.
"Every preparation had been made for their reception in
anticipation of the arrival of the steamer,
and immediately upon her being made fast to
the wharf the paroled men were landed and
taken immediately to
the hospital, where, after receiving a warm
bath, they were furnished with a suitable
supply of new clothing, and received all
those other attentions which their sad
condition demanded. Of the whole
number, there are perhaps fifty to one
hundred who, in a week or ten days, will be
in a convalescent state, but the others will
very slowly regain their lost health.
"That our soldiers, when in the hands of the rebels,
are starved to death, cannot be denied.
Every return of the flag-of-truce boat from
City Point brings us too many living and
dying witnesses to admit of a doubt of this
terrible fact. I am informed that the
authorities at Richmond admit the fact, but
excuse it on the plea that they give the
prisoners the same rations they give their
own men. But can this be so? Can
an army keep the field, and be active and
efficient, on the same fare that kills
prisoners of war at a frightful percentage?
I think not; no man can believe it; and
while a practice so shocking to humanity is
persisted in by the rebel authorities, I
would very respectfully urge that
retaliatory measures be at once instituted
by subjecting the officers we now hold as
prisoners of war to a similar treatment.
"I took advantage of the opportunity which this visit
to Annapolis gave me to make a hasty
inspection of Camp Parole, and I am happy to
report that I found it in every branch in a
most commendable condition. The men
all seemed to be cheerful and in fine
health, and the police inside and out was
excellent. Colonel Root,
the commanding officer, deserves much credit
for the very satisfactory condition to which
he has brought his command.
"I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your
obedient servant,
W. HOFFMAN,
"Colonel 3rd Infantry, Commissary General of
Prisoners.
"Hon. E. M. STANTON, Secretary of War,
Washington, D. C"
This report does not refer to the treatment of the
soldiers of the Phalanx who were taken by
the confederates in battle,* after the
surrender of Fort Pillow, Lawrence
---------------
* General
Brisbin, in his account of the
expedition which, in the Winter of 1864,
left Bean Station, Tenn., under command of
General Stoneman, for the
purpose of destroying the confederate Salt
Works in West Virginia, says the
confederates after capturing some of the
soldiers of the Sixth Phalanx Cavalry
Regiment, butchered them. His
statement is as follows :
"For the last two days a force of Confederate cavalry,
under Witcher, had been following our
command picking up stragglers and worn-out
horses in our rear. Part of our troops
were composed of negroes and these the
Confederates killed as fast as they
[Pg. 329]
and Plymouth,
and at several other places. It is
inserted to enable the reader to form an
opinion as to what the negro soldier's
treatment must have been. The same
committee also published as a part of their
report, the testimony of a number, mostly
black, soldiers, who escaped death at Fort
Pillow; a few of their statements are given:
|
38TH CONGRESS,
1st Session. |
 |
|
 |
REP. COM.
No. 63 & 68. |
IN THE SENATE OF THE
UNITED STATES.
Report of the Joint
Committee on the Conduct and Expenditures of
the War to whom was Referred the Resolution
of Congress Instructing
them to Investigate the late Massacre at
Fort Pillow.
"Deposition of John Nelson in
relation to the capture of Fort Pillow.
"John Nelson, being duly sworn, deposeth and saith :
" 'At the time of the attack on and capture of Fort
Pillow, Apr. 12, 1864, I kept a hotel within
the lines at Fort Pillow, and a short
distance from the works. Soon after
the alarm was given that an attack on the
fort was imminent, I entered the works and
tendered my services to Major Booth,
commanding. The attack began in the
morning at about 5˝
o'clock, and about 1 o'clock P. M.
a flag of truce approached. During
---------------
caught them, laying the dead bodies by the
roadside with pieces of paper pinned to
their clothing, on which were written such
warnings as the following: 'This is
the way we treat all nigger soldiers,' and,
'This is the fate of nigger soldiers who
fight against the South.' We did not
know what had been going on in our rear
until we turned about to go back from
Wytheville, when we found the dead colored
soldiers along the road as above described.
General Burbridge was very angry and
wanted to shoot a Confederate prisoner for
every one of his colored soldiers he found
murdered, and would undoubtedly have done so
had he not been restrained. As it was,
the whole corps was terribly excited by the
atrocious murders committed by Witcher's
men, and if Witcher had been caught
he would have been shot."
This gallant soldier, (?) twenty years after the close
of the war, writes about the incidents and
happenings during the march of the army to
Saltville, and says:
"Before we reached Marion we encountered
Breckenridge's advance and charged it
vigorously driving it back in confusion
along the Marion and Saltville road for
several miles. In one of these charges
(for there were several of them and a sort
of running fight for several miles) one of
Witcher's men was captured and
brought in. He was reported to me and
I asked him what his name was and to what
command he belonged. He gave me his
name and said 'Witcher's command.'
Hardly were the words out of his mouth
before a negro soldier standing near raised
his carbine and aimed at the Confederate
soldier's breast. I called out and
sprang forward, but was too late to catch
the gun. The negro fired and the poor
soldier fell badly wounded. Instantly
the negro was knocked down by our white
soldiers, disarmed and tied. I drew my
revolver to blow his brains out for his
terrible crime, but the black man never
flinched. All he said was, pointing to
the Confederate soldier, 'He killed my
comrades; I have killed him.' The
negro was taken away and put among the
prisoners. The Provost Marshal had
foolishly changed the white guard over the
prisoners and placed them under some colored
troops. An officer came galloping
furiously to the front and said the negroes
were shooting the prisoners.
General Burbridge told me to go
back quickly and do whatever I pleased in
his name to restore order. It was a
lively ride, as the prisoners were more than
four miles back, being forced along the road
as rapidly as possible toward Marion.
All the prisoners, except a few wounded men,
were on foot, and of course they could not
keep up with the cavalry. I soon
reached them and never shall I forget that
sight while I live. Men with sabres
were driving the poor creatures along the
road like beasts. I halted the motley
crew and scolded the officer for his
inhumanity. He said he had orders to
keep the prisoners up with the column and he
was simply trying to obey his orders.
As I was General Burbridge's
chief of staff and all orders were supposed
to emanate from my office, I thought I had
better not continue the conversation.
As it was, I said such orders were at an end
and I would myself take charge of the
prisoners."
[Pg. 330]
the parley which ensued, and while the
firing ceased on both sides, the rebels kept
rowding up to the works on the side near
Cold Creek, and also approached nearer on
the south side, thereby gaining advantages
pending the conference under the flag of
truce. As soon as the flag of truce
was withdrawn the attack began, and about
five minutes after it began the rebels
entered the fort. Our troops were soon
overpowered and broke and fled. A
large number of the soldiers, black and
white, and also a few citizens, myself among
the number, rushed down the bluff toward the
river. I concealed myself as well as I
could in a position where I could distinctly
see all that passed below the bluff, for a
considerable distance up and down the river.
" 'A large number, at least one hundred, were hemmed in
near the river bank by bodies of the rebels
coming from both north and south. Most
all of those thus hemmed in were without
arms. I saw many soldiers, both white
and black, throw up their arms in token of
surrender, and call out that they had
surrendered. The rebels would reply, 'G__d
d__n you, why didn't you surrender before?'
and shot them down like dogs.
" 'The rebels commenced an indiscriminate slaughter.
Many colored soldiers sprang into the river
and tried to escape by swimming, but these
were invariably shot dead.
" 'A short distance from me, and within view, a number
of our wounded had been placed, and near
where Major Booth's body lay; and a
small red flag indicated that at that place
our wounded were placed. The rebels
however, as they passed these wounded men,
fired right into them and struck them with
the butts of their muskets. The cries
for mercy and groans which arose from the
poor fellows were heartrending
" 'Thinking that if I should be discovered, I would be
killed, I emerged from my hiding place, and,
approaching the nearest rebel, I told him I
was a citizen. He said, 'You are in
bad company, G_d d__n you; out with your
greenbacks, or I'll shoot you.' I gave
him all the money I had, and under his
convoy I went up into the fort again.
" 'When I re-entered the fort there was still some
shooting going on. I heard a rebel
officer tell a soldier not to kill any more
of those negroes. He said that they
would all be killed, any way, when they were
tried.
" 'After I entered the fort, and after the United
States flag had been taken down, the rebels
held it up in their hands in the presence of
their officers, and thus gave the rebels
outside a chance to still continue their
slaughter, and I did not notice that any
rebel officer forbade the holding of it up.
I also further state, to the best of my
knowledge and information, that there were
not less than three hundred and sixty
negroes killed and two hundred whites.
This I give to the best of my knowledge and
belief.
JOHN NELSON.
'Subscribed and
sworn to before me this 2nd day of May, A.
D.1864.
"J. D. LLOYD,
"Capt. 11th Inf., Mo. Vols., and As't.
Provost Mar., Dist. of Memphis."
[Pg. 331]
"Henry Christian, (colored), private,
company B, 6th United States heavy
artillery, sworn and examined. By
Mr. Gooch:
'Question. Where were you raised? 'Answer.
In East Tennessee.
'Question. Have you been a slave? 'Answer.
Yes, sir.
'Question. Where did you enlist? 'Answer.
At Corinth, Mississippi.
'Question. Where you in the fight at Fort Pillow?
'Answer. Yes, sir.
'Question. When were you wounded? 'Answer.
A little before we surrendered.
'Question. What happened to you afterwards?
'Answer. Nothing; I got but one shot, and
dug right out over the hill to the river,
and never was bothered any more.
'Did you see any men shot after the place was taken?
'Answer. Yes, sir.
'Question. Where? 'Answer. Down to
the river.
'Question. How many? 'Answer. A good
many; I dont know how many.
'Question. By whom were they shot? 'Answer.
By secesh soldiers; secesh officers shot
some up on the hill.
'Question. Did you see those on the hill shot by
the officers? 'Answer. I saw two
of them shot.
'Question. What officers were they?
'Answer. I don't know whether he was a
lieutenant or captain.
'Question. Did the men who were shot after they
had surrendered have arms in their hands?
'Answer. No, sir; they threw down
their arms.
'Question. Did you see any shot the next morning?
'Answer. I saw two shot; one was shot
by an officer - he was standing, holding the
officer's horse, and when the officer came
and got his horse he shot him dead.
The officer was setting fire to the houses.
'Question. Do you say the man was holding the
officer's horse, and when the officer came
and took his horse he shot the man down?
'Answer. Yes, sir; I saw that with my
own eyes; and then I made away into the
river, right off.
Question. Did you see any buried alive?
'Answer. I did not see any buried
alive.
"Jacob Thompson, (colored), sworn and examined.
By Mr. Gooch:
'Question. Were you a soldier at Fort Pillow?
'Answer. No, sir, I was not a soldier;
but I went up in the fort and fought with
the rest. I was shot in the hand and
the head.
'Question. When were you shot? 'Answer.
After I surrendered.
'Question. How many times were you shot?
'Answer. I was shot but once; but I
threw my hand up, and the shot went through
my hand and my head.
'Question. Who shot you? 'Answer. A
private.
'Question. What did he say? 'Answr.
He said, 'G_d d__n you,
[Pg. 332]
I will shoot you, old friend.'
'Question. Did you see anybody else shot?
'Answer. Yes, sir; they just called
them out like dogs and shot them down.
I recon they shot about fifty, white and
black, right there. they nailed some
black sergeants to the logs, and set the logs
on fire.
'Question. When did you see that? 'Answer.
When I went there in the morning I saw them;
they were burning all together.
'Question. Did they kill them before they burned
them/ 'Answer. No. sir, they
nailed them to the logs; drove the nails
right through their hands.
'Question. How many did you see in that
condition? 'Answer. Some four or
five; I saw two white men burned.
'Question. Was there any one else there who saw
that? Answer. I recon there was;
I could not tell who.
'Question. When was it that you saw them?
'Answer. I saw them in the morning
after the fight; some of them were burned
almost in two. I could tell they were
white men, because they were whiter than the
colored men.
'Question. Did you notice how they were nailed?
'Answer. I saw one nailed to the side
of a houe; he looked like he was nailed
right through his wrist. I was trying
then to get to the boat when I saw it.
"Question. Did you see them kill any white men?
'Answer. They killed some eight or
nine there. I recon they killed more
than twenty after it was all over; called
them out from under the hill and shot the
down. They would call out a white man
and shoot him down, and call out a colored
man and shoot him down; do it just as fast
as they could make their guns go off.
'Question. Did you see any rebel officers about
there when this was going on? 'Answer.
Yes, sir; old Forrest was one.
'Question. Did you know Forrest?
'Answer. Yes sir; he was a little bit
of a man. I had seen him before a
Jackson.
'Question. Are you sure he was there when this
was going on? 'Answer. Yes, sir.
'Question. Did you see any other officers that
you knew? 'Answer. I did not
know any other but him. There were
some two or three more officers came up
there.
'Question did you see any buried there? 'Answer.
Yes, sir; they buried right smart of them.
They buried a great many secesh, and a great
many of our folks. I think they buried
more secesh than our folks.
'Question. How did they bury them? 'Answer.
They buried the secesh over back of the
fort, all except those on Fort hill; them
they buried up on top of the hill where the
gunboats shelled them.
'Question. Did they bury any alive?
'Answer. I heard the gun-boat men say they
dug two out who were alive.
'Question. You did not see them? 'Answer.
No, sir.
'What company did you fight with?
'Answer. I went right into the fort
and fought there.
[Pg. 333]
'Question. Were you a slave or a free man? 'Answer.
I was a slave.
'Question.
Where were you raised ? 'Answer. In old
Virginia.
'Question.
Who was your master? 'Answer. Colonel
Hardgrove.
'Question. Where did you live? 'Answer. I
lived three miles the other side of Brown's
mills.
'Question.
How long since you lived with him? 'Answer.
I went home once and staid with him a while,
but he got to cutting up and I came away
again.
'Question.
What did you do before you went into the
fight? 'Answer. I was cooking for Co.
K, of Illinois cavalry; I cooked for that
company nearly two years.
'Question.
What white officers did you know in our
army? 'Answer. I knew Captain
Meltop and Colonel Ransom;
and I cooked at the hotel at Fort Pillow,
and Mr. Nelson kept it. I and
Johnny were cooking together.
After they shot me through the hand and
head, they beat up all this part of my head
(the side of his head) with the breach of
their guns.
"Ransome Anderson, (colored), Co. B, 6th United States
heavy artillery, sworn and examined.
By Mr. Gooch:
'Question.
Where were you raised? 'Answer.
In Mississippi.
'Question.
Were you a slave? 'Answer. Yes,
sir.
'Question.
Where did you enlist? 'Answer. At
Corinth.
'Question.
Were you in the fight at Fort Pillow?
'Answer. Yes,, sir.
'Question.
Describe what you saw done there.
'Answer. Most all the men that were
killed on our side were killed after the
fight was over. They called them out
and shot them down. Then they put some
in the houses and shut them up, and then
burned the houses.
'Question.
Did you see them burn? 'Answer.
Yes, sir.
'Question.
Were any of them alive? 'Answer. Yes,
sir; they were wounded, and could not walk.
They put them in the houses, and then burned
the houses down.
'Question.
Do you know they were in there?
'Answer. Yes, sir; I went and looked
in there.
'Question.
Do you know they were in there when the
house was burned? 'Answer. Yes,
sir; I heard them hallooing there when the
houses were burning.
'Question.
Are you sure they were wounded men, and not
dead, when they were put in there?
'Answer. Yes, sir; they told them they
were going to have the doctor see them, and
then put them in there and shut them up, and
burned them.
'Question.
Who set the house on fire? 'Answer.
I saw a rebel soldier take some grass and
lay it by the door, and set it on fire.
The door was pine plank, and it caught easy.
'Question.
Was the door fastened up? 'Answer.
Yes, sir; it was barred with one of those
wide bolts.
[Pg. 334]
"James Walls, sworn and examined.
by Mr. Gooch:
'Question.
To what company did you belong?
'Answer. Company E, 13th Tennessee
cavalry.
'Question. Under what officers did you serve?
'Answer. I was under Major Bradford
and Captain Potter.
'Question. Were you in the fight at Fort
Pillow? 'Answer. Yes, sir.
'Question. State what you saw there of the fight,
and what was done after the place was
captured. 'Answer. We fought
them for some six or eight hours in the
fort, and when they charged, our men
scattered and ran under the hill; some
turned back and surrendered, and were shot.
After the flag of truce came in I went down
to get some water. As I was coming
back I turned sick, and laid down behind a
log. The secesh charged, and after
they came over I saw one go a good ways
ahead of the others. One of our men
made to him and threw down his arms.
The bullets were flying so thick there I
thought I could not live there, so I throw
down my arms and surrendered. He did
not shoot me then, but as I turned around he
or some other one shot me in the back.
'Question. Did they say anything while they were
shooting? 'Answer. All I heard
was, 'Shoot him, shoot him!' 'Younder
goes one!' 'Kill him, kill him!'
That is about all I heard.
'Question. How many do you suppose you saw shot
after they surrendered? 'Answer.
I did not see but two or three shot around
me. One of the boys of our company,
named Taylor, ran up there, and I saw
him shot and fall. Then another was
shot just before me, like - shot down after
he threw down his arms.
'Question. Those were white men? 'Answer.
Yes, sir. I saw them make lots of
niggers stand up, and then they shot them
down like hogs. The next morning I was
lying around there waiting for the boat to
come up. The secesh would be prying
around there, and would come to a nigger and
say, 'You ain't dead are you?' They
would not say anything, and then the secesh
would get down off their horses, prick them
in their sides, and say, 'D__n you, you aint
dead; get up' Then they would make
them get up on their knees, when they would
shoot the down like hogs.
'Question. Do you know of their burning any
buildings? 'Answer. I could hear
them tell them to stick torches all around,
and they fired all the buildings.
'Question. Do you know whether any of our men
were in the buildings when they were burned?
'Answer. Some of our men said some
were burned; I did not see it, or know it to
be so myself.
'Question. How did they bury them white and black
together? ''Answer. I don't know
about the burying; I did not see any buried.
'Question. How many negroes do you suppose were
killed after the surrender? 'Answer.
There were hardly any killed before the
surrender. I reckon as many as 200
were killed after the surrender, out of
about 300 that were there.
[Pg. 335]
Question. did you see any rebel
officers about while this shooting was going
on? 'Answer. I do not know as I
saw any officers about when they were
shooting the negroes. A captain ame to
me a few minutes after I was shot: he was
close by me when I was shot.
'Question. Did he try to stop the shooting?
'Answer. I did not hear a word of
their trying to stop it. After they
were shot down, he told them not to shoot
then any more. I begged him not to let
them shoot me again, and he said they would
not. One man, after he was shot down,
was shot again. After I was shot down,
the man I surrendered to went around the
tree I was against and shot a man, and then
came around to me again and wanted my
pocket-book. I handed it up to him,
and he saw my watch-chain and made a grasp
at it, and got the watch and about half the
chain. He took an old Barlow
knife I had in my pocket. It was not
worth five cents; was of no account at all,
only to cut tobacco with."
"Nathan G. Fulks, sworn and examined. By
Mr. Gooch:
'Question. To what company and regiment do you
being? 'Answer. To Company D,
13th Tennessee cavalry.
'Question. Where are you from? 'Answer.
About twenty miles from Columbus, Tennessee.
'Question. How long have you been in the service?
'Answer. Five months, the 1st of May.
'Question. Were you at Fort Pillow at the time of
the fight there? Answer. Yes,
sir.
'Question. Will you state what happened to you
there? 'Answer. I was at the
corner of the fort when they fetched in a
flag for a surrender. Some of them
said the major stood a while, and then said
he would not surrender. They continued
to fight a while; and after a time the major
started and told us to take care of
ourselves, and I hand twenty more men broke
for the hollow. They ordered us to
halt, and some of them said, 'God d__n em,
kill 'em!' I said, 'I have
surrendered.' I had thrown my gun away
then. I took off my cartridge-box and
gave it to one of them, and said, 'Don't
shoot me;' but they did shoot me, and hit
just about where the shoe comes up on my
leg. I begged them not to shoot me,
and he said, 'God d-_n you, you fight with
the niggers, and we will kill the last one
of you!' Then they shot me in the
thick of the thigh, and I fell; and one set
out to shoot me again, when another one
said, 'Don't shoot the white fellows any
more.'
'Question. Did you see any person shot besides
yourself? 'Answer. I didn't see
them shot. I saw one of our fellows
dead by me.
'Question. Did you see any buildings burned?
'Answer. Yes, sir. While I was
in the major's headquarters they commenced
burning the buildings, and I begged one of
them to take me out and not let us burn
there; and he said, 'I am hunting up a piece
of yellow flag for you.' I think we
would have whipped them if the flag of truce
had not come in. We would have whipped
them if we had not let them get the
dead-wood on us. I was told that they
made their movement while the flag of truce
[Pg. 336]
was in. I did not see it myself,
because I had sat down, as I had been
working so hard.
'Question. How do you know they made their movement
while the flag of truce was in?
'Answer. The men that were above said
so. The rebs are bound to take every
advantage of us. I saw two more white
men close to where I was lying. That
makes three dead ones, and myself wounded."
Later on during the war the policy of massacring was
somewhat abated, that is it was not done on
the battlefield. The humanity of the
confederates in Virginia permitted them to
take their black prisoners to the rear.
About a hundred soldiers belonging to the
7th Phalanx Regiment, with several of their
white officers, were captured at Fort Gilmer
on the James River, Va., and taken to
Richmond in September, 1864. The
following account is given of their
treatment in the record of the Regiment:
"The following
interesting sketches of prison-life, as
experienced by two officers of the regiment,
captured at Fort Gilmer, have been kindly
furnished. The details of the
sufferings of the enlisted men captured with
them we shall never know, for few of them
ever returned to tell the sad story.
" 'An escort was soon formed to conduct the prisoners
to Richmond, some seven or eight miles
distant, and the kinder behavior of that
part of the guard which had participated in
the action was suggestive of the freemasonry
that exists between brave fellows to
whatever side belonging. On the road
the prisoners were subjected by every
passer-by, to petty insults, the point in
every case, more or less obscene, being the
color of their skin. The solitary
exception, curiously enough, being a
nymph du pave in the suburbs of the
town.*
" 'About dusk the prisoners reached the notorious
Libby, where the officers took leave of
their enlisted comrades from most of them
forever. The officers were then
searched and put collectively in a dark
hole, whose purpose undoubtedly was similar
to that of the 'Ear of Uionysius.' In
the morning, after being again searched,
they were placed among the rest of the
confined officers, among whom was Capt.
Cook, of the Ninth, taken a few weeks
previously at Strawberry Plains. Some
time before, the confederates had made a
great haul on the Weldon Railroad, and the
prison was getting uncomfortably full of
prisoners and vermin. After a few days
sojourn in Libby, the authorities prescribed
a
change of air, and the prisoners were packed
into box and stock cars and rolled to
Salisbury, N. C. The comforts of this
two day's ride are
---------------
* "When the
successful attempt was made, by tunneling,
to escape from Libby
Prison in 1862, many of the fugitives were
honorably harbored by this unfortunate class
till a more quiet opportunity occurred for
leaving the city. This I have from one
of the escaped officers."
[Pg. 337]
remembered as strikingly similar to
those of Mr. Hog from the West
to the Eastern market before the invention
of the S. F. P. C. T. A.
" 'At Salisbury the prisoners were stored in the
third story of an abandoned tobacco factory,
occupied on the lower floors by political
prisoners, deserters, thieves and spies, who
during the night made an attempt on the
property of the new-comers, but were
repulsed after a pitched battle. In
the morning the Post-Commandant ordered the
prisoners to some unusued negro quarters in
another part of the grounds, separated from
the latter by a line of sentries.
During the week trainloads of prisoners
enlisted men arrived and were corralled in
the open grounds. The subsequent
sufferings of these men are known to the
country, a parallel to those of
Andersonville, as the eternal infamy of
Wirtz is shared by his confrere at
Salisbury - McGee.
" 'The
weakness, and still more, the appalling
ferocity of the guards, stimulated the
desire to escape; but when this had become a
plan it was discovered, and the commissioned
prisoners were at once hurried off to
Danville, Va., and there assigned the two
upper floors of an abandoned tobacco
warehouse, which formed one side of an open
square. Here an organization into
messes was effected, from ten to eighteen in
each to
facilitate the issue of rations. The
latter consisted of corn-bread and boiled
beef, but gradually the issues of meat
became like angels' visits, and then for
several months ceased altogether. It was the
art of feeding as practised by the Hibernian
on his horse only their exchange deprived
the prisoners of testing the one straw per
day.
"Among the democracy of hungry bellies there were a few
aristocrats, with a Division General of the
Fifth Corps as Grand Mogul, whose Masonic or
family connections in the South procured
them special privileges. On the upper
floor these envied few erected a cooking
stove, around which they might be found at
all hours of the day, preparing savory
dishes, while encircled by a triple and
quadruple row of jealous noses, eagerly
inhailing the escaping vapors, so conducive
to day-dreams of future banquets. The
social equilibrium was, however,
bi-diurnally restored by a common pursuit a
general warfare under the black flag against
a common enemy, as insignificant
individually as he was collectively
formidable an insect, in short, whose
domesticity on the human body is, according
to some naturalists, one of the differences
between our species and the rest of
creation. This operation, technically,
'skirmishing,' happened twice a day,
according as the sun illumined the east or
west sides of the apartments, along which
the line was deployed in its beams.
"Eating, sleeping, smelling and skirmishing
formed the routine of prison-life, broken
once in a while by a walk, under escort, to
the Dan river, some eighty yards distant,
for a water supply. Generally, some
ten or twelve prisoners with buckets were
allowed to go at once, and this
circumstance, together with the fact that
the guard for all the prisons in
town were mounted in the open square in
front, excited the first idea of escape.
According to high diplomatic authority,
empty stomachs are
[Pg. 338]
conducive to ingenuity, so the idea soon
became a plan and a conspiracy. While
the new guard had stacked arms in the open
square preparatory to mounting, some ten or
twelve officers, under the lead of Col.
Ralston, the powerful head of some
New York regiment, were to ask for exit
under pretense of getting water, and then to
overpower the opposing sentries, while the
balance of the prisoners, previously drawn
up in line at the head of the short
staircase leading direct to the exit door,
were to rush down into the square, seize the
stacked arms and march through the
Confederacy to the Union lines perhaps!
'' 'Among the ten or twelve psuedo-water-carriers the
forlorn hope were Col. Ralston,
Capt. Cook, of the Ninth, and
one or two of the Seventh Capt.
Weiss and Lieut. Spinney.
On the guard opening the door for egress,
Col. Ralston and one of the
Seventh threw themselves on the first man, a
powerful six-footer, and floored him.
At the same moment, however, another guard
with great presence of mind, slammed the
door and turned the key, and that before
five officers could descend the short
staircase. The attempt was now a
failure. One of the guards on the
outside of the building took deliberate aim
through the open window at Col.
Ralston, who was still engaged with the
struggling fellow, and shot him through the
bowels. Col. Ralston
died a lingering and painful death after two
or three days. Less true bravery than
his has been highly sung in verse.
" 'This attempt could not but sharpen the discipline of
the prison, but soon the natural humanity of
the commandant, Col. Smith,
now believed to be Chief Engineer of the
Baltimore Bridge Company, asserted itself,
and things went on as before. Two
incidents may, however, be mentioned in this
connection, whose asperities time has
removed, leaving nothing but their salient
grotesque features.
" 'Immediately after the occurrence, an unlimited
supply of dry-salted codfish was introduced.
This being the first animal food for weeks,
was greedily devoured in large quantities,
mostly raw producing a raging thirst.
The water supply was now curtailed to a few
bucketsful, but even these few drops of the
precious fluid were mostly wasted in the
melee for their possession. The
majority of the contestants retired
disappointed to muse on the comforts of the
Sahara Desert, and as the stories about
tapping camels recurred to them, suggestive
glances were cast at the more fortunate
rivals. After a few days, conspicuous
for the sparing enjoyment of salt cod, the
water supply was ordered unlimited. An
immediate 'corner' in the Newfoundland
staple took place, the stock being actively
absorbed by bona fide investors, who
found that it bore watering with impunity.
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
" 'At the beginning of February, 1865,
thirty boxes of provisions, etc., from
friends in the North arrived for the
prisoners. The list of owners was
anxiously scanned and the lucky possessor
would not have exchanged for the capital
prize in the Havana lottery. The poor
fellows of
[Pg. 339]
the Seventh
were among the fortunate, and from that day
none knew hunger more.
" 'With the advent of the boxes came the dawn of a
brighter day. Cartels of exchange were
talked about, and by the middle of February
the captives found themselves on the rail
for Richmond. The old Libby appeared
much less gloomy than on first acquaintance,
the rays of hope throwing a halo about
everywhere. Many asked and obtained
the liberty of the town to lay in a supply
of those fine brands of tobacco for which
Richmond is famous. In a few days the
preliminaries to exchange were completed,
and on the 22d of February Washington's
birthday the captives also stepped into a
new life under the old flag."
"Captain Sherman, of Co. C., gives the following
account:
" 'Further resistance being useless, and having
expressed our willingness to surrender, we
were invited into the fort. As I
stepped down from the parapet I was
immediately accosted by one of the so-called
F. F. V.'s, whose smiling countenance and
extended hand led me to think I was
recognized as an acquaintance. My mind
was soon disabused of that idea, however,
for the next instant he had pulled my watch
from its pocket, with the remark, 'what have
you there?' Quick' as thought, and
before he could realize the fact, I had
seized and recovered the wratch, while he
held only a fragment of the chain, and
placing it in an inside pocket, buttoned my
coat and replied, 'that is my watch and you
cannot have it.'
" 'Just then I discovered Lieut. Ferguson was receiving
a good deal of attention a crowd having
gathered about him and the next moment saw
his fine new hat had been appropriated by
one of the rebel soldiers, and he stood
hatless. Seeing one of the rebel
officers with a Masonic badge on his coat,
Lieut. F. made himself known as a
brother Mason, and appealed to him for
redress. The officer quickly responded
and caused the hat to be returned to its
owner, only to be again stolen, and the
thief made to give it up as before.
" 'In a little while we (seven officers and eighty-five
enlisted men) were formed in four ranks, and
surrounded by a guard, continued the march
'on to Richmond' but under very different
circumstances from what we had flattered
ourselves would be the case, when only two
or three hours before our brigade-commander
had remarked, as he rode by the regiment,
that we would certainly be in Richmond that
night. We met a great many civilians,
old and young, on their way to the front, as
a general alarm had been sounded in the
city, and all who could carry arms had been
ordered to report for duty in the
intrenchments. After a few miles march
we halted for a rest, but were not allowed
to sit down, as I presume the guards thought
we could as well stand as they. Here a
squad of the Richmond Grays, the elite of
the city, came up and accosted us with all
manner of vile epithets. One of the
most drunken and boisterous approached
within five or six feet of me, and with the
muzzle of his rifle within two feet of my
face swore he would shoot me. Fearless
of consequences, and feeling that immediate
death even could not be worse
[Pg. 340]
than slow
torture by starvation, to which I knew that
so many of our soldiers had been subjected,
and remembering that the Confederate
Congress had declared officers of colored
troops outlaws, I replied, as my eyes met
his, 'shoot if you dare.' Instead of
carrying out his threat he withdrew his aim
and staggered on. Here Lieut.
Ferguson lost his hat, which had been
already twice stolen and recovered.
One of the rebs came up behind him and
taking the hat from his head replaced it
with his own and ran off. The
lieutenant consoled himself with the
reflection that at last he had a hat no one
would steal.
" 'At about 7 P. M. we arrived at Libby Prison
and were separated from
the enlisted men, who, we afterward learned,
suffered untold hardships, to which many of
them succumbed. Some were claimed as slaves
by men who had never known them; others
denied fuel and shelter through the winter,
and sometimes water with which to quench
their thirst; the sick and dying neglected
or maltreated and even murdered by
incompetent and fiendish surgeons; without
rations for days together; shot at without
the slightest reason or only to gratify the
caprice of the guards, all of which
harrowing details were fully corroborated by
the few emaciated wrecks that survived.
" 'We were marched
inside the prison, searched, and what money
we had taken from us. I was allowed to
retain pocket-book, knife and watch.
Our names were recorded and we were told to
follow the sergeant. Now, I thought,
the question will be decided whether we are
to go up stairs where we knew the officers
were quartered, or be confined in the cells
below. As we neared the corner of the
large room and I saw the sergeant directing
his steps to the stairs leading down, I
thought it had been better had we fallen on
the battle-field. He led the way down
to a cell, and as we passed in barred and
locked the door and left us in darkness.
Here, without rations, the bare stone floor
for a bed, the dampness trickling down the
walls on either side, seven of us were
confined in a close room about seven feet by
nine. It was a long night, but finally
morning dawned and as a ray of light shone
through the little barred window above our
heads we thanked God we were not in total
darkness. About 9 A. M.
rations, consisting of bread and meat, were
handed in, and being divided into seven
parts, were drawn for by lot. About
noon we were taken from the cell and put in
with the other officers. Here we met
Capt. Cook, of the Ninth
Regiment, who had been captured about a
month previous while reconnoitering the
enemy's line.
" 'We were now in a large room, perhaps forty by ninety
feet, with large windows, entirely destitute
of glass. No blankets nor anything to
sit or lie upon except the floor, and at
night when we lay down the floor was
literally covered.
" 'About the middle of the second night we were all
hurriedly marched out and packed in filthy
box-cars like sardines, for there was not
room for all to sit down for an unknown
destination. After a slow and tedious
ride we arrived at Salisbury, N. C.
When we arrived there were but few
prisoners, and for two or three days we
received fair rations of
[Pg. 341]
brea
_, bean soup and a little meat. This
did not last long, for as the number of
prisoners increased our rations were
diminished. There were four old log
houses within the stockade and into these
the officers were moved the next day, while
a thousand or mor'e prisoners, brought on
from Petersburg, were turned into the pen
without shelter of any kind. From
these we were separated by a line of
sentinels, who had orders to shoot any who
approached within six paces of their beat on
either side. This was called the
'dead-line,' which also extended around the
enclosure about six paces from the stockade.
" 'The second Sunday after our arrival, just as we were
assembling to hear preaching, an officer who
had thoughtlessly stepped to a tree on the
dead-line was shot and killed by the sentry,
who was on an elevated platform outside the
fence, and only about two rods distant.
For this fiendish act the murderer was
granted a sixty days furlough.
"'Prisoners were being brought in almost daily, and at
this time there were probably six thousand
within the enclosure. A pretence of
shelter was furnished by the issue of a few
Sibley tents, but not more than a third of
the prisoners were sheltered. Many of
them built mud hovels or burrowed in the
ground; some crawled under the hospital
building. Very few had blankets and
all were thinly clad, and the rations were
barely sufficient to sustain life.
What wonder that men lost their strength,
spirits, and sometimes reason. The
story of exposure, sickness and death is the
same and rivals that of Andersonville.
" 'The guard was strengthened, a portion of the fence
taken down and a piece of artillery
stationed at the corners to sweep down the
crowd, should an outbreak occur. This
we had thought of for some time, and a plan
of action was decided upon. At a given
signal all within the enclosure were to make
a break for that part of the fence nearest
them, and then scatter, each one for
himself. Of course, some would
probably be killed, but it was hoped most
would escape before the guards could load
and fire a second time. This plot,
which was to have been carried out at
midnight, was discovered the previous
afternoon. The inside guard,
separating the enlisted-men from the
officers, had become more vigilant, and the
only means of communication was to attach a
note to a stone and throw it across.
This an officer attempted. The note
fell short; the sentry picked it up, called
the corporal of the guard, who took it to
the officer of the guard, and in less than
five minutes the whole arrangement was
known. Two hours afterward we
were formed in line and learned that we were
to change our quarters. We had then
been in Salisbury twenty days. Before
we left one of our mess found and brought
away a bound copy of Harper's Magazine.
It proved a boon to us, as it served for a
pillow for one of us at night, and was being
read by some one from dawn until night,
until we had all read it through, when we
traded it off for a volume of the
Portland Transcript.
" 'We were packed in box cars and started North.
The next morning we arrived at Danville and
were confined in a tobacco warehouse, of
brick and about eighty feet long, forty
wide, and three stories
[Pg. 342]
high.
When we first entered the prison the ration
was fair in quantity. We had from
twelve to sixteen ounces of corn-bread, and
from two to four ounces of beef or a cup of
pea-soup, but never beef and soup the same
day. True, the soup would have an
abundance of worms floating about in it, but
these we would skim off, and trying to
forget we had seen them, eat with a relish.
Hunger will drive one to eat almost
anything, as we learned from bitter
experience. About the 1st of November
the soup and beef ration began to decrease,
and from the middle of the month to the 20th
of February, when I was paroled, not a
ration of meat or soup was issued.
Nothing but corn-bread, made from unbolted
meal, and water, and that growing less and
less. Sometimes I would divide my
ration into three parts and resolve to make
it last all day, but invariably it would be
gone before noon. Generally I would
eat the whole ration at once, but that did
not satisfy my hunger, and I had to go
without a crumb for the next twenty-four
hours. To illustrate how inadequate
the ration was, I can say that I have seen
officers picking potato-peelings from the
large spittoons, where they were soaking in
tobacco spittle, wash them off and eat them.
" 'We had an abundance of good, pure water, which was a
great blessing. Pails were furnished,
and when five or six men were ready, the
sentry would call the corporal of the guard,
who would send a guard of from four to six
with us to the river, about two hundred
yards distant. Twice a day an officer
would come in and call the roll; that is
form us into four ranks and count the files.
If any had escaped, it was essential that
the number should be kept good for some
days, to enable them to get a good start,
and for this purpose various means were
used. Some, times one of the rear
rank, after being counted, would glide along
unseen to the left of the line and be
recounted. A hole was cut in the upper
floor, and while the officer was going up
stairs, some would climb through the hole
and be counted with those on the third
floor. This created some confusion, as
the number would occasionally overrun.
"As the season advanced we suffered more and more from
the cold, for being captured in September
our clothing was not sufficient for December
and January. Very few had blankets,
and the rebel authorities never issued
either blankets or clothing of any kind.
The windows of the lower rooms were without
glass, and only the lower half of each
boarded up; the wind would whistle through
the large openings, and drawing up through
the open floor, upon which we had to lie at
night, would almost freeze us. I
finally succeeded in trading my watch with
one of the guard for an old bed-quilt and
twenty dollars Confederate money. The
money came in very good time, for I then had
the scurvy so badly that my tongue, lips and
gums were so swollen that by evening
I could scarcely speak. In the morning
the swelling would not be quite so bad, and
by soaking the corn-bread in water, could
manage to swallow a little. The
surgeon, who visited the prison every day,
cauterized my mouth, but it continued to
grow worse, until at last I could not eat
the coarse bread. Sometimes I would
have a chance to sell it for from
[Pg. 343]
Escaping Prisoners Fed by Negroes in their
Master's Barn.
[Pg. 344] -
BLANK PAGE
[Pg. 345]
one to two
dollars, which, with the twenty, saved me
from starvation. I bought rice of the
guard for two dollars the half-pint, and
good-sized potatoes for a dollar each.
These were cooked usually over a little fire
in the yard with wood or chips picked up
while going for water. Sometimes, by
waiting patiently for an hour or more, I
could get near enough to the stove to put my
cup on. The heating apparatus was a
poor apology for a cylinder coal-stove, and
the coal the poorest I ever saw, and gave so
little heat that one could stand all day by
it and shiver.
" 'The bed-quilt was quite narrow, but very much better
than none.
" 'Capt. Weiss and I would spread our
flannel coats on the floor, use our shoes
for pillows, spread the quilt over us, and
with barely space to turn over, would, if
the night was not too cold, go to sleep;
usually to dream of home and loved ones; of
Christmas festivities and banquets of trains
of army wagons so overloaded with pies and
cakes that they were rolling into the roa;
of a general exchange; a thirty day's leave
of absence, and a thousand things altogether
unlike that which we were experiencing; and
would wake only to find ourselves cold and
hungry.
" 'Our mess had the volume of Harper's Magazine,
found at Salisbury, and we each could have
it an hour or more daily. A few games
of checkers or cribbage, played sitting on
the floor, tailor-fashion, were always in
order. All who were accustomed to
smoking would manage to secure a supply of
tobacco at least sufficient for one smoke
per day, and, if they could not obtain it in
any other way, would sell half their scanty
ration, and perhaps get enough to last a
week. It was a good place to learn how to
economize. I have known some to refuse
a light from the pipe, for fear of losing a
grain of the precious weed. Evenings
we would be in darkness, and as we could not
move about without frequent collisions,
would gather in little groups and talk of
home, friends, and the good time coming,
when we would have one good, square meal;
arrange the bill of fare, comprising all the
delicacies that heart could wish, or a
morbid mind prompted by a starving stomach
could conceive; lay plans for escape and
discuss the route to be followed; sing a few
hymns and the national airs, and wind up
with 'We'll Hang Jeff Davis on a Sour
Apple-Tree.'
" 'There were with us two officers who, when we arrived
at Salisbury, had been in solitary
confinement and whom the rebels were holding
as hostages for two guerillas whom Gen.
Burnside had condemned to be shot.
When the removal of the officers to Danville
occurred, these two were released from close
confinement and sent on with us, and it was
thought they were no longer considered as
hostages. They had planned an escape
and well nigh succeeded. They had dug
a hole through the brick wall, and passing
into an adjoining unoccupied building, cut
through the floor, dug under the stone
foundation and were just coming through on
the outside, when some one in passing
stepped on the thin crust and fell in.
Whether he or the men digging were the most
frightened it would be hard to tell.
The next morning these two who had worked so
hard to regain their liberty were taken out
and probably placed in close confinement
again.
[Pg. 346]
" 'After this attempt to escape, the rebel
authorities made an effort to rob us of
everything, particularly pocket-knives,
watches, or anything that could aid us to
escape. In this they were foiled. They
made us all go to one end of the room and
placing a guard through the middle, searched
us one by one and passed us to the other
side. If one had a knife, watch or
money, he had only to toss it over to some
one already searched, and when his turn came
would have nothing to show.
" 'The guards would not allow us to stand by the
windows, and on one occasion, without
warning, fired through a second-story window
and badly wounded an officer on the third
floor.
" ' My shoes were nearly worn out when I was captured,
and soon became so worn that I could only
keep sole and body together by cutting
strings from the edge of the uppers and
lacing them together. These strings
would wear but a little while, and frequent
cuttings had made the shoes very low.
" 'Toward the last of January, Capt. Cook
received intelligence that a special
exchange had been effected in his case and
he was to start at once for the North.
Here was an opportunity to communicate with
our comrades and friends, for up to this
time we did not know whether any of our
letters had been received. Capt.
Cook had a pair of good stout
brogans. These shoes he urged me to
take in exchange for my dilapidated ones.
At first, I felt reluctant to do so, but
finally made the exchange and he left us
with a light heart, but his anticipations
were not realized, for instead of going
directly North he was detained in Libby
Prison until just before the rest of us
arrived, and when we reached Annapolis he
was still there awaiting his leave, and had
been obliged to wear my old shoes until two
days previous.
" 'Rumors of a general exchange began to circulate, and
a few boxes of provisions and clothing, sent
by Northern friends, were delivered.
Among the rest, was a well-filled box from
the officers of our regiment, and twelve
hundred dollars Confederate money (being the
equivalent of sixty dollars greenbacks)
which they had kindly contributed.
Could we have received the box and money in
November, instead of just before our
release, we could have subsisted quite
comfortably all winter. As it was, we
lived sumptuously as long as the contents of
the box lasted, and when about a week later
we started for Richmond to be paroled, we
had drawn considerably upon the twelve
hundred dollars.
" 'February 17th, we left Danville for Richmond and
were again quartered in Libby. On the
19th, we signed the parole papers.
'" The second morning after signing the rolls, one of
the clerks came in and said that for want of
transportation, only a hundred would be sent
down the river that day, and the rest would
follow soon; that those whose names were
called would fall in on the lower floor,
ready to start. As he proceeded to
call the roll there was a death-like
stillness, and each listened anxiously to
hear his own name. Of our mess only
one name was called. As he stopped
reading and folded his rolls and turned to
leave, I thought, what if our army should
commence active operations
[Pg. 347]
and put an
end to the exchange, and resolved to go with
the party that day, if possible. I had
noticed that the clerk had not called the
names in their order nor checked them, and
knew he could not tell who had been called.
I therefore hurried down to the lower floor
and fell in with the rest, thinking all the
time of the possibility of detection and the
consequent solitary confinement, and
although my conscience was easy so far as
the papers I had signed were concerned for I
had only agreed not to take up arms until
duly exchanged I did not breath freely until
I had disembarked from the boat and was
under the Stars and Stripes.
Fortunately, the rest of the party came down
on the boat the next day.
" 'One other incident and I am done: Sergt. Henry
Jordan, of Company C, was wounded and
captured with the rest of us, but on account
of his wounds was unable to be sent South
with the other enlisted-men. After his
recovery he was kept as a servant about the
office of Major Turner, the
commandant of the prison, and when, on the
2d of April, 1865, the rebels evacuated
Richmond and paroled the prisoners, he
remained
until our forces came in and took possession
of the city. When, a few days later,
Maj. Turner was captured by
our troops and confined in the same cell we
had occupied, Sergt. Jordan
was detailed to carry him his rations, and
although he was not of a vindictive or
revengeful disposition, I will venture to
say that the rations allowed Turner
were not much better than had been given the
sergeant through the winter. Had
Turner been guarded by such men as
Henry Jordan, or even by the
poorest soldiers of the regiment, he would
not have escaped within three days of his
capture, as was the case.' "
Very few of the black soldiers were exchanged, though
the confederate government pretended to
recognize them and treat them as they did
the whites. General Taylor's
reply to General Grant,
was the general policy applied to them when
convenient. In the latter days of the war,
when in June, 1864, at Guntown, Miss., the
confederate Gen. Forrest
attacked and routed the Union forces, under
Sturgis, through the stupidity of the
latter, (alluded to more at length a few
pages further on,) a number of black
soldiers were captured, Sturgis
having had several Phalanx regiments in his
command. The confederates fought with
desperation, and with their usual "no
quarter," because, as Forrest alleges, the
Phalanx regiments meant to retaliate for his
previous massacre of the blacks at Fort
Pillow. Seeking to justify the inhuman
treatment of his black prisoners, he wrote
as follows to General Washburn,
commanding the District of West Tennessee:
[Pg. 348]
"It
has been reported to me that all of your
colored troops stationed in Memphis took, on
their knees, in the presence of Major
General Hurlburt and other officers
of your army, an oath to avenge Fort Pillow,
and that they would show my toops no
quarter. Again I have it from
indisputable authority that the troops under
Brigadier General Sturgis
on their recent march from Memphis,
publicly, and in many places, proclaimed
that no quarter would be shown my men.
As they were moved into action on the 10th
they were exhorted by their officers to
remember Fort Pillow. The prisoners we
have captured from that command, or a large
majority of them, have voluntarily stated
that they expected us to murder them,
otherwise they would have surrendered in a
body rather than have taken to the bushes
after being run down and exhausted."
The massacre at Fort Pillow had a very
different effect upon the black soldiers
than it was doubtless expected to have.
Instead of weakening their courage it
stimulated them to a desire of retaliation;
not in the strict sense of that term, but to
fight with a determination to subdue and
bring to possible punishment, the men guilty
of such
atrocious conduct. Had General
Sturgis been competent of commanding,
Forrest would have found himself and
his command no match for the Phalanx at
Guntown and
Brice's Cross Roads. Doubtless
Forrest was startled by the reply of
General Washburn, who justly
recognized the true impulse of the Phalanx.
He replied to Forrest, June 19, 1864, as
follows:
"You say in your letter that it has been
reported to you that all the negro troops
stationed in Memphis took an oath, on their
knees, in the presence of Major
General Hurlburt and other
officers of our army, to avenge Fort Pillow
and that they would show your troops no
quarter. I believe it is true that the
colored troops did take such an oath, but
not in the presence of General
Hurlburt. From what I can learn
this act of theirs was not influenced by any
white officer, but was the result of their
own sense of what was due to themselves and
their fellows who had been mercilessly
slaughtered."
The chief of Forrest's artillery writes in
the Philadelphia Times, in September, 1883 :
"Col.
Arthur T. Reeve, who commanded the
Fifty-fifth Colored Infantry in this fight,
tells me that no oath was taken by his
troops that ever he heard of, but the
impression prevailed that the black flag was
raised, and on his side was raised to all
intents and purposes. He himself fully
expected to be killed if captured.
Impressed with this notion a double effect
was produced. It made the Federals
afraid to surrender
[Pg. 349]
and greatly exasperated our
men, and in the break-up the affair became
more like a hunt for wild game than a battle
between civilized men."
In his description of the battle at Brice's
Cross Roads, he says :
"The entire Confederate force was brought
into action at once. We kept no
reserves; every movement was quickly planned
and executed with the greatest celerity.
A potent factor which made the battle far
bloodier than it would have been, was it
being reported, and with some degree of
truth, that the negroes had been sworn on
their knees in line before leaving Memphis
to show 'no quarter to Forrest's men,' and
badges were worn upon which were inscribed,
'Remember Fort Pillow General
Washburn, commanding the district of
West Tennessee, distinctly admits that the
negro troops with Sturgis had gone into this
fight with the declared intention to give no
quarter to Forrest's men."
The fate of the black soldiers taken in
these fights is unknown, which is even worse
than of those who are
known to have been massacred.
The details of the massacre at Fort Pillow have been
reserved for this portion of the present
chapter in order to
state them more at length, and in connection
with important movements which soon after
took place against the
same confederate force.
The most atrocious of all inhuman acts perpetrated upon
a brave soldiery, took place at Fort Pillow,
Kentucky,
on the 13th of April, 1864. No cause
can be assigned for the shocking crime of
wanton, indiscriminate murder of some three
hundred soldiers, other than that they were
"niggers," and "fighting with niggers."
On the 12th, General Forrest suddenly
appeared before Fort Pillow with a large
force, and demanded its surrender. The
fort was garrisoned by 557 men in command of
Major L. F. Booth, consisting of the
13th Tennessee Cavalry, Major
Bradford, and the 6th Phalanx Battery of
heavy artillery, numbering 262 men, and six
guns. At sunrise on the 13th,
General Forrest's forces advanced
and attacked the fort. The garrison
maintained a steady brisk fire, and kept the
enemy at bay from an outer line of
intrenchments. About 9 A. M.
Major Booth was killed, and
Major Bradford taking command,
drew the troops back into the Fort, situated
on a high, steep and partially
[Pg. 350]
timbered
bluff on the Mississippi river, with a
ravine on either hand. A federal
gunboat, the "New Era," assisted in the
defence, but the height of the bluff
prevented her giving material support to the
garrison. In the afternoon both sides ceased
firing, to cool and clean their guns.
During this time, Forrest, under a
flag of truce, summoned, the federals to
surrender within a half hour. Major
Bradford refused to comply with the
demand. Meantime the confederates
taking advantage of the truce to secret
themselves down in a ravine, from whence
they could rush upon the Fort at a given
signal. No sooner was Bradford's
refusal to surrender received, than the
confederates rushed simultaneously into the
Fort. In a moment almost the place was
in their possession. The garrison, throwing
away their arms fled down the steep banks,
endeavoring to hide from the promised "no
quarter/' which Forrest had embodied
in his demand for surrender: "If
have to storm your works, you may expect no
quarter" The confederates
followed, "butchering black and white
soldiers and non-combatants, men, women and
children. Disabled men were made to
stand up and be shot; others were burned
within the tents wherein they had been
nailed to the floor." This carnival of
murder continued until dark, and was even
renewed the next morning. Major
Bradford was not murdered until he had
been carried as a prisoner several miles on
the retreat.
It is best that the evidence in this matter, as given
in previous pages of this chapter, should be
read. It is unimpeachable, though
Forrest, S. D. Lee and Chalmers
have attempted to deny the infernal
work. The last named, under whose
command these barbarous acts were committed,
offered on the floor of the United States
Congress, fifteen years afterward, an
apologetic denial of what appears from the
evidence of those who escaped, - taken by
the Congressional Committee, - and
also contradictory to the confederate
General S. D. Lee's report, in which he
fails to convince himself even of the
inaccuracy of the reports of brutality, as
made by the few who escaped being murdered.
Lee says:
[Pg. 351]
Massacre at Fort Pillow.
[Pg. 352]
- BLANK PAGE
[Pg. 353]
"The garrison was summoned in the usual
manner, and its commanding officer assumed
the responsibility of refusing to surrender
after having been informed by General
Forrest of his ability to take the Fort,
and of his fears of what the result would be
in case the demand was not complied with.
The assault was made under a heavy fire, and
with considerable loss to the attacking
party. Your colors were never lowered,
and your garrison never surrendered, ut
retreated under cover of a gunboat, with
arms in their hands and constantly using
them. This was true particularly of
your colored troops, who had been firmly
convinced by your teaching of the certainty
of slaughter, in case of capture. Even
under these circumstances, many of your men,
white and black, were taken prisoners."
Continuing, he says:
"The case under consideration is almost an
extreme one. You had a servile race
armed against us. I assert that our
officers with all the circumstances against
them endeavored to prevent the effusion of
blood."
This is an admission that the massacre of
the garrison actually occurred, and because
PHalanx troops were a part of the garrison.
That the black soldiers had been taught that
no quarter would be shown them if captured,
or if they surrendered, is doubtless true.
It is also too true that the teaching was
the truth. One has but to read
the summons for the surrender to be
satisfied of the fact, and then
recollect that the President of the
Confederate States, in declaring General
Butler an outlaw, also decreed that
negroes captured with arms in their hands,
their officers as well, should be turned
over to the State authorities wherein they
were captured, to be dealt with according to
the laws of that State and the Confederacy.
The sentiment of the chief confederate commander
regarding the employment of negroes in the
Union army, notwithstanding the Confederate
Government was the first to arm and muster
them into service, as shown in previous and
later chapters, is manifested by the
following dispatch, though at the time of
writing it, that General had hundreds of
blacks under his command at Charleston
building fortifications.
| |
"CHARLESTON, S. C.,
Oct. 13th, 1862. |
"HON. WM. P. MILES,
RICHMOND, VA.
"Has the bill for the execution of abolition prisoners,
after January next, been passed? Do
it, and England will be stirred into action.
It is high time to proclaim the black flag
after that period; let the execution be with
the garrote.
G. T. BEAUREGARD."
[Pg. 354]
The confederate thirst for "nigger" blood
seemed to have been no stronger in Kentucky
than in other Departments, but it does
appear, for some reason, that Kentucky and
northern Mississippi were selected by the
confederate generals, Pillow and
Forrest, as appropriate section in which
to particularly vent their spite. The
success of Forrest at Fort Pillow rather
strengthened General Beauford's
inhumanity. He commanded a portion of
Pillow's forces which appeared befor
Columbus the day after the Fort Pillow
massacre, and in the following summons
demanded its surrender:
"To the Commander of
the United States Forces, Columbus, Ky.:
"Fully capable
of taking Columbus and its garrison, I
desire to avoid shedding blood. I
therefore demand the unconditional surrender
of the forces under your command.
Should you surrender, the negroes in arms
will be returned to their masters.
Should I be compelled to take the place by
force, no quarter will be shown negro
troops whatever; white troops will be
treated as prisoners of war.
| |
"I am, sir, yours,
A. BEAUFORD, Brig. Gen." |
Colonel Lawrence, of the 34th New
Jersey, declined to surrender, and drove the
enemy off, who next appeared in Paducah, but
retired without making an assault upon the
garrison.
These occurrences, with the mysterious surrender of
Union City to Forrest, on the 16th of March,
so incensed the commander of the Department
that a strong force was organized, and in
command of General S. D. Sturgis,
started, on the 30th of April, in pursuit of
Forrest and his men, but did not
succeed in overtaking him. A few weeks
later, General Sturgis, with a
portion of his former force, combined with
that of General Smith's, - just
returning from the Red River (Banks)
fiasco, - again went in pursuit of
General Forrest. At Guntown, on
the 10th of June, Sturgis' cavalry,
under General Grierson, came up with
the enemy, charged upon them, and drove them
back upon their infantry posted near
Brice's Cross Roads. General
Grierson, needing support, sent back for
the infantry, which was several miles in his
rear. The day was intensely hot, and
the roads, from constant rains, in very bad
[Pg. 355]
-
condition. However, Sturgis
marched the troops up at double-quick to the
position where General Grierson was
holding the confederates in check. The
infantry had become so exhausted when they
reached the scene of action, that they were
unable to fight as they otherwise would have
done. Sturgis, either ignorant
of what was going on or incapacited for the
work, heightened the disorder at the front
by peritting his train of over two hundred
wagons to be pushed up cose to the troops,
thus blocking their rear, and obstructing
their manoeuvring; finally the wagons were
parked a short distance form the lines and
in sight of the foe. The troops
exhausted by the rapid march, without proper
formation or commanders, had been brought up
to the support of the cavalry, who were
hotly engaged with the enemy, whose
desperation was increased at the sight of
the Phalanx regiments. General
Beauford had joined Forrest,
augmenting his force 4,000. Sturgis'
force numbered about 12,000, in cavalry,
artillery and infantry. Forrest
was well provided with artillery, which was
up early and took a position in an open
field enfilading the Federal line, which
fought with a determination worthy of a
better fate than that which befel it.
A confederate writer says:
"At early dawn on the 10th Lyon took
the advance, with Morton's artillery
close behind, Rucker and Johnson
following. Meanwhile, Bell as
we have stated, at Rienzi, eight iles
further north, was ordered to move up at a
trot. The roads, soaked with water
from recent continuous heavy rains and so
much cut up by the previous passage of
cavalry and trains, greatly retarded the
progress of the artillery, so that Rucker
and Johnson soon passed us. On
reaching old Carrollville, five miles
northeast of Brice's Cross Roads,
heavy firing could be heard just on ahead.
VForrest, as was his custom, had
passed to the front of the entire column
with his escort.
"He had, hoever, ordered Lieutenant R. J. Black,
a dashing young officer, temporarily
attached to his staff, to take a detachment
of men from the Seventh Tennessee Cavalry
and move forward and develop the enemy.
Black soon reported that he had met the
advance of the Federal cavalry one and a
half miles from Brice's Cross Roads
and there was skirmishing with them.
General Forrest ordered Lyon
to press forward with his brigade. A
courier hastening back to the artillery
said: 'General Forrest says,
'Tell Captain Morton to fetch up the
artillery at a gallop.' Lyon in
the meantime had reached teh enemy's
outposts, dis-
[Pg. 356]
mounted his brigade and
thrown it into line and had warmly opposed a
strong line of infantry or dismounted
cavalry, which, after stubborn resistance,
had been driven back to within half a mile
of Brice's Cross Roads ."
The columns of the Federals could not do
more than retreat, and if they had been able
to do this in any order, and recover from
their exhaustion, they would have been ready
to drive the foe, but they were hotly
pursued by the confederates, who were
continually receiving re-enforcements.
It was soon evident that the confederates
intended to gain the rear and capture the
whole of the Union troops. The
Federals, therefore, began to retire
leisurely.
Says the confederate account:
"General Forrest directed General Buford
to open vigorously when he heard Bell
on the left, and, taking with him his escort
and Bell's Brigade, moved rapidly
around southeastward to the Guntown-Ripley
road. He formed Wilson's and
Russel's Regiments on the right of the
road, extending to Rucker's left, and
placed Newsom’s Regiment on the left
of the road; Duff's Regiment, of
Rucker's Brigade, was placed on the left
of Newsom; Captain H. A. Tyler,
commanding Company A, Twelfth Kentucky, was
ordered by Lyon and subsequently by
Forrest to take his company, with
Company C, Seventh Kentucky, and keep
mounted on the extreme left of the line.
The escort, under Captain Jackson,
moved around the extreme left of the line,
and on striking the Baldwyn and Pontotoc
road about two miles south of the cross
roads had a sharp skirmish and pressed the
enemy's cavalry back to where Tishamingo
creek crosses that road; here it was joined
by Captain Gartrell's Georgia
company and a Kentucky company. By
mutual agreement Captain Jackson,
of the escort, was placed in command of the
three companies and Lieutenant Geroge
L. Cowan in command of the escort.
Meanwhile General Buford had
ordered Barteau's Second Tennessee
Cavalry to move across the country and gain
the Federal rear, and if possible destroy
their trains and then strike them in flank.”
The gallant conduct of the Federal cavalry
inspired the other troops. They made a
stand, and for awhile advanced, driving the
confederate line before them on the right,
doubling it up and gaining the rear.
The same writer says:
"It was at this critical moment an officer
of Bell's staff dashed up to
General Forrest, very much excited, and
said: 'General Forrest, the
enemy flanked us and are now in our rear.
What shall be done?' Forrest,
turning in his saddle, very coolly replied:
'We'll whip these in our
[Pg. 357]
front and
then turn around, and wont we be in their
rear? And then we'll whip them
fellows!' pointing in the direction of the
force said to be in his rear.
Jackson and Tyler, charging on
the extreme left, drove back two colored
regiments of infantry upon their main line
at the cross roads. In this charge the
gallant Captain Tyler was severely
wounded.
"Meanwhile the Federals, with desperation,
hurled a double line of battle, with the
four guns at Brice's house
concentrated upon Rucker and Bell
which for a moment seemed to stagger and
make them waver. In this terrible
onslaught the accomplished Adjutant,
Lieutenant W. S. Pope, of the Seventh
Tennessee, was killed, and a third of his
regiment was killed and wounded. Soon
another charge was sounded.
Lieutenant Tully Brown was
ordered, with his section of three-inch
rifles, close on the front at the Porter
house, from which position he hurled
a thousand pounds of cold iron into their
stubborn lines. A section of twelve
pounder howitzers, under
Lieutenant B. F.
Haller, pressed still further to
the front and within a stone's throw almost
of the enemy's line. May son's section
of three-inch rifles were quickly placed in
line with Haller's. Just then,
General Buford, riding up and
seting no support to the artillery, called
General Forrest's attention to
the fact, when Forrest remarked:
"Support, h__l; let it support itself; all
the d__n Yankees in the country can't take
it. " '
The lines were now closing upon each other,
and the confederates began to feel the
effect of the Union fire. The dash of
the Phalanx, charging the enemy's flank,
gave renewed courage to the troops, now
pouring deadly volleys position, from which
they began to sweep the enemy's lines.
Says the same account:
"Now rose the regular incessant volleys of
musketry and artillery. The lines in
many places were not over thirty paces apart
and pistols were freely used. The
smoke of battle almost hid the combantants.
The underbrush and dense black-jack thickets
impeded the advance of the dismounted
cavalry as the awful musketry fire blazed
and gushed in the face of these gallant men.
Every tree and brush was barked or cut to
the ground by this hail of deadly missiles.
It was here the accomplished the gallant
William H. Porter, brother of Major
Thomas K. and young officer had
not attained his manhood. He was a
cadet in the regular Confederate States army
and had been ordered to report to General
Bell, who assigned him to duty as A.
D. C. Captain J. L. Bell, General
Bell's Assistant Inspector-General,
had just been killed from his horse, and
almost at the same moment young Porter
lost his own horse and just mounted
Captain Bell's when he received
the fatal shot. Lieutenant
Isaac Bell, aide-de-camp of
Bell's staff, was severely wounded.
[Pg. 358]
The loss in officers
right here was very heavy; sixteen were
killed and sixty-one wounded.
Captain Ab Hust, a mere boy, who
commanded Bell's escort, rendered
most efficient service at this critical
juncture, and Major Tom Allison, the
fighting Quartermaster of Bell's
Brigade, was constantly by the side of his
fearless commander, and in this terrible
loss in staff officers his presence was most
opportune.
“Like a prairie on fire the battle raged and the
volleying thunder can be likened in my mind
to nothing else than the fire of
Cleburne's Division at Chickamauga, on
that terrible Saturday at dusk. At
length the enemy's lines wavered,
Haller
and Mayson pressed their guns by hand
to within a short distance of Brice's
house, firing as they advanced.
Bell, Lyon and Rucker
now closed in on the cross roads and the
Federals gave way in disorder, abandoning
three guns near Brice's house.
General Sturgis, in his
official report of the fight, says: “We had
four pieces of artillery at the cross roads.
Finding our troops were being hotly pressed,
I ordered one section to open on the enemy's
reserves. The enemy's artillery soon
replied, and with great accuracy, every
shell bursting over and in the immediate
vicinity of our guns. A shell from one
of the Confederate guns struck the table in
Brice's porch, was used by General
Sturgis, stunning that officer."
The terrible struggle which now ensued was
not surpassed, according to an eye-witness,
by the fighting of any troops. The
Phalanx were determined, if courage could do
it, to whip the men who had so dastardly
massacred the garrison of Fort Pillow.
This fact was known to Forrest,
Buford and their troops, who fought like
men realizing that anything short of victory
was death, and well may they have thus
thought, for every charge the Phalanx made
meant annihilation. They, too,
accepted the portentous fiat, victory or
death.
Though more than twenty years have passed since this
bloody fight, yet the chief of the
confederate artillery portrays the situation
in these words:
“Is was soon evident that another strong
line had formed behind the fence by the
skirt of woods just westward of Phillips'
branch. General Forrest riding
up, dismounted and approached our guns,
which were now plying shell and solid shot.
With his field glasses he took in the
situation. The enemy's shot were
coming thick and fast; leaden balls were
seen to flatten as they would strike the
axles and tires of our gun carriages; trees
were barked and the air was ladened with the
familiar but unpleasant sound of these death
messengers.
Realizing General Forrest's exposure, we
involuntarily ventured the suggestion that,
'You had better get lower down the hill,
General.' In
[Pg. 359]
stantly we apologized, as
we expected the General to intimate that it
was none of our business where he went. He,
however, stepped down the hill out of danger
and seating himself behind a tree, seemed
for a few moments in deep study, but soon
the head of our cavalry column arriving, he
turned to me and said: 'Captain, as soon as
you hear me open on the right and flank of
the enemy over yonder, 'pointing to the
enemy's position, ‘ charge with your
artillery down that lane and cross the
branch.' The genial and gallant
Captain Rice coming up at this
time and hearing the order, turned to me and
said: “By G - d! whoever heard of artillery
charging?' Captain Brice's
Battery had been stationed at Columbus,
Miss., and other points on local duty, and
only a few months previous had been ordered
and assigned to our command. He
accepted his initiation into the ways and
methods of horse artillery with much spirit
and good grace .
"Meanwhile, watching Forrest at the head of the cavalry
moving through the woods and across the
field in the direction of the enemy's right,
I directed Lieutenants Tully, Brown
and H. H. Briggs, whose sections had
been held in the road below the Hadden
house for an emergency, to be ready
to move into action at a moments notice.
The enemy, observing our cavalry passing to
their right, began to break and retire
through the woods. Forrest, seeing this,
dashed upon them in column of fours.
At the same moment Lieutenant
Brown pressed his section down the road,
even in advance of the skirmish line, and
opened a terrific fire upon the enemy, now
breaking up and in full retreat.
Lieutenant Briggs also took an
advanced position and got in a few
well-directed shots. Brown's
section and a section of Rice's
Battery were pushed forward across
Phillips' branch and up the hill under a
sharp fire, the former taking position on
the right of the road and the latter in the
road just where the road turns before
reaching Dr. Agnew's house.
"Our skirmishers had driven the enemy's skirmishers
upon their main line, when we were about to
make another artillery charge, but
distinctly hearing the Federal officers
giving orders to their men to stand steady
and yell. Remember Fort Pillow.'
'Charge! charge! charge! ran along their
lines, and on they came. Our right was
pressed back on the 'negro avengers of Fort
Pillow.' They moved steadily upon our
guns and for a moment their loss seemed
imminent. Our cannoneers, standing
firm and taking in the situation, drove
double-shotted cannister into this advancing
line. The cavalry rallying on our guns
sent death volleys into their ranks, which
staggered the enemy and drove them back, but
only to give place to a new line that now
moved down upon us with wild shouts and got
almost within hand-shaking distance of our
guns .
“Lyon coming up opportunely at this moment formed his
brigade on our right, and springing forward
with loud cheers, hurled them back with so
stormful an onset that their entire line
gave way in utter rout and confusion. Lieutenant
Brown's horse was shot under him.
The gallant young soldier, Henry
King, of Rice's Battery, fell
with his ram
[Pg. 360]
mer staff in hand,
mortally wounded. His grave now marks
the spot where he fell, Several members of
the artillery were wounded and a great many
battery horses were killed. The reason
for this desperate stand was soon
discovered. The road was filled with
their wagons, ambulances and many caissons,
the dying and wounded. Cast-away arms,
accoutrements, baggage, dead animals and
other evidences of a routed army were
conspicuous on every side. The sun had
set, but the weary and over-spent
Confederates maintained the pursuit for some
five or six miles beyond and until it became
quite too-dark to go further. A
temporary halt was ordered, when a section
from each battery was directed to be
equipped with ammunition and the best horses
from their respective batteries and be ready
to continue the pursuit at daylight.”
The rout was all the enemy could desire, the Federals
fought with a valor creditable to any
troops, but were badly worsted, through the
incompetency of Sturgis. They were
driven back to Ripley, in a most
disastrously confused state, leaving behind
their trains, artillery, dead and wounded.
But for the gallantry of the Phalanx, the
enemy would have captured the entire force.
The same writer describes the rout:
“Johnson, pressing his brigade
forward upon the enemy's position at Brice's
Quarter, with Lyon supporting the artillery
in the road below Brice's house, the
position was soon captured with many
prisoners and three pieces of artillery.
Hallers
and Mayson's sections were moved up
at a gallop and established on the hill at
Brice’s Quarter and opened a
destructive fire with double-shotted
cannister upon the enemy's fleeing columns
and wagon trains. The bridge over
Tishamingo creek, still standing, was
blocked up with wagons, some of whose teams
had been killed. Finding the bridge
thus obstructed the enemy rushed wildly into
the creek, and as they emerged from the
water on the opposite bank in an open field,
our artillery played upon them for half a
mile, killing and disabling large numbers.
Forrests escort, under the dashing
Lieutenant Cowan, having become
detached in the meantime, had pressed around
to the west side of the creek and south of
the Ripley road, and here made one of its
characteristic charges across an open field
near the gin house, upon the enemy's wagon
train, capturing several wagons.
“Meanwhile Barteau was not idle. He had
moved his regiment, as we have stated,
across to get in the enemy's rear, and in
his own lan guage says: 'I took my regiment
across the country westward, to reach the
Ripley road, on which the enemy was moving,
and being de layed somewhat in passing
through a swampy bottom, I did not reach
that road, at Lyon's gin, three miles
from Brice's Cross Roads, until
probably 1 o'clock. I then learned
that the last of the Federal regimente, with
all their train, had passed by rapid march,
and as there was now a
[Pg. 361]
Jull in the engagement (
for I had been hearing sharp firing in
front), I greatly feared that Forrest was
defeated and that the Federals were pushing
him back, so I moved rapidly down the road
till I reached the open field near the
bridge.'
"This could not have been the Ripley Guntown road, as
that road was filled with Federal troops,
wagons and artillery from Dr. Agnew's
house to the cross roads, a distance of two
miles. 'Having placed some
sharpshooters, whose sole attention was to
be directed to the bridge,' he continues, 'I
extended my line nearly half a mile, and
began an attack by scattering shots at the
same time. Sounding my bugle from
various points along the line, almost
immediately a reconnoitering force of the
enemy appears at the bridge, and being fired
upon returned. This was followed,
perhaps, by a regiment, and then a whole
brigade came down to the creek. My,
men, taking good aim, fired upon them coolly
and steady. Soon I saw wagons,
artillery, etc., pushing for the bridge.
These were shot at by my sharpshooters.
I now began to contract my line and collect
my regiment, for the Federals came pouring
in immense numbers across the creek.
Your artillery was doing good work.
Even the bullets from the small arms of the
Confederates reached my men. I
operated upon the flank of the enemy until
after dark.'
"The wagons blockading the bridge were soon removed by
being thrown into the stream and a section
from each battery was worked across by hand,
supported by the esort, and brought to bear
upon a negro brigade with fearful loss; the
other two sections were quickly to the
front, ahead of any support for the moment,
and drive the enemy from the ridge back of
Holland's house across Dry creek.
The cavalry in the meantime had halted,
reorganized and soon joined in the pursuit.
The road as narrow, with dense woods on each
side, so that it was impossible to use more
than four pieces at a time, but that number
were kept close upon the heels of the
retreating enemy and a murderous fire
prevented them from forming to make a stand
.
“The ridge extending southward from the Hadden
house offered a strong natural position
for defensive operations. Upon this
ridge the Federals had established a line of
battle, but a few well directed shots from
the artillery stationed near the Holland
house and a charge by our cavalry across
Dry creek readily put them to flight.
A section of each battery was ordered at a
gallop to this ridge, which was reached in
time to open with a few rounds of
double-shotted cannister upon their
demoralized ranks as they hastily retreated
through the open fields on either side of
Phillips branch . Our cannoneers were
greatly blown and well pigh exhausted from
excessive heat and continuous labor at their
guns for full five hours. We noticed a
number drink with apparant relish the black
powder water from the sponge buckets."
The
enemy followed the fleeing column, capturing
and wounding many at the town of Ripley.
Next morning the Federals made a stand.
Again the Phalanx bore the
[Pg. 362]
brunt of
the battle, and when finally the troops
stampeded, held the confederates in check
until the white troops were beyond capture.
But this was all they could do, and this was
indeed an heroic act. The confederate
says:
"Long before daylight found us moving
rapidly to overtake the flying foe. We
had changed positions. The cavalry now
being in advance, overtook the enemy at
Stubb's farm; a sharp skirmish
ensued, when they broke, leaving the
remainder of their wagon train.
Fourteen pieces of artillery and some
twenty-five ambulances, with a number of
wounded, were left in Little
Hatchie bottom, further on. The
discomfited Federals were badly scattered
throughout the country. Forrest,
therefore, threw out his regiment on either
side of the roads to sweep the vicinity.
A number were killed and many prisoners
captured before reaching Ripley, twenty-five
miles from Brice's Cross Roads.
At this point two strong lines were formed
across the road. After a spirited
onset the Federals broke, leaving one piece
of artillery, two caissons, two ambulances.
Twenty-one killed and seventy wounded were
also left on the field. Colonel G.
M. McCraig, of the One Hundred and
Twentieth Illinois Infantry, was among the
killed; also Captain W. J. Tate,
Seventh Tennessee Cavalry. This was
accomplished just as the artillery reached
the front.
“Lieutenant Frank Rodgers, of Rucker's
staff, the night previous, with a small,
select detachment of men, assisted by
Captain Gooch, with the remnant of his
company, hung constantly upon the Federal
rear, with a daring never surpassed.
Their seiries of attacks greatly harrassed
and annoyed the enemy, numbers of whom were
killed and wounded. The artillery
followed to Salem, twenty-five miles distant
from Ripley."
The Phalanx regiments would not consent to
be whipped, even with the black flag flying
in their front, and deserted by their white
comrades. A correspondent of the
Cleveland Leader, in giving an account of
this “miserable affair," writes:
“About sunrise, June 11, the enemy advanced
on the town of Ripley, and threatened our
right, intending to cut us off from the
Salem Road. Again the colored troops
were the only ones that could be brought
into line; the Fifty-ninth being on the
right, and the Fifty-fifth on the left,
holding the streets. At this time, the
men had not more than ten rounds of
ammunition, and the enemy were crowding
closer and still closer, when the
Fifty-ninth were ordered to charge on them,
which they did in good style, while singing,
“We'll rally round the flag, boys.'
“This charge drove the enemy back, so that both
regiments retreated to a pine grove about
two hundred yards distant.
[Pg. 363]
"By this time, all the white troops, except
one squadron of cavalry, that formed in the
rear, were on the road to Salem, and, when
this brigade came up, they, too, wheeled and
left, and in less than ten minutes this now
little band of colored troops found
themselves flanked. They then divided
themselves into three squads, and charged
the enemy's lines; one squad taking the old
Corinth Road, then a by-road, to the left.
After a few miles, they came to a road
leading to Grand Junction. After some
skirmishing, they arrived, with the loss of
one killed and one wounded.
"Another and the largest squad covered the retreat of
the white troops, completely defending them
by picking up the ammunition thrown away by
them, and with it repelling the numerous
assaults made by the rebel cavalry, until
they reached Collierville, a distance of
sixty miles. When the command reached
Dan's Mills, the enemy attempted to
cut it off by a charge; but the colored boys
in the rear formed, and repelled the
attack, allowing the whole command to pass
safely on, when they tore up the bridge.
Passing on to an open country, the officers
halted, and re-organized the brigade into an
effective force. They then moved
forward until about four, P. M.; when some
Indian flank skirmishers discovered the
enemy, who came up to the left, and in the
rear, and halted. Soon a portion
advanced, when a company faced about and
fired, emptying three saddles. From
this time until dark, the skirmishing was
constant.
"A corporal in Company C, Fifty-ninth, was ordered to
surrender. He let his would-be captor
come close to him; when he struck him with
the butt of his gun.
"While the regiment was fighting in a ditch, and the
order came to retreat, the color-bearer
threw out the flag, designing to jump out
and get it; but the rebels rushed for it,
and in the struggle one of the boys knocked
down with his gun the reb who had the flag,
caught it, and ran.
"A rebel, with an oath, ordered one of our men to
surrender. He, thinking the reb's gun
was loaded, dropped his gun; but, on seeing
the reb commence loading, our colored
soldier jumped for his gun, and with
it struck his captor dead.
"Capt. H., being surrounded by about a dozen
rebels, was seen by one of his men, who
called several of his companions; they
rushed forward and fired, killing several of
the enemy, and rescued their captain.
"A rebel came up to one, and said, 'Come my good
fellow, go with me and wait on me.' In
an instant, the boy shot his would-be master
dead.
"Once when the men charged on the enemy, they rushed
forth with the cry, 'Remember Fort Pillow.'
The rebs called back, and said 'Lee's men
killed no prisoners.'
"One man in a charge threw his antagonist to the
ground, and pinned him fast; and, as he
attempted to withdraw his bayonet, it came
off his gun, and, as he was very busy just
then, he left him transfixed to mother
earth.
[Pg. 364]
"One man killed a rebel by striking him with
the butt of his gun, which he broke; but,
being unwilling to stop his work, he loaded
and fired three times before he could get a
better gun; the first time not being
cautious, the rebound of his gun badly cut
his lip.
"When the troops were in the ditch, three rebels came
to one man, and ordered him to surrender.
His gun being loaded, he shot one and
bayonetted another, and, forgetting he could
bayonet the third, he turned the butt of his
gun and knocked him down."
General Sturgis was severely
criticised by the press immediately after
the affair. Historians since the war
have followed up these criticisms. He
has been accused of incompetency, rashness
and drunkenness, none of which it is the
purpose of this volume to endorse.
Possibly his reports furnish a sufficient
explanation for the disaster, which it is
hoped they do inasmuch as he is not charged
with either treason or cowardice.
[General
Sturgis' Report, No. 1.]
"Headquarters
United States Forces,
Colliersville, Tenn., June 12, 1864
"GENERAL: - I have the honor to report that
we met the enemy in position and in heavy
force about 10 A.M. on
the 10th instant at Brice's
Cross-Roads on the Ripley and Fulton road
and about six miles north-west of Guntown,
Miss. A severe battle ensued which
lasted until about 4 P.M., when I regret to
say my lines were compelled to give way
before the overwhelming numbers by which
they were assailed at every point. To
fall back at this point was more than
ordinarily difficult as there was a narrow
valley in our rear through which ran a small
creek crossed by a single narrow bridge.
The road was almost impassable by reason of
the heavy rains which had fallen for the
previous ten days and the consequence was
that the road soon became jammed by the
artillery and ordnance wagons. This
gradually led to confusion and disorder.
"In a few minutes, however, I succeeded in
establishing two colored regiments in line
if battle in a wood on this side of the
little valley. These troops stood
their ground well and checked the enemy for
a time. The check, however, was only
temporary and this line in turn gave way.
My troops were seized with a panic and
became absolutely uncontrollable. One
and a half miles in rear by dint of great
exertion and with pistol in hand, I again
succeeded in checking up the flying column
and placing it in line of battle.
"This line checked the enemy for ten or fifteen minutes
only, when it again gave way and my whole
army became literally an uncontrollable mob.
Nothing now remained to do but allow the
retreat to continue and endeavor to force it
gradually into some kind of shape. The
night was exceedingly dark, the roads almost
impassable and the hope of saving
[Pg. 365]
my artillery and wagons
altogether futile, so I ordered the
artillery and wagons to be destroyed.
The latter were burned and the former
dismantled and spiked, that is all but six
pieces which we succeeded in bringing off in
safety. By 7 A.M. next morning we
reached Ripley (nineteen retreat was
continued, pressed rapidly by the enemy.
Our ammunition soon gave out, this the enemy
soon discovered and pressed the harder.
Our only hope now lay in continuing the
retreat which we did to this place, where we
arrived about 7 o'clock this morning.
"My losses in material of war was severe, being 16 guns
and some 130 wagons. The horses of the
artillery and mules of the train we brought
away. As my troops became very greatly
scattered and are constantly coming in in
small parties, I am unable to estimate my
loss in killed and wounded. While the
battle lasted it was well contested and I
think the enemy's loss in killed and wounded
will not fall short of our own.
"This, general, is a painful record, and yet it was the
result of a series of unfortunate
circumstances over which human ingenuity
could have no control.
The unprecedented rains so delayed our march across a
desert country that the enemy had ample time
to accumulate an overwhelming force in our
front, and kept us so long in an exhausted
region as to so starve and weaken our
animals that they were unable to extricate
the wagons and artillery from the mud.
"So far as I know every one did his duty well, and
while they fought no troops ever fought
better. The colored troops deserve
great credit for the manner in which they
stood to their work.
"This is a hasty and rather incoherent outline of our
operations, but I will forward a more minute
account as soon as the official reports can
be received from division commanders.
"I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your
obedient servant,
| |
|
"S. D. STURGIS,
"Brig.-Gen. Commanding. |
"To Maj. Gen. C. C.
WASHBURN,
Commanding District W.
Tenn."
An extract from a letter from Colonel
Arthur T. Reeve, who commanded the
55th Colored Infantry in this fight,
reads:
"Our (the Federal) command having been
moved up on double-quick - a distance of
about five miles - immediately before
their arrival on the field and the
consequent fact that this arm of our
force went into the engagement very
seriously blown, in fact very nearly
exhausted by heat and fatigue, with
their ranks very much drawn out, where
whipped in detail and overwhelmed by the
very brilliant and vigorous assaults of
your forces. when the engagement
first began I was at the rear of the
[Pg. 366]
Federal column, in
command of the train guard, and hence passed
over the ground on the way to the
battle-field after the balance of the army
had passed, and am able to speak advisedly
of the extreme exhaustion of the infantry, I
passed large numbers entirely prostrated by
heat and fatigue, who did not reach the
field of battle and must have fallen into
your hands after the engagement.”
| |
[General
Sturgis' Report, No. 2.]
"MEMPHIS, TENN., June 24, 1864. |
"Sir: I have the honor to submit the
following report of the operations of the
expedition which marched from near La
Fayette, Tenn., under my command on the 2nd
instant. This expedition was organized
and fitted out under the supervision of the
major general commanding the District of
West Tennessee and I assumed command of it
on the morning of the 2nd of June, near the
town of La Fayette, Tenn., in pursuance of
Special Orders, No. 38, dated Headquarters,
District of West Tennessee, Memphis, May 31,
1864, and which were received by me on the
1st inst. The strength of the command
in round numbers was about 8,000 men,'
(which included the following Phalanx
regiments: 59th Regt., 61st Regt.,
68th Regt., Battery I, 2nd Artillery,
(Light,) 2 pieces.)
"My supply train, carrying rations for 18 days,
consisted of 181 wagons, which with the
regimental wagons made up a train of some
250 wagons. My instructions were
substantially as follows, viz: To
proceed to Corinth, Mississippi by way of
Salem and Ruckersville, capture any force
that might be there, then proceed south,
destroying the Mobile and Ohio Railroad to
Tupelo and Okolona and as far as possible
towards Macon and Columbus with a portion of
my force, thence to Grenada and back to
Memphis. A discretion was allowed me
as to the details of the movement where
circumstances might arise which could not
have been anticipated in my instructions.
Owing to some misunderstanding on the part
of the quartermaster, as to the point on the
Memphis and Charleston Railroad at which
some forage was to have been deposited from
the cars, there was some little delay
occasioned in getting the column in motion.
"The following incidents of the march are taken from
the journal kept from day to day by one of
my staff, Capt. W. C. Rawolle, A. D.
C. and A. A. A. G.:
" 'Wednesday, June 1st. - Expedition started from
Memphis and White's Station toward La
Fayette.
" 'Thursday, June 2nd. - The general and staff left
Memphis on the 5 o'clock A.M. train and
established headquarters at Leaks' House,
near La Fayette, and assumed command.
Cavalry moved to the intersection of State
line and Early Grove roads, six miles from
La Fayette. It rained at intervals all
day and part of the night.
" 'Friday, June 3rd. - Ordered the cavalry to move to
within three four miles of Salem.
Infantry marched to Lamar, 18 miles from La
Fayette. Owing to the heavy rains
during the day and the bad condition of
[Pg. 367]
the roads and bridges,
the train could only move to within four
miles of Lamar, and did not get into park
until 11 o'clock P.M., the colored brigage
remaining with the train as a guard.
" 'Saturday, June 4th. - Informed General Grierson
that the infantry and train under the most
favorable circumstances could only make a
few miles beyond Salem and to regulate his
march accordingly. Train arrived at
Lamar about noon, issued rations to the
infantry and rested the animals. It
rained heavily until 1 o'clock P.M., making
the roads almost impassable. Moved
headquarters to the Widow
Spright's house, two miles west of
Salem, and Colonel Hoge's brigade of
infantry to Robinson's house, four
miles from Salem.
" 'Sunday, June 5th. - Infantry and train started at
half past four o'clock A.M., and joined the
cavalry, two miles east of Salem. At
10 o'clock A.M., issued rations to the
cavalry and fed the forage collected by
them. Infantry remained in camp during
the day; cavalry moved to the intersection
of the LaGrange and Ripley and the Salem and
Ruckersville roads. Col. Joseph
Karge, 2nd New Jersey, with 400 men,
started at 6 P.M., with instructions to move
via Ripley to Rienzi, to destroy the
railroad; to proceed north, destroy bridge
over Tuscumbia and to join General
Grierson at Ruckersville. Heavy
showers during the afternoon.
" 'Monday, June 7th. - Infantry and train moved at 4
o'clock A.M., on the Ruckersville road.
Commenced raining at 5 A.M., and continued
at intervals all day. Progress very
slow, marched 13 miles and made headquarters
at Widow Childers, at intersection of
the Saulsbury and Ripley and the
Ruckersville and Salem roads. Cavalry
moved to Ruckersville. The advance
guard of the infantry encountered a small
party of rebels about noon and chased them
towards Ripley on La Grange and Ripley
roads.
" 'Tuesday, June 7th. - Upon information received from
General Grierson that there was no
enemy near Corinth, directed him to move
toward Ellistown, on direct road from
Ripley, and instruct Colonel Karge to
join him by way of Blackland or
Carrolsville. Infantry moved to Ripley
and cavalry encamped on New Albany road two
miles south. Encountered a small party
of rebels nearer Widow Childers and
drove them toward Ripley. In Ripley,
met an advance of the enemy and drove them
on New Albany road. Cavalry
encountered about a regiment of rebel
cavalry on that road and drove them south.
Several showers during the afternoon, and
the roads very bad.
"Wednesday, June 8th. - Received information at 4
o'clock A.M. that Colonel Karge was
on an island in the Hatchie River and sent
him 500 men and two howitzers as
re-enforcements. Winslows
brigade of cavalry moved 6 miles on the
Fulton Road. Infantry and train moved
five miles on same road. Colonel
Waring's brigade remained in Ripley
awaiting return of Colonel Karge, who
joined him at 5 o'clock P.M., having swam
the Hatchie River. Rained hard during
the night.
" 'Thursday, June 9th. - Sent back to Memphis 400 sick
and wounded men and 41 wagons. Cavalry
and infantry moved to Stubb's,
fourteen
[Pg. 368]
miles from Ripley; issued five days' rations
(at previous camp.) Rained two hours
in the evening.
"'Friday, June 10th. - Encountered the enemy at Brice's
Cross-Roads, 23 miles from Ripley and six
miles from Guntown.
"At Ripley it became a serious question in my mind as
to whether or not I should proceed any
farther. The rain still fell in torrents;
the artillery and wagons were literally
mired down, and the starved and exhausted
animals could with difficulty drag them
along. Under these circumstances, I
called together my division commanders and
placed before them my views of our
condition. At this interview, one
brigade commander and two members of my
staff were, incidentally, present also.
I called their attention to the great delay
we had undergone on account of the
continuous rain and consequent bad condition
of the roads; the exhausted condition of our
animals; the great probability that the
enemy would avail himself of the time thus
afforded him to concentrate an overwhelming
force against us in the vicinity of Tupelo
and the utter hopelessness of saving our
train or artillery in case of defeat, on
account of the narrowness and general bad
condition of the roads and the impossibility
of procuring supplies of forage for the
animals; all agreed with me in the probable
consequences of defeat. Some thought
our only safety lay in retracing our steps
and abandoning the expedition. It was
urged, however, (and with some propriety,
too,) that inasmuch as I had abandoned a
similar expedition only a few weeks before
and given as my reasons for so doing, the
"utter and entire destitution of the
country," and that in the face of this we
were again sent through the same country, it
would be ruinous on all sides to return
again without first meeting the enemy.
Moreover, from all the information
General Washburn had acquired,
there could be no considerable force in our
front and all my own information led to the
same conclusion. To be sure my
information was exceedingly meagre and
unsatisfactory and had I returned I would
have been totally unable to present any
facts to justify my cause, or to show why
the expedition might not have been
successfully carried forward. All I
could have presented would have been my
conjectures as to what the enemy would
naturally do under the circumstances and
these would have availed but little against
the idea that the enemy was scattered and
had no considerable force in our front.
"Under these circumstances," and with a sad forboding
of the consequences, I determined to move
forward; keeping my force as compact as
possible and ready for action at all times;
hoping that we might succeed, and feeling
that if we did not, yet our losses might at
most be insignificant in comparison with the
great benefits which might accrue to
General Sherman by the depletion
of Johnson's army to so large an extent.
"On the evening of the 8th, one day beyond Ripley, I
assembled the commanders of infantry
brigades at the headquarters of Colonel
McMillen, and cautioned them as to
the necessity of enforcing rigid discipline
in
[Pg. 369]
their camps; keeping their troops always in
hand and ready to act on a moment's notice.
That it was impossible to gain any accurate
or reliable information of the enemy, and
that it behooved us to move and act
constantly as though in his presence.
That we were now where we might encounter
him at any moment, and that we must under no
circumstances allow ourselves to be
surprised. On the morning of the 10th,
the cavalry marched at half-past 5 o'clock
and the infantry at seven, thus allowing the
infantry to follow immediately in rear of
the cavalry as it would take the cavalry a
full hour and a half to clear their camp.
The habitual order of march was as follows,
viz: Cavalry with its artillery in advance;
infantry with its artillery; next, and
lastly, the supply train, guarded by the
rear brigade with one of its regiments at
the head, one near the middle and one with a
section of artillery in the rear. A
company of pioneers preceded the infantry
for the purpose of repairing the roads,
building bridges, &c., &c.
"On this morning, I had preceded the head of the
infantry column and arrived at a point some
five miles from camp, when I found an
unusually bad place in the road and one that
would require considerable time and labor to
render practicable. While halted here
to await the head of the column, I received
a message from General Grierson
that he had encountered a portion of the
enemy's cavalry. In a few minutes more I
received another message from him, saying
the enemy numbered some 600 and were on the
Baldwyn road. That he was
himself at Brice's Cross-Roads and that his
position was a good one and he would hold
it. He was then directed to leave 600
or 700 men at the crossroads, to precede the
infantry on its arrival, on its march
towards Guntown, and with the remainder of
his forces to drive the enemy toward Baldwyn
and there rejoin the main body by way of the
line of the railroad, as I did not intend
being drawn from my main purpose.
Colonel McMillen arrived at this time
and I rode forward toward the cross-roads.
Before proceeding far, however, I sent a
staff officer back directing Colonel
McMillen to move up his advance brigade
as rapidly as possible without distressing
his troops. When I reached the
cross-roads, found nearly all the cavalry
engaged and the battle growing warm, but no
artillery had yet opened on either side.
We had four pieces of artillery at the
cross-roads, but they had not been placed in
position, owing to the dense woods on all
sides and the apparent impossibility of
using them to advantage. Finding,
however, that our troops were being hotly
pressed, I ordered one section to open on
the enemy's reserves. The enemy's
artillery soon replied, and with great
accuracy, every shell bursting over and in
the immediate vicinity of our guns.
"Frequent calls were now made for re-enforcements, but
until the infantry should arrive, I had none
to give Colonel Winslow, 4th
Iowa Cavalry, commanding a brigade and
occupying a position on the Guntown road a
little in advance of the cross-roads, was
especially clamorous to be relieved and
permitted to carry his brigade to the rear.
Fearing that Colonel Winslow
might abandon his position without
authority,
[Pg. 370]
and
knowing the importance of the cross-roads to
us I directed him in case he should be
overpowered, to fall back slowly toward the
cross-roads, thus contracting his line and
strengthening his position. I was
especially anxious on this point because
through some misunderstanding, that I am yet
unable to explain, the cavalry had been
withdrawn without my knowledge from the
left, and I was compelled to occupy the
line, temporarily, with my escort,
consisting of about 100 of the 19th Penn.
Cavalry. This handful of troops under
the gallant Lieut-Colonel
Hess, behaved very handsomely and held
the line until the arrival of the infantry.
About half-past 1 p.m. the infantry began to
arrive. Col. Hodge's
brigade was the first to reach the field and
was placed in position by Colonel
McMillen, when the enemy was driven a
little. General Grierson now
requested authority to withdraw the entire
cavalry as it was exhausted and well nigh
out of ammunition. This I authorized
as soon as sufficient infantry was in
position to permit it and he was directed to
reorganize his command in the rear and hold
it ready to operate on the flanks. In
the mean time I had ordered a section of
artillery to be placed in position on a
knoll near the little bridge, some three or
four hundred yards in the rear, for the
purpose of opposing any attempt of the enemy
to turn our left. I now went to this
point to see that my orders had been
executed and also to give directions for the
management and protection of the
wagon-train. I found the section
properly posted and supported by the 72nd
Ohio Infantry, with two companies thrown
forward as skirmishers, and the whole under
the superintendence of that excellent
officer, Colonel Wilkins, of
the 9th Minn. While here, the
head of the wagon train, which had been
reported still a mile and a half in rear,
arrived. It was immediately ordered
into an open field near where the cavalry
were reorganizing, there to be turned round
and carried farther toward the rear.
The pressure on the right of the line was
now becoming very great and General
Grierson was directed to send a
portion of his cavalry to that point.
At this tune I received a message from
Colonel Hodge that he was
satisfied that the movement on the right was
a feint and that the real attack was being
made on the left. Another section of
artillery was now placed in position a
little to the rear of Colonel
Wilkins, but bearing on the left of our
main line, and a portion of the cavalry was
thrown out as skirmishers. The cavalry
which had been sent to the extreme right
began now to give way, and at the same time
the enemy began to appear in force in rear
of the extreme left, while Colonel
McMillen required re-enforcements in the
centre. I now
endeavored to get hold of the colored
brigade which formed the guard to the train.
While traversing the short, distance to
where the head of that brigade should be
found, the main line began to give way at
various points; order soon gave way to
confusion and confusion to panic. I
sent an aid to Col. McMillen
informing him that I was unable to render
him any additional assistance, and that he
must do all in his power with what he had to
hold his position until I could form a line
to protect his retreat. On reaching
the head of the
[Pg. 371]
supply
train, Lieut-Colonel Hess was
directed to place in position in a wood the
first regiment of colored troops I could
find. This was done and it is due to
those troops to say here that they stood
their ground well and rendered valuable aid
to Colonel McMillen, who was soon
after compelled to withdraw from his
original line and take up new positions in
rear. It was now 5 o'clock P.M.
For seven hours, these gallant officers and
men had held their ground against
overwhelming numbers, but at last
overpowered and exhausted they were
compelled to abandon not only the field, but
many of their gallant comrades who had
fallen to the mercy of the enemy.
Everywhere the army now drifted toward the
rear and was soon altogether beyond control.
I requested General Grierson to
accompany me and to aid in checking the
fleeing column and establishing a new line.
By dint of entreaty and force and the aid of
several officers, whom I called to my
assistance, with pistols in their hands we
at length succeeded in checking some 1200 or
1500 and establishing them in a line of
which Colonel Wilkins, 9th
Minnesota, was placed in command.
About this time it was, reported to me that
Col. McMillen was driving the
enemy. I placed but little faith in
this report, yet disseminated it freely for
the good effect it might produce upon the
troops. In a few minutes, however, the
gallant Colonel McMillen, sad
and disheartened, arrived himself, and
reported his lines broken and in confusion.
The new line under Colonel Wilkins
also gave was' soon after and it was now
impossible to exercise any further control.
The road became crowded and jammed with
troops; the wagons and artillery sinking
into the deep mud became inextricable and
added to the general confusion which now
prevailed. No power could now check or
control the panic-stricken mass as it swept
toward the rear, led off by Colonel
Winslow at the head of his brigade of
cavalry, and who never halted until he had
reached Stubbs', ten miles in rear.
This was the greater pity as his brigade was
nearly, if not entirely, intact, and might
have offered considerable resistance to the
advancing foe. About 10 o'clock P. M.,
I reached Stubbs' in person, where I
found Colonel Winslow and his
brigade. I then informed him that his
was the only organized body of men I had
been able to find, and directed him to add
to his own every possible force he could
rally, as they passed, and take charge of
the rear, remaining in position until all
should have passed. I also in formed
him that on account of the extreme darkness
of the night and the wretched condition of
the road, I had little hope of saving
anything more than the troops, and directed
him therefore to destroy all wagons and
artillery which he might find blocking up
the road and preventing the passage of the
men. In this way about 200 wagons and
14 pieces of artillery were lost, many of
the wagons being burned and the artillery
spiked and otherwise mutilated; the mules
and horses were brought away. By 7
oclock A.M., of the 11th, we had reorganized
at Ripley, and the army presented quite a
respectable appearance, and would have been
able to accomplish an orderly retreat from
that point but for the unfortunate
circumstances that the cartridge boxes were
well
[Pg. 372]
nigh
exhausted. At 7 o'clock the column was
again put in motion on the Salem road, the
cavalry in advance, followed by the
infantry. The enemy pressed heavily on
the rear, and there was now nothing left but
to keep in motion so as to prevent the
banking up of the rear, and to pass all
cross-roads before the enemy could reach
them, as the command was in no condition to
offer determined resistance, whether
attacked in the front or the rear. At
8 o'clock a. m. on the 12th, the column
reached Colliersville, worn out and
exhausted by the fatigues of fighting and
marching for two days and two nights without
rest and without eating. About noon of
the same day a train arrived from Memphis,
bringing some 2.000 infantry, commanded by
Colonel Wolf, and supplies for
my suffering men, and I determined to remain
here until next day for the
purpose of resting and affording protection
to many who had dropped by the wayside,
through fatigue and other causes.
Learning, however, toward evening, that the
commander at White's Station had information
of a large force of the enemy approaching
that place from the southeast, and knowing
that my men were in no condition to offer
serious resistance to an enemy presenting
himself across my line of march, I informed
the general commanding the district, by
telegraph, that I deemed it prudent to
continue my march to White's Station.
Accordingly, at 9 p m., the column marched
again, and arrived at White's Station at
daylight next morning. This report
having already become more circumstantial
than was anticipated, I have purposely
omitted the details of our march from Ripley
to White's Station, as they would extend it
to a tiresome length, but would respectfully
refer you for these to the sub-reports
herewith enclosed. Casualties are as
follows:
"Killed, 223, wounded, 394; missing, 1623; total, 2240.
That our loss was great, is true; yet that
it was not much greater is due in an eminent
degree to the personal exertions of that
model soldier. Col. W. L. McMillen,
of the 95th Ohio Infantry, who commanded the
infantry, and to the able commanders under
him.
"The strength of the enemy is variously estimated by my
most intelligent officers at from 15,000 to
20,000 men. A very intelligent
sergeant who was captured and remained five
days in the hands of the enemy, reports the
number of the enemy actually engaged, to
have been 12,000, and that two divisions of
infantry were held in reserve. It may
appear strange that so large force of the
enemy could be in our vicinity and we be
ignorant of the fact, but the surprise will
exist only in the minds of those who are not
familiar with the difficulty, (I may even
say impossibility) of acquiring reliable
information in the heart of the enemy's
country. Our movements and numbers are
always known to the enemy, because every
woman and child is one of them, but we, as
every body knows who has had any experience
in this war, can only learn the movements of
the enemy and his numbers by actually
fighting for the information; and in that
case the knowledge often comes too late.
"While I will not prolong this already extended report
by recording individual acts of good
conduct, and the names of many brave
officers
[Pg. 373]
and men who
deserve mention, but will respectfully refer
you for these to the reports of division and
brigade commanders, yet I cannot refrain
from expressing my high appreciation of the
valuable services rendered by that excellent
and dashing officer, Col. Joseph
Karge, of the 2nd New Jersey Vols.,
in his reconnoissance to Corinth and his
subsequent management of the rear-guard,
during a part of the retreat, fighting and
defending the rear during one whole
afternoon and throughout the entire night
following.
"To the officers of my staff, Lieut. Col. J. C. Hess,
19th Pa. Cavalry, commanding escort,
Capt. W. C. Rawolle, A. D. C. and A. A.
A. G.; Capt. W. C. Belden, 2nd Iowa
Cavalry, A. D. C.; Lieut. E. Caulkins
7th Indiana Cavalry, A. D. C.; Lieut.
Samuel (name illegible) 19th' Penn.
Cavalry, A. D. C.; Lieut. Dement, A.
A. Q. M.; Lieut. W. H. Stratton, 7th
Ills. Cavalry, A. A. C. S., whose
names appear in no other report, I am
especially grateful, for the promptness and
zeal with which my orders were executed at
all times and often under trying and
hazardous circumstances.
"I am, major, very respectfully your obedient servant,
S.
D. STURGIS
MAJ. W. H. MORGAN,
A. A. G.,
Hdqrs. Dist. West Tenn.,
Memphis, Tenn.
"Amid these scenes we noted the arrival of
95 more men; those who had belonged to a
raid sent from Memphis, Tenn., under command
of General Sturgis, and were attacked and
badly defeated by the rebel
General Forrest, at a place in Mississippi.
General Sturgis is said to
have been intoxicated during the engagement,
and that just as soon as he saw things were
likely to go against him, he turned away
with a portion of his cavalry, and sought to
save himself from capture. - 'Life and
Death in Rebel Prisons.'"
Notwithstanding the arrangements usually and
speedily entered into by two belligerent
powers for the exchange of prisoners of war,
it proved a most difficult task for the
Federal Government to consummate an
arrangement with the confederates, and much
suffering was caused among the prisoners in
the hands of the latter while negotiations
were in progress. The agreement
entered into by the commissioners, after a
long delay, did not anticipate there being
any black soldiers to exchange; nor would
the confederate authorities thereafter allow
the terms of the cartel to apply to the
blacks, because Jefferson Davis
and the confederate Congress regarded it as
an outrage against humanity, and the rules
of civilized warfare to arm the negroes
against their masters.
[Pg. 374]
It was a year after the black soldiers had become a
part of the Union forces before even a quasi
acknowledgment of their rights as prisoners
was noted in Richmond. The grounds
upon which the greatest difficulty lingered
was the refusal of the Federal government at
first to accord belligerent rights to the
confederates but this difficulty was finally
overcome in July, 1862, and the exchange of
prisoners proceeded with until the
confederate authorities refused to count the
black soldiers captured in the
interpretation of the cartel. But the time
arrived when Grant assumed command of
the armies, when it was no longer an open
question, for the confederate Congress began
devising plans for arming the slaves.
However, the inhuman treatment did not cease with
"irresponsible parties," whose conduct was
doubtless approved by the rebel authorities,
Jefferson Davis having
declared General Butler an
outlaw, and committed him and his officers
and black soldiers to the mercy of a
chivalry which affected to regard them as
mercenaries. With this spirit infused
in the confederate army, what else than
barbarity could be expected?
[Pg. 375] - BLANK -
[Pg. 376]
PHALANX REGIMENT RECEIVING ITS FLAGS.
Presentation of colors to the 26 United
States Colored Infantry, Col. Bertram,
in N. Y., March 5th, 1864.
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